










'TAQ-i 






■* ■'-'^' V.*'' :^: V :^': \' 



LIVES 

OF 

ILLUSTRIOUS 

MEN OF AMERICA, 

DISTINGUISHED IN THE ANNALS OP THE REPUBLIC 

AS 

LEGISLATORS, WARRIORS AND PHILOSOPHERS. 

Br 
W. L . B A HR E . 



\ \ 



EMBELLISHED WITH NUMEROUS PORTRAITS. 



' What constitutes a State ? 
Men — high-minded men — 
Men, who their duties know — 
Know too, their rights, and knowing, dare maintain.' 




CINCINNATI: 

W. A. CLARKE, PUBLISHER. 
1859. 






Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1859, by 

W M . A . C L A R K E , 

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, for the Southern 
District of Ohio. 



Stereotyped by Hilla, O'DriscoU & Co., 

141 Main St., Cincinnati. 



PEEFACE. 



In the preparation of this work we have been long, anxiously, 
and laboriously engaged ; the field of research and investigation 
has been extensive and varied. We feel that a just conception 
of the magnitude and responsibility of the undertaking, and 
our own inability to do it full justice has at all times been had. 
Infallibility, therefore, is not claimed for the following pages, 
nor is it supposed that a work of this kind, perfect in all its 
parts, outline and detail, could be expected by the intelligent 
reader. 

Such a performance would require a discrimination more just 
than we presume to possess, — that, in endeavoring to avoid afflict- 
ing the reader with minor detail, would not introduce seemingly 
more important events less relevant to the subject being con- 
sidered, — that in the portraiture of individual character, would 
never sacrifice matter essential to connected historical narration. 
He who attempts it must aspire to excellence not yet attained 
by the most successful delineators of ancient or modern times. 

Neither do we claim to have thrown any great amount of new 
light upon the subjects introduced. To attempt this would be 
assigning to them positions of obscurity belonging to no charac- 
ter in the work. Happily for the student of our country's 
history, the deeds and characters of those connected with the 
rise, progress, and development of the confederacy, are not 

(iii) 



iy PREFACE. 

enshrouded in the mystery of tradition and fable. Prominently 
identified with our civic and political institutions, their names 
have been handed down by historian and biographer, in con- 
nection with great events, indisputable as truth, and lasting as 
memory itself Guiding us with their splendid intellects and 
pure patriotism, through scenes of colonial strife, and the throes 
of a terrible revolution, they organized our duplicate form of 
government, under the wise provisions of which, we have attained 
our present position of renown. No one, then, could be expected 
at this day to be pioneer in bringing before the country the 
deeds of such men, — men who were 

" not for an Age, 

But for all Time." 

Their names and deeds have called into action, and excited to 
emulation abler pens than ours, which have left the student, in 
fullness of detail and purity of diction, records voluminous and 
instructive. We have sought, therefore, from this vast mine of 
mental treasure and national worth to condense into a volume, the 
leading events with which the characters treated of were con- 
nected, and the means by which they made themselves what they 
were. In doing this, while we have made, in every instance, the 
most reliable authorities our guide, reference to corroborative testi- 
mony has been copiously and carefully made. Though different 
biographies of most of the subjects have been at our service, large 
indebtedness is acknowledged to various historians of the country, 
particularly to the standard works of liildreth, Bancroft, and 
Benton. In many instances, to the casual observer, extensive 
reference might seem unnecessary. Take for example the life of 
Clay, comprising several large volumes by Colton : the author 
had belbre him every material fact, — availing himself of 
biographies previously issued of the statesman, and prepared 
the work, for the most part, under his immediate eye. It would 
seem but reasonable, then, to conclude that he had furnished all 
that was essential to be known in regard to his subject. In one 
sense this conclusion might be correct, — but it should be borne 



PREFACE. y 

in mind that biography frequently degenerates into indiscriminate 
eulogy, to prevent which, and effect the removal of erroneous 
impressions, full and elaborate investigation becomes absolutely 
indispensable. While, therefore, in our sketches of Washingion 
and Clay, Irving, Sparks and Colton have been our principal 
guides, deep research into other authorities has been made, and 
in no case has an assertion or opinion been adopted, unless 
deemed fully justified by all the facts at hand. The same 
may be said of the other characters in the work. Pro- 
ceeding in this way it will be readily perceived, that one diffi- 
culty has existed, entirely to overcome which, was utterly 
impossible. The relation of events, of the same data, and 
connected with the same persons, of which numerous authors, 
both historical and biographical, have spoken, in point of fact, 
necessarily involves repetition ; and in a work where condensation 
is and must be a primary feature, enforces frequently the adop- 
tion of the same terms, or those of similar import. The under- 
taking, then, has not been one wholly admissive of strict origin- 
ality of idea, nor in every instance even of diction itself Let, 
for instance, two persons describe a battle, — the description 
will, in the main be alike, or one incorrect, — a third condens- 
ing a report from the two, must evidently use the same facts, 
without that opportunity for variation which space and latitude 
would confer. In the commencement of the work copious 
references were made, which marring greatly the beauty of the 
page, have, to some extent been omitted, taking it for granted 
that the reader must know our information was derived from 
those who preceded us, and assuring him that we have drawn 
only upon sources the most authentic and reliable. 

Though to the various authorities consulted, due weight, 
deferential respect and consideration were given, our own views 
and opinions have not been withheld, but expressed openly and 
frankly. Something, therefore, is claimed for this work more 
than a mere compilation of facts and events thrown hastily to- 
gether without reference to utility, style, or arrangement; — it 
aspires to a vindication of the title page, — Lives of Illustrious 



Vi PREFACE. 

Men of America. We have endeavored to furnish in a form 
attractive as possible, a faithful record of the lives and character- 
istics of our most eminent men, and the leading events with 
which they were connected, — introducing from their own speeches, 
writings, and correspondence, such passages as were thought most 
illustrative of the positions we ventured to assign them, — trench- 
ing upon history and biography for facts forming the connected 
narrative. 

The main object of the work has been to bring together 
accounts of those prominent men of the country who have 
passed off the stage, unincumbered with matters and details of 
secondary importance, the record of which, has heretofore left 
them dispersed in volumes more than thrice the number of the 
characters introduced. The utility of such a work if successfully 
completed, and in the right spirit, will surely be admitted. It 
would embrace within comparatively small compass, and reduce to 
a trifling expense, most that is necessary to be known, — par- 
ticularly by the younger class of readers, — of our leading men, 
which has required an amount of reading few have time to undergo, 
and an outlay still fewer are able or willing to incur. We have 
thus endeavored to bring to every one's door in a cheap and an 
acceptable form, the lives of the illustrious founders of the 
Eepublic, and some of our almost cotemporaries, that he and 
his may ponder their deeds, cherish their virtues, and emulate 
their examples. 

In preparing the w^ork, truth, clearness, and brevity, have been 
at all times kept in view. We have labored faithfully to do each 
impartial justice, without the slightest reference to political pro- 
clivities or personal preference. In doing this, it has sometimes 
been thought proper to differ widely with other authorities upon 
the same subject; — whether discrimination and prudence have 
been observed others must decide. Though anxious to exhibit 
agreeable composition, it is confessed that clearness has been a 
primary consideration, — desiring more to instruct the mind than 
please the ear, — to record facts than disarm ciriticism. The very 
nature of the work has required that we should be brief, — some- 



PREFACE, yii 

times more so than inclination could submit to without reluc- 
tance. No event has been dwelt upon unless thought to possess 
direct bearing upon the subject, or inseparable connection with 
narrative, — nor has any detail been introduced unless deemed 
essential to a correct appreciation of character, or understanding 
of something to which it was directly relevant. 

As to the time during which the men lived of whom these 
pages treat, it was over a century pregnant with more important 
events and results, to America and the world, than any that has 
passed by modern civiHzation. Since the birth of FrankHn 
what has not been accomphshed ? Many of the characters in this 
work never rode on a railroad car, or traveled on a steamboat ; — 
and still more, never received a telegraphic message, nor read a 
paper from a power press. Aside from these considerations, it 
begins with men ruled by the provincial governors of thirteen 
subordinate colonies, follows them through the mightiest war of 
opinion that ever agitated mankind or puzzled monarchy, till 
independence was recognized, — thence to the Federal Con- 
vention which formed the Constitution of the United States, and 
closes with the civic and military heroes through whose efforts 
our last territorial acquisition was effected, — extending our 
limits from the Atlantic to the Pacific. 

We have introduced such men as were deemed most appro- 
priate representatives of the various departments of American 
greatness, — military, executive, legislative, and judicial. Though, 
sometimes, as in the case of Washington and Jackson, Mar- 
shall and Rutledge, the combination of military and execu- 
tive, or legislative and judicial services and talents in the same 
person, has imposed, in one sense a double task, if a character 
has been selected, in view of his higher distinction in a certain 
sphere, he has been considered generally with more exclusive 
reference to that sphere than otherwise. 

In the arrangement of the characters, though chronological 
order has not been wholly lost sight of, it has in some instances 
been sacrificed to what was deemed a more appropriate record 
of events, and an entertaining diversity of matter 



Viii PREFACE. 

We may have subjected ourself to the charge of unjust dis- 
crimination in the selection of the few, from the many names 
forming our national coronet. There may have been those whom 
we have not introduced, who filled wider space in the public eye, 
and took deeper hold upon the people than some others to whom 
we have given place. Upon this point, again, we leave the reader 
to decide. We could not treat of all who have made themselves 
mighty, and rendered imperishable renown, to themselves and 
their country, and trust that the selections may be regarded as 
just and judicious. 

With these introductory remarks, we submit our work, with 
whatever of merit it may possess, to that faithful and unerring 
umpire, — pubhc opinion. W T "R 



CONTENTS. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON U 

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 81 

THOMAS JEFFERSON, 118 

ALEXANDER HAMILTON 169 

JOHN ADAMS 233 

PATRICK HENRY, 282 

NATHANIEL GREENE 306 

^JOHN JAY 334 

FRANCIS MARION 349 

JOSEPH WARREN, 375 

ROBERT MORRIS 387 

/JOHN RUTLEDGE 408 

JOHN MARSHALL, 426 

JAMES MADISON, 453 

JAMES MONROE, 478 

ANDREW JACKSON, 498 

STEPHEN DECATUR, 564 

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, 587 

(ix) 



^ CONTENTS. 

JOHN C. CALHOUN, 625 

OLIVER HAZARD PERRY 660 

S. S. PRENTISS, 671 

SILAS WRIGHT 700 

HENRY CLAY 715 

JOHN RANDOLPH, 776 

^^DANIEL WEBSTER, 811 

WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, 855 

JAMES K. POLK, 871 

ZACHARY TAYLOR 886 



LIVES 



OF 



ILLUSTEIOUS MEN OF AMERICA. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

The family-name of Washington can be traced through a long 
line of ancestry. It is found upon the English Archives as far 
back as the thirteenth century. The "Washingtons were honored 
and respected residents of England, filling various offices of trust 
and importance, until the civil war between Cromwell and the 
Stuarts resulted in a temporary overthrow of the British monarchy 
and the establishment of the Protectorate. 

Possessing a preference for deeds of chivalry in the field, to the 
more quiet duties of civil station, they enlisted in the cause of the 
Stuarts until they were driven from the throne. Their identifica- 
tion with his opponents, and the signal services rendered by them 
in the royal cause, so soon as he was firmly enough established 
in power to exercise it,incurred the vengeance of Cromwell. To 
avoid the persecution that followed the dethronement of their 
legitimate Sovereign, many royal adherents were induced to seek 
shelter in foreign lands. 

To such, the young colonies of America, over which the Pro- 
tector had asserted no jurisdiction, ofiered a home, and became 
the asylum of many noble Englishmen. Among those of note 
who thus came to this country, was John Washington. 

He settled in Westmoreland county, Yirginia, and engaged in 
agricultural pursuits : was successful as an extensive planter, and 

(11 ) 



12 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

eventually selected as a Colonel of Virginia militia against the 
Indians. He finally became a member of the House of Bur- 
gesses, and so distinguished himself in every capacity, the citi- 
zens, through admiration of his services, transferred his name to 
the parish of which he was a resident. 

His son, Lawrence, married, and had three children, the 
youngest of whom, Augustine, was the father of our "Washing- 
ton. Augustine married twice and had quite a numerous off- 
spring. The maiden name of his second wife, was Mary Ball, 
forever honored, as the mother of George Washington. The 
issue of this last marriage, were six children, the eldest of whom 
was George. 

George Washington, the oldest of the six children, by this 
second marriage, was born on the 22d day of February, 1732, in 
Westmoreland county, Virginia. Of his fatlier, though much has 
been said in regard to the paternal solicitude he felt for his chil- 
dren, and many incidents related of the methods he adopted to 
impress their minds with virtuous precepts, there is really little 
known. Yet, that he was a man possessing those elevated ideas, 
characteristic of the Washington family, there is no room to ques- 
tion. It is evident that George was not of sufficient age to profit 
much from any instructions he may have received from his father, 
who died before he attained his twelfth year. His circumstances, 
at the time of his death, were those best calculated to insure the 
happiness of his children. He left them sufficient means, with 
judicious management, to become valuable citizens, deprived 
of nothing requisite to their advancement, but not enough to 
meet the wants of prodigal extravagance engendered by idleness 
and inactivity. 

Young Washington was left, at the age of eleven years, to the 
care of his mother, who, bowed under the affliction of her hus- 
band's death, assumed the responsibilities of directing the moral 
and intellectual culture of five children, and the entire superin- 
tendence of unsettled domestic affairs. 

This excellent woman, anxious that they should be of service 
to their countiy, would gather her children around the domestic 
hearth, and inculcate those lessons of morality, best calculated to 
make useful and lasting impressions. 

This maternal tuition sank deep into the mind of George, as 
clearly manifest from his subsequent career, wherein, notwith- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 13 

Standing the excitements incident to its eventful vicissitudes, he 
never once deviated from the path of honor. The reverence in 
which he hekl his mother's memory, when in the midst of his suc- 
cesses, the world's gaze was riveted upon him, shows he appre- 
ciated full well her early devotion. As a result of this parental 
solicitude, he possessed in childhood a scrupulous love of trutli, 
nothing could corrupt, and the warmest filial affection. Many 
incidents have been related illustrating these traits of his boyhood, 
showing that, when aware of violating parental injunction, he pre- 
ferred a frank confession, at the risk of incurring their displeasure, 
to the hypocrisy of denial and concealment. On such occasions, 
much as his parents would regret the trivial loss sustained by 
his thoughtlessness, they had too much good sense to censure 
rashly their noble boy, when the result might be to dim the 
potent fire of truth in his breast, which, if preserved, would 
illume the pathway of his life. 

Of Washington's early education, in consequence of the inefii- 
cient facilities of the country, for any very great progress in the 
various departments of science and literature, but little can be 
said. From a teacher of common schools, whose attainments 
extended no further than the branches of an ordinary English ^ 
course, he derived all the assistance he received, in the pursuit 
of knowledge. He possessed an active, vigorous mind ; and in 
circumstances ftivorable to its expansion, he would doubtless have 
reached a position among the scholastic celebrities of the world, 
commensurate with the one he attained among her civic and 
military heroes. Among the traditional incidents of his school- 
days, are many exhibiting inherent military propensities, charac- 
teristic of his ancestry. We are told that he would marshal his 
companions into miniature armies, with the gravity of a veteran 
tactitian, and fight mock battles with as much animation, as 
though imperial destinies were dependent upon the issue. For 
those manly exercises that tend to develop the muscular system, 
such as running, jumping, wrestling and lifting heavy weights, 
he also is said to have had great fondness, and to compete for 
the mastery with his juvenile friends, as though an Olympic 
crown were to wreathe the brow of the victor. 

He had strong partiality for mathematics, and after master- 
ing the principles of arithmetic, commenced the more difficult 
branches of geometry and surveying. To these studies he applied 



14 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

himself witli great care and diligence, and in the solution of their 
problems, subjected his mind to a rigid discipline, well calculated 
to strengthen and enlarge its naturally strong analytical powers. 
Aside from his preference for this branch of science, he no doubt 
had decided to devote himself to surveying, which from the vast 
amount of unsurveyed territory in the colony, was then a highly 
profitable and honorable business to those having the requisite 
qualifications. 

But the most distinguishing trait of Washington's boyhood, was 
an elevated moral principle, that proves him in advance of his 
years, in a correct appreciation of proper and fixed rules of action. 
Impressed at the age of thirteen with the solid qualities of maturer 
manhood, and convinced of the importance of a consistent course, 
he drew up a system of rules regulative of his conduct in com- 
pany and conversation, which are not excelled in sentiment by 
the maxims of Seneca. Among these rules are the following, 
which indicate clearly his judgment, and depth of moral inclina- 
tion : 

"Associate yourself with men of good quality, if you esteem 
your own reputation: for it is better to be alone than in bad 
company. 

"Wherein you reprove another, be unblamable yourself: for 
example is more prevalent than precept. 

"Speak not evil of the absent: for it is unjust. 

"Labor to keep alive in your breast that little spark of celestial 
fire, called Conscience." 

These rules, fifty seven in number, embracing, as they do, the 
very essence of moral refinement, evince very exalted ideas for a 
schoolboy of his age. 

Wliile engaged in his studies, Lawrence Washington, his half- 
brolher, the eldest of the family by the first marriage, returned 
from the West India war, where he had won some distinction as 
Lieutenant under Admiral Yernon, and entertaining strong mili- 
tary preferences himself, was anxious for George to join the Eng- 
lish navy. He communicated this design to his young brother, 
who, instead of being averse to it, was dazzled with the idea of 
gratifying his martial inclinations, as midshipman on board a 
British man-of-war. This scheme, however, though fully matured, 
was thwarted by the interposition of his mother, who dissuaded 
liim from embarking. Washington's filial love prompted him to 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 15 

forego the anticipated pleasure and fame of a naval voyage, and, 
almost with tears in his eyes, to abandon his midshipman honors, 
for the more quiet but honorable duties of surveying. Thus, by 
the influence of this good woman, the destinies of her son, doubt- 
less those of America, were changed for all coming time. Our 
country knows full well its obligations to Mary Washington. 

His projected naval pursuits being finally abandoned, he be- 
came a member of the family of Lawrence Washington, who 
resided at his estate on the Potomac, which, in honor of his old 
commander, he called Mount Yernou, — a name consecrated in 
American annals. 

Immediately after this change of residence, in view of the con- 
fidence in his ability as a surveyor, with which he had inspired 
Lord Fairfax, an English nobleman of great wealth, who owned 
extensive, but unsurveyed land estates, in the Allegheny val- 
leys, he was selected by that nobleman to survey these lands 
into parcels, afiixing to each its proper boundary. 

Washington had just entered his seventeenth year when he set 
out on this surveying expedition, among the uninhabited and 
sterile rocks of the Alleghenies. Crossing the lofty mountains, 
capped with snow, he entered a wilderness hitherto almost unseen 
by the eye of civilization, where, with no shelter but that fur- 
nished by nature, amid melting snows and bleak mountain rains, 
retarded in his operations by swollen streams, rocky crags, and 
swamps, he and his party endured the severest privations. 

By unwearied application, however, he surmounted every 
obstacle, and acquitted himself of the perilous task to the entire 
satisfaction of his employer. It was while engaged in these 
almost frontier duties, that he, for the first time, had an opportu- 
nity of becoming somewhat familiarized with the manners and 
customs of the Indians, against whom he was destined to win 
some military distinction. After the completion of this engage- 
ment, he was appointed public surveyor ; to the duties of which 
post he devoted himself, with incessant energy, for the period of 
three years. During this time, clambering mountain crags, 
penetrating marshy swamps, and measuring the unsettled wilder- 
ness, he was subjected to every conceivable exposure. 

When we reflect that his circumstances in life did not necessi- 
tate him to undergo these hardships, and that it was the result of 
a love of business, and a determined will to make himself useful. 



IQ QEOKGE WASHINGTON. 

to his coiintiy, we must accord to his industry the highest com- 
mendation. 

Through the influence of his brother Lawrence and Lord Fair- 
fax, both of whom entertained for him the strongest attach- 
ment, Washington, at the age of nineteen, was appointed, by 
the Virginia House of Burgesses, military inspector, and received 
the rank of Major. Under this commission, in view of the war- 
like tone of the French and Lidians against the frontier, it became 
his duty to take charge of the militia within tlie limits of his 
jurisdiction, and use every precautionary measure necessary to 
counteract the threatened encroachments. While in this position, 
upon which duties he entered with alacrity, as the field promised 
fair for the exercise of his martial spirit, he sailed with his 
brother for Barbadoes, whither he went for the purpose of recruit- 
ing his health. During this brief voyage, he made many obser- 
vations, and gathered much practical information. Returning to 
Virginia, after an absence of four months, he resumed the con- 
genial duties of his office with unremitted energy, until the 
arrival and death of his brother Lawrence made it incumbent 
upon him to settle the afiairs of his estate, which produced a 
temporary relaxation from official labor. 

Henceforth, Washington must be considered in a public ca- 
pacity, exercising incalculable influence over the destinies of 
America, — lending his aid and his counsel in the field and the 
cabinet, with a power and weight that knew no competition. 

We are now about entering the first of those eventful periods 
that crimsoned Colonial soil with blood, and developed the 
talents and energy of Washington equal to his immortal des- 
tiny. 

The hostile demonstrations of the French and Indians changing 
from threats to open warfare, they invaded Ohio, and commenced 
the erection of fortifications. The object of this invasion was to 
suppress the rising growth of the Colonies, and to wrest fi'om 
England a portion of her newly-acquired possessions, to which 
she asserted her claim by virtue of freaties, but which the French 
claimed by right of pre-discovery. As soon as information of 
these movements reached Williamsburg, Washington was dis- 
patched, by Governor Dinwiddle, as commissioner, to confer with 
the French commander, and demand the right whereby he pre- 
sumed to enter the provincial borders with hostile intentions. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 17 

Washington departed fi-om Williamsburg in October, 1753, on 
this perilous mission of diplomacy, with instructions to visit the 
Indian settlements on the Ohio river, and thence to proceed, with 
an Indian escort, to the headquarters of the French army, and, 
in the king's name, demand satisfaction. After a wearisome 
journey through a rough, unimproved country, he reached the 
Indian settlements, and, according to instructions, convened their 
principal chiefs, and, through his interpreter, disclosed the object 
of his mission. He was kindly received by the sachems, who, 
instead of manifesting enmity toward the whites, expressed, a 
strong desire to maintain amicable relations. 

His demand for an Indian escort being readily complied with, 
Washington hastened on to the French garrison, where he arrived, 
without any occurrence worthy of note, on the fortieth day after 
his departure from Williamsburg. 

He was kindly received by the French coxnraander, St. Pierre, 
who, from accounts, was a man of some refinement and soldier- 
like qualities. Washington gave him the letter from Governor 
Dinwiddle, wherein was set forth the Colonial claim to the lauds 
he had invaded, and the reasons assigned for insisting upon a 
speedy witlidrawal of his troops. This letter elicited courteous 
consideration, and a reply re-asserting the French claim, by occu- 
pancy, to the territory in question, and a positive, though digni- 
fied refusal to withdraw his army, without orders trom Duquesne, 
Governor of Canada. This reply, Washington was directed to 
deliver to Governor Dinwiddle, and was, in one sense, equivalent 
to a formal declaration of war. 

The object of his mission being accomplished, having conferred 
with the Indians, and acquainted himself with the number of 
the French troops and the extent of their fortifications, and nego- 
tiations being broken off by the refusal of St. Pierre to evacuate 
the disputed territory, Washington prepared to return to Wil- 
liamsburg. But winter having set in with rigorous severity, he 
found it next to impossible to travel on horseback. His horses, 
therefore, were dispatched to Venango, Avhither he and his party 
proceeded in a canoe, well stored with provisions furnished by 
the French commander. 

On reaching Yenango, he found his horses in a condition 
wholly unfit for use, and, with but one companion, his gun on 
his shoulder and knapsack on his back, he proceeded, on foot,. 
2 



18 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

across the mountains, arriving at his destination on the 16th of 
January, after an absence of eleven weeks. 

This return of Washington from the French camp to Williams- 
burg, is replete with suffering, toil, and narrow escapes from the 
Indians and swollen streams. He was not one of those, who, 
"having eyes see not, and ears hear not," when engaged in 
travel or important transactions ; but, with an observation 
acutely perceptive, he kept a correct journal of all that occurred 
during his embassy, which, for its valuable information, was pub- 
lished on his return, and subsequently re-issued in London. On 
his return, his journal and letter from the French commander 
were laid before the Governor's council, who, without awaiting 
the convention of the House of Burgesses, took immediate steps 
to raise two companies of volunteers, and, by their unanimous 
voice, selected Washington for their commander-in-chief. 

One of these companies, under the command of Captain Trent, 
proceeded to the Ohio, for the purpose of building a fort at the 
forks of that river, — a spot formerly designated by Washington 
for that purpose. 

The rendezvous of Washington was at Alexandria, where he 
remained for some time in comparative inactivity. The delib- 
erations of the Assembly, which had convened in the meantime, 
resulted in nothing more than difference of opinion among mem- 
bers, and an entire failure to furnish recruits, or other requisites 
essential to a vigorous prosecution of the campaign. 

But, as the danger increased, and the hostile spirit of the 
French became manifest in overt acts of violence, the state of 
things assumed a more alarming aspect, and efficient steps were 
taken for the prosecution of the war. In response to the Gov- 
ernor's proclamation, which promised great rewards, in the shape 
of bounty lands, to all who would join the army, for a sparsely 
inhabited colony, whose militia had never before been called into 
requisition against a civilized foe, the enlistment of Virginia 
recruits went on with tolerable success. Some of the other Colo- 
nies, following the example of Virginia, voted men and money to 
meet the emergency, so that by spring, the army had increased 
to six companies. 

These were placed under the command of Colonel Fry, a gen- 
tleman whose polished manners and mental discipline may have 
suited the walks of private life, but were of little avail in the field 



GEOEGE WASHINGTON. 19 

of pioLieer warfare. "Washington, still holding the rank of Colo- 
nel, broke up his head-quarters at Alexandria, in April, and pro- 
ceeded into the interior, to a little stream called Will's Creek. 
Before arriving at that point, however, he learned that Captain 
Trent's advance division had been surprised by a detachment of 
French troops and taken prisoners. On receiving this intelli- 
gence, notwithstanding the critical extremity in which he found 
himself at Will's Creek, with no barrier between him and the 
enemy's outposts, he boldly resolved to push forward, pierce the 
woods of the Monongahela, open the road for the main forces, 
and erect fortifications. 

While engaged in this toilful march, wherein his progress was 
impeded at almost every step by dense forests, miry swamps, or 
mountain spurs, information was received through his scouts, of 
the vicinity of a body of French troops, whose maneuvers indi- 
cated an attack. 

Upon this intelligence, which was soon after corroborated by 
another scout, Washington marched with dispatch to an open 
glade, watered by a small creek, and surrounded by gradually 
sloping hills. This glade, fi-om its extreme levelness and abun- 
dant grass, was called Great Meadows, distinguished as the place 
of Washington's first military engagement, and where in reality 
commenced the seven years' French and Indian war. 

Here he made some hasty preparations of defense, and kept 
his scouts on the alert, to ascertain the proximity of the foe, re- 
solved, at the first opportunity, to give battle. From his active 
spies he soon learned that a body of French troops, under the 
command of M. de Jumonville, was obscurely concealed among 
the rocks at no great distance from the camp. Washington im- 
mediately prepared for an encounter; placing himself at the 
head of his men on the right, and the Indians on the left, he took 
his line of march, single file, toward their retreat. 

On seeing these movements, the French put themselves in a 
position of defense, and a brisk discharge of musketry ensued 
from both sides, which continued for some time. Their com- 
mander and several of their men being killed, the enemy ceased 
firing and yielded the day. At this victory, in which he took 
several prisoners, Washington was much elated, and in his first 
dispatch to Governor Dinwiddle, is said to have described it in 
glowing terms. 



20 GEOKGE WASHINGTON. 

But while his little army was making these exertions in the 
field, the Assembly, actuated by a parsimonious spirit unaccount- 
able in a legislative body, upon the eve of so great a crisis, cur- 
tailed the pay allowed the officers and soldiers of the army, which 
was before insufficiently remunerative for services so perilous and 
important. This measure was received by the army with mur- 
murs, and followed by threats of resignation from the most valu- 
able officers, which was only prevented by the influence of their 
commander, who, although far from justifying the course of the 
Assembly, appealed to their love of country, and inspired them 
with a part of his own high ideas of duty. In his letters to the 
Governor, he denounced, in the strongest terms, the low estimate 
placed upon the army, by the reduction of its before pitiable 
allowance, but says of himself, did his circumstances permit, he 
would prefer serving as a volunteer without pay, as the honor of 
serving his country was his main incentive. This lofty senti- 
ment, which no other could have infused into his soldiers, carried 
Washington triumphant through the Revolution. 

Colonel Fry having died shortly after the affair of M. de Ju- 
monville, he was superseded in the chief command by Washing- 
ton, who, apprehending an attack from the main French army 
stationed at Fort Duquesne, commenced the erection of a fort at 
Great Meadows, which, when completed, was called Fort Neces- 
sity. Leaving this rude fortress in the command of Captain 
McKay with a guard of two hundred men, Washington pushed 
on with the main army, hewing the wayfor his munitions and bag- 
gage through mountain-passes and wild forests, toward the Mon- 
ongahela. 

Arriving at a place called Gist's settlements, a distance of thir- 
teen miles from Fort Necessity, which, from the difficulties on 
the route, it took as many days to accomplish, he learned the 
French army had been largely reinforced and was preparing to 
march against him. In this extremity he sent orders to Captain 
McKay to join him, with his command, with all possible dis- 
patch, which were complied with. 

But when this reinforcement arrived, learning that the sti'ength. 
of the French was much greater than at first supposed, he resolved 
to retrace his steps, fall back upon Fort ISTecessity, and await the 
approach of the enemy. 

Reaching the fort after much suffering, the jaded troops were 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 21 

set to work strengthening it with iutrenchments and breastworks, 
encouraged by the presence and spirited example of their com- 
mander, who well knew the pressing occasion, allowed no time 
for repose. While engaged in these preparations, information 
was brought by his scouts, that the enemy, nine hundred sti-ong, 
were within a short distance, advancing upon his position. In a 
few hours, the advance columns of the French and Indians ap- 
peared before the fort, and commenced a random fire, at a dis- 
tance too great to do much execution. Supposing this a species 
of strategy to which they resorted, to allure his men from their 
position, Washington ordered them to reserve their fire, until a 
nearer approach would render it effective ; but seeing no disposi- 
tion of the foe to advance, he changed his tactics, and instructed 
them to fire at discretion. 

All day the rain fell in torrents, and rendered the arms of the 
men unfit for use, and the enemy being protected by a rising 
ground and clumps of trees, of which they took advantage to 
screen themselves after discharging their own pieces, the fire of 
the Americans did little execution. The battle was continued in 
this way for several hours, when the French proposed a cessation 
for the purpose of considering terms of. a surrender of the fort. 
Washington, knowing the perfidious nature of his foes, at first 
supposed this a stratagem, for the purpose of ascertaining the 
strength of his position, and rejected the proposal. Being con- 
vinced, however, of their sincerity, the firing ceased on both 
sides, for the purpose of arranging preliminaries of agreement, 
which were finally adjusted, and signed by the respective parties. 
The most important items of this capitulation, guaranteed an 
unmolested departure of the American troops from the fort, 
with all their baggage, and the honors of war, and obligated 
them to release the prisoners taken in the action of Great 
Meadows, 

Washington now retired to Will's Creek, where provisions 
were stored sufiicient to relieve the wants of his weakened army, 
and thence proceeded to Williamsburg, and laid before the Gov- 
ernor and his Council an account of his campaign, which had 
been conducted with such discretion, prudence and patriotism, 
that he received the plaudits of the people, and a vote of thanks 
from their representatives. Soon after these events, the army 
was increased to one thousand men, but entirely crippled in its 



22 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

operations by the establishment of an independent regiment sys- 
tem, adopted by the Assembly upon the recommendation of Gov- 
ernor Dinwiddle, who was entirely ignorant of military afiairs. 
By the working of this unwise arrangement, Washington lost 
his Colonel's commission, and was expected to serve as Captain 
of one of the regiments, subordinate to those who had served 
under him in former campaigns ; whereupon, seeing no concert 
of action, or prospect of being able to achieve any good for his 
country, he left the army, conscious of having endeavored to per- 
form his duty. 

He remained an inactive, though not an inattentive observer 
of military operations, as directed by Governor Sharp of Mary- 
laud, who had succeeded to the command, until the arrival of 
General Braddock, from England, with two regiments of British 
regulars, for the American service. General Braddock, though 
a man of some capacity as a commander, was so arrogant and 
presumptuous, that the high hopes entertained of a speedy ter- 
mination of the war were soon blighted, and nothing characterized 
his campaign but ruin and disaster. 

lie arrived in the spring of 1754, and requested Washington, 
with protestations of esteem, which, if felt, were afterward not 
respected, to attach himself to his staff and assist in the struggle. 
Aware of Braddock's inability to grant him a commission he 
would accept, and being sufficiently patriotic to serve his country 
as a private in her armies, he complied with the request, and 
volunteered as aid-de-camp. 

General Braddock's army, collected at Will's Creek, where it 
was some time detained, procuring means of transporting the bag- 
gage and munitions into the interior; Washington was commis- 
sioned to Williamsburg, to procure funds to defray the expenses 
of the expedition. On his return to camp he was consulted as to 
the line of march, and in accordance with his opinion, the army 
proceeded in two divisions, the front under the command of Gen- 
eral Braddock, and the rear under Colonel Dunbar, lie also 
urged, with emphasis, the importance of sending Indian scouts 
in advance of the main army, to avoid the danger of ambuscades ; 
this advice was disregarded, and the friendly Indians, whose 
fidelity and knowledge of the woods and defiles through which 
they must pass, had been tried, were so contemptuously treated, 
they left the army. The cautionary character of Washington, as 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 23' 

ehown in his strict vigilance to prevent surprise and accidents, 
stamps his whole military career. 

Soon after the army commenced its march, Washington was 
taken severely ill ; and deprived of his prudent advice, it pro- 
ceeded leisurely toward Fort Duquesne, without sentinels or 
guards, and more resembled a caravan of merchants ou a trading 
expedition, than a disciplined body of soldiers going to capture 
a hostile fort. He recovered of his illness and rejoined the army, 
on the evening of the 8th of March, when they were within a few 
miles of the fort, just in time to urge advice, a compliance with 
which would have prevented the slaughter at Monongahela the 
ensuing day. Understanding well the nature of the country, 
and the cunning of the enemy, he begged General Braddock to 
send active scouts through the defiles, to ascertain whether any 
lurking foe was concealed for their interception. These entreaties, 
though obviously important, were received with contempt by the 
General, who being used to marshal his troops on the level fields 
of Flanders, against practised veterans, despised the children 
of the wilderness, over whom he expected an easy victory, and 
marched on, heedless of all admonitions of caution, to the Mon- 
ongahela. 

On the morning of the 9th, after the sun had risen, the army 
was put in motion, and the passage of the river commenced. Pro- 
ceeding in good order, they reached the opposite bank, and, after 
a momentary halt, resumed their line of march, in two divisions, 
through the thick woods and ravines. Washington, it is said, as 
he looked at the soldiers, with their arms and uniforms glittering 
in the sun, inspirited with the hope of a speedy entrance into 
Fort Duquesne, felt his bosom swell with pride and animation. 
The front division of the army, under General Gage, commenced 
the ascent of the hill, and proceeded, though ignorant of the fact, 
into the very jaws of death. Reaching a position, where the 
ground was elevated on the right and covered with thick woods, 
and filled with ravines on the left, a terrific discharge of mus- 
ketry from unseen foes, poured from all sides upon them, and 
mowed them down by scores. Panic stricken, they turned in the 
utmost consternation to retrace their steps ; but scarce had they 
begun this broken retreat, when they were met in the strait by 
General Braddock, who with the rear division was hastening to 
their relief. The confusion that followed this collision was terri- 



24 GEOEGE WASHINGTON. 

ble. Compressed in a dei>se mass, smTonnded by a mimerous 
and hidden foe, who poured upon them an incessant fire with 
deliberate and deadly aim, the slang-hter was immense. In this 
way, for hours, they remained in this mountain slaughter-pen, 
turning in confused evolutions, between the streams of death that 
blazed from the wood and ravines, and piled them in heaps at 
every discharge, without being able to see their murderous foe. 
So stupefied and bereft of their senses were the men from the first 
discharge, that instead of thinking of escape, in vain endeavors 
to form themselves into platoons, they wheeled from one side to 
the other, and fell by hundreds without firing an effective sliot. 
After withstanding this galling fire for hours, and many of their 
companions were cut down, they broke and fled, in indiscriminate 
confusion. 

Washington and his brave Yirginians, who from the first 
adopted the Indian mode of fight, fired, every man for himself, 
from behind the trees, doing the only execution that in the least 
annoyed the enemy. He exposed himself, with heroic daring, in 
the thickest of the fight, and made several hairbreadth escapes, 
while men were falling all around him. Bullets passed through 
his clothes, and he is said to have had two horses killed under him. 

By his cool courage and discretion, he preserved the lives of 
his valued rangers, and was enabled to cover the retreat of the 
remnant of Braddock's army, less than half of which, chagrined, 
wounded and covered with shame, recrossed the river that, a few 
hours before, they passed with such confidence, discipline and 
pride. Of eighty-six ofiicers belonging to the army, sixty-three 
are said to have been killed, or mortally wounded, among whom 
was General Braddock : over seven hundred privates fell in the 
engagement. 

The loss of the enemy was less than forty, all told. Such a 
fearful carnage and waste of blood has few parallels in history. 
Washington, with the horses and wagons belonging to Colonel 
Dunbar's rear division, unannoyed by the enemy (who, like vul- 
tures at their prey, instead of pursuing, hovered over the slaugh- 
ter-field of Monougahela), conveyed the wounded, as best he could, 
to Fort Necessity. 

Here, filled with chagrin and mortification, Braddock soon 
died of his wounds, according to Washington all praise for his 
bravery, and admitting the great wisdom of the advice he bo 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 25 

contemptuously rejected the evening previous to the battle. "Well 
he might. His grand army, which, had this advice been taken, 
would have been masters of Duquesne, mouldered at Monouga- 
hela, a mournful monument to his arrogance. General Braddock 
was buried near the fort ; and the army, with the loss of its bag- 
gage, which occurred soon after, proceeded to Fort Cumberland, 
whence, after a short repose, sick and depressed, Washington 
returned to Mount Yernon. 

The campaign of General Braddock, resulted disastrously to 
every thing connected with it, except the fame of Washington, 
which thenceforth shone with brightest luster. The Assembly, 
for carrying on the war, voted larger supplies of both men and 
money ; and, indeed, the unexampled distress and consternation 
that followed the defeat of General Braddock, made this step im- 
peratively necessary. Washington, having proved himself the 
most efficient officer they had during previous operations, now 
received the most pressing solicitation to rejoin the army, and 
assume the chief command of the Virginia troops. 

His experience in military affairs had developed a considerable 
sacrifice of his private funds, and sad inroads upon his constitu- 
tion, vigorous as it was ; yet, ardently attached to his country, 
and anxious to render her service, he complied with the request, 
and accepted the command. Washington took up head-quarters 
at Winchester, whence, after putting his men in a situation for 
duty, and making an estimate of available forces, he went the 
rounds of the various military posts to see their condition, and 
put them in a state of defense. While performing this service, 
he received intelligence that the Indians had made an incursion 
into the settlements and were laying every thing waste, which 
induced him to return to their protection. 

Washington, on assuming the command, devoted himself first 
to remodeling the militia laws, which were sadly defective, and 
finally succeeded in getting them so formed, that by legal pro- 
cess, proper penalties could be enforced for mutiny and desertion. 
After the adoption of these measures, he took a journey to Boston 
and New York, wdiere, his fame having preceded him, he was 
treated with marked deference and respect. In New York, while 
a guest of Mr. Robinson, he is said to have been smitten by a 
young lady of great beauty sojourning at the same house, and 
remained there until duty called him to his post. 



26 GEOEGE WASHINGTON. 

Returning to "Williamsburg, he devoted himself with energy to 
the service, and made active preparations for carrying on the 
war. In the summer the army was augmented, and having re- 
established himself at Winchester, he kept his men on the alert 
to protect the inhabitants from the Indians, who were visiting 
ruin and death throughout the settlements. During that spring 
and summer, the distressing condition of the country presented 
a spectacle sufficient to chill the blood of anchorites. Houses 
were burned, and families driven for refuge to the mountains ; 
mothers were butchered and their babes left upon their dead 
bosoms; fathers and brothers were shot in the fields, and left 
unburied, a prey to vultures ; the brow of beauty was cleft by 
Indian hatchets, or left to wither in orphanage, at their more 
brutal touch. 

Against this state of things, Washington was regarded as the 
main support. Deploring the miseries of his country, he says, 
in a letter to a friend, "I could ofier myself a willing sacrifice 
to the butchering foe, provided that would contribute to the peo- 
ple's ease." 

In the meantime the shafts of slander and detraction were not 
idle. Chiefly through the agency of Colonel Innes, who had 
been elevated to position through the partiality of Governor Din- 
widdle, and who was envious of Washington's growing fame, 
glaring falsehoods were industriously circulated against him, 
with a view of inducing the people to believe all their suffer- 
ings originated through his negligence and inability to conduct 
the war. 

But, as sooner or later is the case of all vile traducers of inno- 
cence or true worth, the charges recoiled upon the originators with 
fearful effect, and Washington remained the idol of the people. 

During the defensive operations of the present summer and fall, 
which were confined to the erection of fortifications and frequent 
Indian skirmishes, Washington was almost paralyzed by the im- 
becility of the Governor, and directions from the Assembly, that 
were in direct contrariety; and finally, seeing the utter hopeless- 
ness of accomplishing any good results, while thus crippled, he 
resolved to await the arrival of Lord Loudon, from England, who 
was expected to assume the direction of affairs. 

On his arrival in Philadelphia, Washington repaired thither, 
and urged before the convention of provincial Governors, who 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 27 

had been called together for the purpose of planning a successful 
campaign, the importance of a vigorous expedition against Fort 
Duquesne, which had all along been the general rendezvous of 
the enemy. 

Before the commencement of active operations, Washington, 
in compliance with his physician's advice, retired to Mount Yer- 
non, where, soon after, he was prostrated by a fever of the most 
malignant type, that confined him to his house for several months. 

His school of preparation had been a severe one ; his only 
remuneration was a place first in the hearts of his countrymen, 
which he ever after maintained, and will, until the name of 
America is lost in the hour of final doom. 

In the winter of 1758, Governor Dinwiddle, whose total ignor- 
ance, of military matters had caused numerous difficulties, from 
the commencement of the war, took his unregretted departure for 
England, and was superseded by Lord Loudon. 

Under the direction of William Pitt, who succeeded to the 
British Ministry, and was years afterward chief controller of Eng- 
land's finance, an expedition was planned against Fort Duquesne, 
and the command given to General Forbes ; while the expenses of 
the war were, in the future, to be met by the English treasury. 

New hope was now infused into the minds of the dejected peo- 
ple ; the army, greatly increased, was united to the regular troops 
nnder General Forbes, and every thing put in readiness for the 
projected enterprise. 

Washington, who still held chief command of the Virginia 
forces, having regained his health, joined the army with buoyant 
hope, and under more favorable auspices than he had yet wit- 
nessed. Llis favorite measures had all been adopted, and he 
readily foresaw the happy results of these systematic operations. 

After a conference with the Quarter-master General, he assem- 
bled his men, drilled them to proper discipline, and in compliance 
with orders marched to Fort Cumberland. General Forbes, for 
the purpose of reaching the enemy, resolved to open a new road 
through the Alleghenies, and proceed with his army in two divi- 
sions ; both of which intentions Washington strenuously opposed, 
and urged, though without avail, the importance of pursuing the 
beaten route Braddock had taken across the Monongahela. Had 
these suggestions been heeded, the result would have been a 
speedy capture of the fortress, almost without the loss of life; 



28 GEOKGE WASHINGTON. 

for the French, emboldened by the success of their predatory 
parties, were so scattered into fragmentary squads, through the 
country, that no more than a thousand soldiers could have been 
concentrated in time to make head against General Forbes' army 
of five times that number. 

But, while consuming time in the slow process of opening a 
new road through woods and mountain gorges, the enemy, if 
actively on the alert, could have availed themselves of the time, 
to so reinforce their garrison, as to present more formidable 
resistance. 

After weeks and months had been spent in incessant labor, 
upon the preparation of a route, during which, one entire detach- 
ment was cut to pieces by the Indians, and much useless labor 
incurred, the advance party had accomplished a distance of forty 
miles, with General Forbes and the main army confined in the 
rear, when they could have been conquerors of Fort Duquesne. 

Washington, however, notwithstanding his opposition to the 
manner in which the expedition was being conducted, with char- 
acteristic devotion, rendered all the assistance of which he was 
capable, and was gratified to find importance attached to his 
counsels, by the General, who sought them on all occasions. 

The army, on commencing its march, being separated into two 
divisions, Washington, at his own urgent request, was placed in 
the front ranks, actuated doubtless by a desire to guard efiectually 
against a Braddock disaster. They proceeded with due caution, 
and at length reached the fort, which they found almost destroyed, 
and deserted by the French and Indians, who had fied at the first 
sign of danger. 

Thus General Forbes, at the head of five thousand men, had 
been several months hewing a new road through the mountains, 
to capture an undefended fort, when a few weeks' time, along the 
old route, as Washington suggested, would have accomplished 
the same result. Fort Duquesne being taken, a small force was 
stationed there to prevent its re-occupancy by the eneraj^, and its 
name was changed to Fort Pitt, in honor of the Prime Minister. 

Thus ended a war of seven years, replete with mismanage- 
ment, and conducted contrary to the suggestions of Washington 
throughout, and whose history is full of suffering and wretched- 
ness. Passing the fiery ordeal, as a conspicuous actor in the 
tragedy, through all its changing scenes, Wa.shington came out 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 29 

unscathed, well schooled for the duties of a higher and more im- 
portant sphere, to which he was soon called. 

The war having been brought successfully to a close, and the 
rich blessings of peace again procured, Washington, who had 
contributed so largelj' to the desired result, was looked upon with 
high admiration by his fellow citizens, and regarded as a future 
champion. 

Soon after the close of the war, he was married to Mrs. Martha 
Custis, widow of John P. Custis, a lady of great beauty, accom- 
plishments, and wealth. She is described as having been a 
woman of unexceptionable qualities of heart, and most happily 
adapted to the temperament of her husband. During the period 
of forty years, she discharged the duties of wife, in a manner 
most exemplary, adhering to his fortunes through every vicissi- 
tude, and contributing to his happiness. This union was, in 
every respect, a happy one, but resulted in no issue. 

Over her two children, the issue of her first marriage, her hus- 
band exercised the kindest paternal guardianship. 

During his last Indian campaign, Washington had been elected 
a member of the House of Burgesses, by a heavy majority ; a posi- 
tion which he continued to fill with marked ability, for fifteen 
years; giving as decided evidence of civic capacity, and superior 
qualities of statesmanship in the cabinet, as he had already fur- 
nished of military talents in the field. 

His entrance into that body was attended with an incident 
illustrative of his extreme modesty. The Speaker of the House 
delivered a vote of thanks, accorded to him by that body, for past 
services, and took occasion to apply some very extravagant lan- 
guage of commendation. The tone of his remarks so embarrassed 
Washington, that in his attempt at acknowledgment, he could 
not find utterance for a syllable. The Speaker, seeing his awk- 
ward position, as a very timely relief, exclaimed, "Sit down, Mr. 
Washington, sit down, your modesty alone is equal to your merit, 
and that is more than I can find language to express." 

Washington had great influence, as a member of the Assem- 
bly ; his advice was sought on all important measures, and had 
much to do with their adoption, or rejection. He acquainted 
himself thoroughly with the various subjects coming before the 
House for consideration, and gave his views upon them, in a 
clear, unpretending manner, never intruding upon their delibera- 



30 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

tioDS long speeches, consuming time rightfully belonging to the 
public, for the purpose of making a display of his talents. For, 
says he, "if you have a mind to command the attention of the 
House, speak seldom and on important subjects, except such as 
relate particularly to your constituents ; and in the former case 
make yourself perfectly master of the subject. Never exceed a 
decent warmth, and submit your sentiments with diffidence. A 
dictatorial style, though it may carry conviction, is always accom- 
panied with disgust." 

Rejoiced with the prospect of devoting himself to the peaceful 
pursuits of agriculture, Washington, in April, 1757, sittled with 
his family at Mount Vernon, where, adorned by every virtue that 
lends a charm to life, he remained, an exemplification of the most 
liberal hospitality, until recalled from the fields of harvest to those 
of war. 

A second Cincinnatus, in the supervision of his fields, he loved 
to labor ; and when placed at the head of the army, he was taken 
from the quietude of domestic life. 

Washington, it is said, had a fondness for seasonable amuse- 
ments, and availed himself of the frequent opportunities now 
afibrded, to take his gun and go in search of game, or his hounds 
and join a fox-chase, — the exciting diversion of which he enjoyed 
with high relish. His willingness, and even anxiety, to serve 
his neighbors, while at Mount Vernon, often caused him much 
labor, by having to comply with requests for assistance in difier- 
ent afiairs, from those who knew his generous nature ; yet it was 
always cheerfully rendered. He was also vestryman of his par- 
ish church, and took an active part in the dififusion of religious 
sentiments. For, said he, "Religion is as essential to Reason, 
as Reason is to Religion." 

Washington, while enjoying his retirement and quietly promot- 
ing his country's interests as one of her legislators, was suddenly 
startled, as were the colonists, by the enormity of the doctrine 
entertained in England, that affirmed entire Parliamentary juris- 
diction over her transatlantic possessions. This doctrine was 
asserted in the enactment of measures imposing onerous duties 
on imports, of which the Stamp Act was a specimen. 

Immediately after the passage of that act, Washington became 
sternly identified with its opponents, and regarded it as odious in 
principle, and subversive of the people's most cherished rights. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 31 

It must be with feelings of pain, the historian enters upon a 
delineation of the consequences of this assertion of Parliamentary 
power. It is extremely mortifying, after a portraiture of the 
calamities of savage warfare, happily checked by the combined 
efforts of parent and offspring, to unsheath the "battle-blade" iu 
conflict for the spoils, and rebaptize the land with the blood of 
brothers. 

After having fought together the wild savage, ascended the 
bights of Quebec, and won laurels for both equally fadeless, it 
was a sad necessity that turned our arms against each other. 

But the colonists, though they venerated England's warrior 
sons, were far from yielding, in tame submission, to an infringe- 
ment upon their rights, so palpable, as embodied in the Stamp 
Act. 

Washington was an active co-laborer against this unwise meas- 
ure until its repeal, when it was hoped that further aggressive 
experiments of that sort would not be repeated. In this, how- 
ever, they were mistaken. Blinded by a false policy, and warped 
by prejudice, the principle of deriving revenue by a system of 
coercive taxation upon American citizens, became a cherished 
one with many influential members of Parliament, and the repeal 
of the Stamp Act was followed by others no less obnoxious. 

Upon these re-assertions of disputed prerogative, the colonists 
took fire. Virginia, though far less apprehensive from the enact- 
ment of such measures than the New England States, led the van 
in the opposition. They met at Williamsburg soon after, and 
drew up a non- importation agreement, binding themselves to 
have no commercial interchange, whatever, with Great Britain, 
while the odious acts imposing duty on commodities shipped to 
America remained unrepealed. This agreement Washington 
was to present in person, to the Assembly, at its next session. 

But when that body convened, the encroachments of Parlia- 
ment being the topic of discussion, some very denunciatory 
remarks were made, and resolutions presented, an acquiescence 
in which would have made the Governor disloyal to his Sove- 
reign, and he, though opposed to the course of his country, arose 
and dissolved the Assembly. They met, however, soon after, 
and without the presence of the Governor, unanimously adopted 
the non-importation agreement. 

This bold step of the Assembly was a virtual assumption of the 



32 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

right to regulate their own concerns, without the sanction of 
governors commissioned from England, — a right they contin- 
ued to exercise, by the institution of Corresponding Committees, 
which the critical state of affairs made essential to a union of 
feeling and concert of action throughout the different States. Im- 
mediately after the convention of the next Assembly, news of the 
Boston Port Bill, and its consequences upon the citizens of Mas- 
sachusetts, reached Williamsburg. 

A day of fasting and prayer was appointed, and preliminary 
measures adopted for the assemblage of a General Congress, with 
representative delegates from all the colonies, for the purpose of 
preparing for the storm which they saw prefigured in the meas- 
ures of the mother country. 

Washington, though a resort to arms he looked upon as the 
last expedient, with that cool, firm courage, for which he was 
proverbial, still hoping that a reconciliation would take place 
without bloodshed, presided over meetings in his county, held 
for the purpose of expressing the sentiments of the people, and 
meeting the exigencies of the times. His views in regard to the 
measures of the British ministry, were identically coincident with 
those of the mass of the people, modified only by a degree of firm- 
ness and discretion, requisite to elicit weight and influence. 

After an unceremonious rejection by Parliament, of petitions 
and remonstrances presented by the colonists against the assumed 
right of taxation, and the destruction of all hope of an amicable 
adjustment of difficulties, a General Convention met at Williams- 
burg, which, in addition to the non-importation agreement already 
mentioned, advised the prevention of exports also. 

The deliberations of this body, of which Washington was a 
prominent member, resulted in the appointment of himself, Pat- 
rick. Henry, and others, delegates to the National Congress, 

The first Continental Congress of America assembled at Phila- 
delphia, on the 5th of September, ITTi, and resulted in a firm 
avowal of colonial rights, and an expressed determination to 
maintain them at all hazards. Petitions, addresses and memo- 
rials were prepared for presentation to the people of Great Britain 
and the Canadas, which evinced great wisdom, foresight and 
sagacity. 

The dignified and lofty bearing of Washington, throughout its 
deliberations, won for him the reputation of having more correct 



GEORGE WASHINGTON, 33 

views and Bounder judgment tlum any other member of that 
body. 

The labors of tlie First Congress being brought to a close, 
Washington, again at Mount Vernon, was devoting himself to 
those peaceful pursuits so congenial to his feelings, when, in 
view of the threatening state of affairs, and his superior military 
skill, he was selected to take command of a volunteer company 
of militia. Attending as a delegate the next Virginia Convention 
at Richmond, he was placed on the Committee on the subject of 
the public defense, and also of arts and manufactures ; in both of 
which capacities he exercised his accustomed influence, and ex- 
pressed his intention of devoting his life and fortune to his country, 
if occasion required. 

The second Continental Congress convened on the 10th of May, 
1775, and finding that remonstrance and petition only elicited 
contempt and derision, they adopted a course of decisive action, 
and commenced preparations for the crisis. Already, blood 
flowed at Concord, and the "walls of the capitol shook with the 
boom of an enemy's cannon." Beating high for liberty, the 
American pulse quickened with the fire of revenge and revolution. 

Congress immediately appointed a committee of defense, 
with Washington for its chairman, — his sphere of action being 
the selection of posts for occupancy by the Continental army, its 
provision with arms and ammunition, an estimation of its neces- 
sary funds, and the preparation of rules for its discipline and 
government, — duties onerous, important and complicated. 

Steps being taken preliminary to the commencement of hostili- 
ties, and the entire control of afiiiirs being assumed by Congress, 
it devolved upon them next to select a commander-in-chief. 

From the beginning, in the event of war, Washington was 
expected to assume the command of the Virginia troops ; and 
though he was the choice of many delegates from diflerent States, 
for the chief command, his advancement to that position, it was 
feared, would operate unfavorably upon the minds of the New 
England States, which furnished the greater portion of the Conti- 
nental troops. 

General Ward of Massachusetts, a gentleman of military 

ability, who had long been at the head of the army, and much' 

esteemed by the New England States, it was apprehended by the^ 

friends of Washington, would be urged foi the post against him. 

3 



34 GEORGE WASH IK ITON. 

Their fears were based upon too low an estimate of the patri- 
otism and virtue of the times, that, disarmed of favoritism, 
towered above all personal preference and local prejudice. 

On the 15th of June, Thomas Johnson of Maryland arose and 
nominated George Washington, then a member of Congress, for 
commander-in-chief of all the forces raised, or to be raised, in 
America, Upon this nomination the house proceeded to ballot, 
wdiich resulted in his unanimous election. 

" 'T was then America the foundation laid 
Of freedom's fair structure." 

He accepted tho appointment in a short speech expressive of 
distrust in himself, confidence in the wisdom of Congress, and a 
firm reliance on the God of battles. On the 19th of June ho 
received his commission from Congress, who solemnly pledged to 
him their "fortunes and their lives" throughout the struggle. 

Washington, under his new and unsolicited commission, took 
his immediate departure for Cambridge, the head-quarters of the 
American army ; passing through New York and Philadelphia, 
where the fame of his former exploits was not unknown, he was 
honored with public receptions, the flattering cordiality of the 
dignitaries, and the deference of all classes, who were inspired 
with confidence in his capacity for the delicate position he had 
assumed. On his arrival at Cambridge he was received with 
unbounded joy by the army, which seemed infused with new hope 
and vigor by the presence of one possessing such an extraordinary 
combination of generalship. Having assumed the command, he 
began operations by acquainting himself with the strength and 
position of the army, which was stationed in several divisions 
on Bunker, Winter, and Prospect Hills, and on Boston Neck, near 
Roxbury. On consultation with his officers, he learned that the 
British army in Boston, under General Gage, amounted to eleven 
thousand men. Notwithstanding the disparity of numbers, he 
resolved to maintain his present position at all hazards. 

A review of his army showed but fourteen thousand five 
hundred men fit for duty, when twice that number was essential 
to effective operations. 

With this undisciplined array, hastily drawn together, — each 
soldier acting more upon his own individuality than under mili- 
tary rule, — unpracticed in the art of war, — raw recruits, most 
of whom had never seen battle, — but poorly provided with arms 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 35 

and ammunition, and supported by a Congress not fully convinced 
of the utility of a standing army, against which they affirmed all 
history pointed in solemn warning, — Washington began the war 
of independence. 

Amid these difficulties he commenced the formation of a regular 
army, and the establisliraent of military system. Exercising both 
the legislative and military power of the continent, he devised 
plans in the field to be approved in the Cabinet, for his own exe- 
cution. Seeing what regulations were necessary to success, he 
prepared them for Congressional sanction, and became their 
executor at the head of his army. 

lie thus succeeded in establishing some order and system. 
Soon after his accession to the command, he adopted a course that 
was of much subsequent use, by refusing to detach a portion of his 
troops to defend the coasts of Massachusetts against the depreda- 
tion of a small British force. Aside from the danger of exposing 
his main army by thus weakening it, it was evident that similar soli- 
citations from all parts of the country could not be complied with, and 
if iliey could, it would prevent action of the state militia, by induc- 
ing them to rely solely upon him for local protection. Learning 
that the prisoners taken at Bunker Hill, and confined in Boston, 
were badly treated by the British, Washington remonstrated 
against such proceedings to General Gage, who, spurning all com- 
missions not of kingly derivative, in his reply affirmed, " that as 
rebels in arms against their Sovereign, the Americans were out- 
laws, and their prisoners deserved to be treated as such." This 
left Washington no redress but the same kind of retaliation, which 
was too repugnant to his humane nature for him to exercise. 

In the Slimmer, the forces of the army were considerably in- 
creased by the accession of some rifle corps from Virginia, Mary- 
land, Pennsylvania, and militia recruits from the New England 
States. 

Maintaining his position at the head of his army, Washington 
dispatched Colonel Benedict Arnold, — who had won high praise 
for his bravery at Ticonderoga, — with eleven hundred men, upon 
the famous expedition up the Kennebec. 

Ilis instructions were to proceed, without molesting the inhabi- 
tants, through Canada, — act in concert with General Schuyler, who 
had been sent against Montreal, — make an attack upon Quebec, 
and divert the British fron\ interfering with the operations of the 



36 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

main army of the north. The management of this perilous enter- 
prise was well invested ; Arnold, after performing one of the 
most heroic feats of the revolution, camped where fell the daunt- 
less Wolfe, on the Plains of Abraham. 

As expected, Guy Carleton suspended operations against 
Schuyler, hurried to the rescue of Quebec, while Montgomery 
was enabled to penetrate Canada, capture Montreal, and unite 
his forces with those of Arnold, which he did soon after. 

It is sad to think of the fate of these gallant officers. Mont- 
gomery soon slept in glory's grave, while with colder heart than the 
snow that drank his blood, Arnold stamped his name with treason. 

Washington continued to occupy his post, prevented from 
offensive operations against the enemy at Boston , by want of 
ammunition, his time was taken up in strengthening his fortifica- 
tions and disciplining his troops. 

British cannonades, and slight skirmishes between small parties 
at intervals, were the only contests that occurred, and they with 
no visible result to either party. 

At length, though in a condition that made it most perplexing, 
it became Washington's duty to devote himself to a reorganiza- 
tion of the army. The time for which the old soldiers enlisted 
being nearly expired, he proposed a plan by which twenty-thou- 
sand men would be under his command, and a more thorough 
understanding established witli Congress in regard to his sup- 
plies. Schooners and armed vessels were also provided, to 
cruise along the coast and act in concert with the land army. 

Two of these vessels were soon after sent on a cruise to capture 
some English brigs, laden with ammunition for Quebec, but not suc- 
ceeding in the enterprise they anchored off St. John's Island, and 
plundered and took the inhabitants prisoners. Washington, with 
characteristic magnanimity, censured severely the instigators of this 
movement, set the prisoners free, and took immediate steps for 
their conveyance back to the island. The British soon after retali- 
ated with barbarous cruelty, by the desti-uction of Falmouth, and 
declared a similar fate 'awaited the other towns along the coast. 
This produced such terror among the inhabitants, that, in re- 
sponse to their supplications for assistance, the Commander had to 
reaffirm his determination not to break his army into fragments, 
for the protection of remote and unimportant points, at the risk of 
its entire destruction. 



GEOKGE WASHINGTON. 37 

About this time General Gage, who had spilled the first blood 
at Lexington, was recalled by the British ministry, and super- 
seded in tlie cumman.l of their forces in America by General 
Howe. That officer assnmed the position, infected with the same 
false ideas of his predecessor, that he was contending against 
rebels in arms against their king, though in every other respect 
he was much his superior. 

\Vashington, though not discouraged, was mortified at the 
tardiness with which enlistments w^ent on, and the recruits came 
in ; his difficulties were increased, too, by a spirit of displeasure 
manifested by some of the troops, especially those of Connecticut, 
who, disappointed in their expectations of bounty, as an additional 
reward for services, raised murmurs and complaints. 

lie was consoled, however, by the appearance of his wife 
in camp ; following his movements through winter and war, with 
her love, she reached his head-quarters in December, and con- 
tinued by his side until spring, when with regret she took leave 
for Mount Vernon. 

In January, the active movements of General Howe, who was 
secretly engaged in the equipment of armed vessels of war in 
the Chesapeake Bay and Boston Harbor, indicated an attack upon 
New York, which was in no position of defense, being already 
annoyed by British men-of-war in the Hudson. 

To uuiintain the metropolis was, to the Continental army, 
especially that portion of it operating in the north, a matter of 
momentous importance. 

Washington, contending with the main army in Boston, and 
meditating an attack upon their lines, was in no condition to 
detach from his command a force for the protection of New York. 
General Lee, therefore, was intrusted with this duty. He has- 
tened with his usual zeal to call together the troops of Connecti- 
cut and New Jersey, and in conjunction with the civic and military 
authorities, to put the city in a state of defense. Before these 
measures were completed, huwever, it was ascertained that the 
object of the naval equipment, was an attack upon the Carolinas, 
whither it soon sailed under the command of Sir Henry Clinton. 

Washington, anxious to commence active operations, held a 
council of war ; it was adjudged by his officers unwise to make 
an attack upon the city, in their present weakened situation and 
scarcity of supplies. The commander deferred the assault, with 



38 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

a view to increased preparations, but was so mortified to find his 
situation growing worse instead of better, by a refusal of the old 
soldiers to re-enlist on the expiration of their terms of service, that 
he regretted bitterly his decision. 

In this predicament, renewed efforts were made to increase 
the army by a demand for thirteen regiments of troops from the 
New England States, and urgent appeals for ammunition requi- 
site to their proper equipment. To highten his distresses, ho 
received intelligence that the brave Montgomery had fallen at 
Quebec, and the northern army was repulsed with loss. This 
intelligence was accompanied with an order from General Schuy- 
ler for three thousand troops, "What was to be done? — the army 
cut to pieces in Canada, — Washington's soldiers returning home at 
the end of their terms, — recruits not coming in fast enough to fill 
their places, and no supplies for those who remained. The British, 
on the other hand, emboldened by reinforcements, well equipped 
and disciplined, were encompassing the country with their fleets, 
and quartering their soldiery, almost unopposed, in the cities 
and towns. It must be confessed, times began to look threat- 
ening. 

Ardently attached to liberty, Washington, amid the threatening 
aspect of affairs, maintained his equanimity. " He trusted that 
Divine Providence^ which wisely orders the affairs of raen^ 
would enable him to discharge his duty vnth fidelity and success y 
Buoyed with this unshaken confidence, and fully satisfied of the 
justness of the cause, his sentiments in regard to the course of 
Great Britain sufi'ered no change. Instead of being in the least 
despondent, his energies arose proportionably to the necessity 
that called them forth. 

The importance of forcing the British to leave Boston became 
every day more apparent. Early in March, the condition of the 
army being somewhat improved, he commenced active operations 
to accomplish that object. 

It has been said of military men, that those who gain their 
victories with the least bloodshed, give the best evidences of 
superior generalship. Subjected to this test, the martial talents 
of Washington certainly shine conspicuously through all his 
Ciimpaigns. 

His great foresight in seeing results, sagacity in penetrating 
designs, vigilance in preventing surprise, his wisdom in planning 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 39 

attacks, and deep, clear insight into human nature, gave him great 
advantage in the field. 

He commenced efforts against the British garrison in Boston, 
by taking possession of Dorchester hights, whence his guns could 
play upon the fleet in the harbor, and sweep another eminence, 
called Nook's Hill, so as to prevent its occupancy by the enemy. 
This movement was conducted with such prudence and caution, 
that the British were ignorant of it, until he was securely in posi- 
tion. Their surprise was great when they found the Americans 
firmly established upon a point of so much importance, command- 
ing, as it did, their entire positions. 

For the purpose of diverting General Howe from his move- 
ments, Washington ordered generals Putnam, Greene and Sulli- 
van, with four thousand men, to manuever on the side of the city 
opposite the hights. 

General Howe, finding himself thus in a state of siege, exposed 
to the raking fire of the Americans, and the anchorage of his ves- 
sels in the harbor untenable, and being scarce of supplies, pro- 
posed to evacuate the city, provided his troops were allowed to 
embark on board the fleet without being fired upon. 

To spare the city from the consequences of an assault was one 
great object of the American general, and he willingly accepted 
this proposition. 

On the 17th of March, 1776, the British marched out of Boston 
and departed on board the fleet for Halifax ; and Washington, 
almost without bloodshed, took possession of the city, to the joy 
and congratulations of the inhabitants. The Massachusetts 
Assembly, relieved from their fears of an assault, expressed its 
admiration of his skill in terms of enthusiasm, while the Conti- 
nental Congress rewarded him with a vote of thanks and a gold 
medal, expressive of their approbation. 

Upon its departure from Boston, Washington, fearing the real 
destination of the British fleet to be New York, and resolving in 
such event not to be behind hand, sent a large portion of his 
army, under the command of General Putnam, to that city, 
whither, after leaving Boston to the care of General Ward, with 
suflicient force for its protection, he immediately proceeded in 
person. 

He reached New York the 19th April, and began a careful 
inspection of its fortifications-, and resources, which he strengthened 



40 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

and increased. Having made these preparations, after remaining 
in the city a short time, he proceeded to Phihidelphia to confer 
with the Continental Congress. He fonnd that body warmly 
aroused upon the subject of independence, and electrified by the 
cries of ''give me liberty or give me death," "independence now, 
and independence forever," — sentiments which met a response in 
his own bosom. 

The State of Virginia had previously, by conventional vote, 
recommended Independence to Congress, which met the concur- 
rence of Washington. He left Philadelphia, when that measure 
occupied almost the entire deliberations of that body, with a ma- 
jority of the members favorable to its adoption. 

Shortly after his return to the army, he received a copy of the 
Declaration of Independence, signed by the members of Congress, 
which he caused to be read to the army on the evening of the 
9th of July. 

Grand spectacle ! — ^hostile fleets in their harbors from Boston 
to Carolina, — their army in the north repulsed, — in sight of forces 
ten times their number, and in arms with the greatest power of 
the world, — with rewards upon their heads as rebels, that gallant 
band paraded under arms, as the sun went down, and rent the 
air with shouts of Independence. 

The British ministry finding the indomitable courage of the 
Americans unaltered, but rather strengthened by previous 
results, now commenced gigantic preparations, which, it was 
thought, would quash the " rebels" at once. In addition to their 
forces already in the field, under generals Clinton and Howe, 
they fitted out a large and well equipped fleet under the command 
of Lord Howe, an experienced commander, that was expected to 
intimidate them into immediate subjection. These arrangements 
were on a far more extensive scale than anything yet witnessed. 
The ships were large and well built, and manned with the flower 
of the English soldiery. Lord Howe arrived in July, and united 
his forces with those of his brother, stationed at Staten Island. 

England, thinking that America might not choose to measure 
arms with such preparations as these, provided Lord Howe, before 
his departure, with instructions and terms of reconciliation with 
the Colonies. This was a mere pretext to which she resorted, as 
a specious justification of her acts, and to delude the people. 
These terms were, in substance, nothing more than assurances 



GEOKGE WASHINGTON. 41 

of pardon to all rebellious subjects who would lay down their arms 
and return to their allegiance. By these shameful terms, if by 
her imposing displays of power the Americans were not awed 
into submission, she presumed to throw upon them the blame of 
the war and its consetjuences, and in this way to create a colonial 
reaction favorable to her interests. 

Tlius Lord Howe came to this country, with slavery in one hand 
and the sword in the other; — the sword was preferred. This offer 
of- pardon came too late ; — " rebel " was a word she could no longer 
pretend to apply. Patriot blood dyed the plains of Concord, and 
BuukerHill claimed their hero ashes. England had cut the bond 
of union, and the Declaration stamped upon America the seal of 
Independence, while the name colonists^ gone with things that 
were, had dropped into history. It was to men who claimed to be 
independent, that Lord Howe came with promises of pardon. 
Tiie terms were so ridiculous, that, for the purpose of showing 
the people the low estimate placed upon their rights, they wore 
published by order of Congress, and did much toward cementing 
a bond of union among the Colonies. 

Upon his arrival the British army amounted to near thirty 
thousand men, well disciplined and provided fur, while to compete 
with it, Washington had butabou.t twenty thousand effective troops. 
The British being entire masters of the harbor, and having a 
numerous land army, Washington was every day expecting an 
attack upon New York. He stationed a portion of his army at 
Brooklyn, which had been quite strongly fortified during previous 
operations, and which was separated from the city by the waters 
of East river. 

Tlie British soon after took possession of Long Island, design- 
ing thence to cross over to the city. The two armies were now 
only separated by a range of hills, through which several gaps or 
passes opened from one to the other ; these passes the Americans 
took care to fortify to the best advantage. On the 27th of August, 
1776, the British army, fifteen thousand strong, was put in motion, 
wiih evident intentions of attacking the Americans, amounting 
to but five thousand men. Their plan of attack was well 
arranged. Generals Grant and Heister led the center, and com- 
menced the action in front with just spirit sufficient to keep Lord 
Sterling and General Sullivan, who had been sent to oppose them, 
annoyed, until Clinton and Cornwallis, at the head of the British 



42 GEORGE WASHINGTON". 

right wing, by a circuitous and unprotected pas8 around the hills, 
came upon the rear of the American army. These arrangements 
succeeded as desired ; generals Grant and Heister attacked the 
center of the American army, and made a show of fight against 
General Sullivan and Lord Sterling, until the guns of Coruwallis, 
in the rear, gave the signal for vigorous action. 

The Americans, thus surrounded and hemmed between two 
destructive fires, though they fought with heroic bravery, at length 
gave away. 

Lord Sterling fought bravely with the superior forces of General 
Grant, until he was attacked in the rear by Cornwallis, when he 
was compelled to retreat, which he did in tolerable order, within 
his lines. 

General Sullivan, who for houi'S withstood the efforts of Heister, 
being thus unsupported, and surrounded on all sides by over- 
whelming numbers, was forced to surrender. The battle of Long 
Island can boast of no great exhibition of generalship, so far 
as the American arms were concerned. Whether it should 
have been fought at all, under the circumstances, the enemy 
numbering three to their one, is indeed questionable. The over- 
sight of leaving a pass wholly unguarded, of suflScient dimensions 
for the enemy to gain their rear and take them almost by complete 
surprise, was certainly a very great one. The results of the battle 
were most lamentable. It was a repulse from which the army 
was long recovering. 

The Americans lost in the action two hundred killed and 
wounded, and over a thousand prisoners, among whom were 
General Sullivan and Lord Sterling. This was the commence- 
ment of a series of disasters that followed, which no human wisdom 
or sagacity could prevent. 

On the 30th, Washington held a council of war, in which it 
was thought unsafe to remain longer in their present position. 
He accordingly collected his entire army, artillery and baggage, 
abandoned Long Island and Brooklyn, and retreated with secrecy 
and safety to New York, passing within a few hundred yards of 
the enemy's sentinels. 

The condition of the American army after the battle of Long 
Island was truly distressing. Washington wrote a long letter to 
Congress, wherein he set forth the situation of affairs, and pointed 
out the numerous disadvantages under which he labored, among 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 43 

others, the shortness of the time for which the soldiers joined the 
service. Not despondent at his reverses, he recommended to that 
body such measures as were deemed necessary for their deliber- 
ation, and re-affirmed his intentions to devote himself to his 
country, and her alone, as long as he could be of service. 

From the movements of the eneni}', Washington began to sus- 
pect their intentions were to invest New York on all sides, reduce 
the Americans to the necessity of a capitulation, and establish 
winter-quarters in the city. Foreseeing the disasters likely to re- 
sult from a close siege, in his present straitened condition, he 
resolved to retire with his army to a place of safety and watch 
their movements. He stationed nine thousand men at Fort 
Washington, conveyed his military stores to a place of security, 
sent his disabled soldiers into New Jersey and proceeded in person 
with the main army to Harlem hights. 

In their evacuation of New York, the Americans lost in 
various skirmishes several killed and over three hundred taken 
prisoners. 

The British being now in possession of New York, Washington 
collected his troops upon Harlem hights, fortified himself with 
intrenchinents and breastworks, and fixed his head-quarters at 
Morris House, close to Fort Washington. General Howe, resolv- 
ing to keep a close watch upon his movements, established him- 
self near by, where the two armies remained for some time in 
comparative inactivity, interrupted by occasional skirmishes, that 
had little effect upon either party, both being unwilling to hazard 
a general engagement. 

Washington, in assuming the defensive, adopted a course wise 
and judicious, — so much so, that General Howe wrote to the British 
ministry, despairing of all hopes of bringing the war to a close 
by a signal blow, and soliciting large reinforcements for the spring 
campaign. Washington also wrote again to Congress an elabo- 
rate statement of affairs wnth the army, urging an increase of 
forces, and appealing to them by everything dear as Ameri- 
cans, to obviate the difficulties arising from the six and twelve 
months' enlistment system and to adopt measures suited to the 
emergency. 

The Declaration had placed America essentially upon her own 
resources, and Congress was fairly aroused to the necessity of 
their full development. At the suggestion of Washington, they 



44 GEORGE WAS MIX G TON. 

resolved upon the organization of a new army, composed of 
soldiers, who would enlist either for three years or during the 
war. 

They also raised the salaries of the officers, increased the sohliers' 
pay, and gave the commander the right, in certain contingencies, 
to select his own officers. Under these arrangements, strong 
appeals were made to the difierent States to furnish their respective 
quota of men for the new army. Some of these, by way of 
inducement, offered additional rewards in tlie shape of bounties, 
which eventually did more harm than good, by making the 
militia wait for higher bids before enlisting, and creating invidious 
distinctions after they were brought together. 

While \YAsniNGToN M'as thus ena'a^-ed in or2;anizino; a new 

Co O o 

army under a new system, furnishing supplies and attending to 
the appointment of its officers. General Howe sent armed vessels 
up the Hudson and cut oti'his communication with the Uighlands. 
Next, leaving Percy with 5,000 men near Harlem to watch the 
movements of the Americans, he embarked his army in boats 
and proceeded to Pell's point, landed, marched into the county, 
and took possession of Chester liights, where he M'as soon after 
joined by a large body of Hessian mercenaries under General 
Kuyphausen. Washington, upon these movements, evacuated 
his position, took possession of, and fortiiied, Valentine's Hill; 
whence forming a chain of intrenched camps along Bronx river 
to White Plains, he established himself, resolved on-defense in case 
of attack. 

His camp at White Plains possessed some natural advantages. 
The rear and right wing were protected by a curve in the river ; the 
left was secured by a large pond, while parallel intrenchments 
protected the front. 

No great leisure, however, was afforded for adding strength to 
his position, by the enemy, from whose movements the intention 
of an attack became early manifest. Washington immediately con- 
centrated his force within the lines, to be prepared for their recep- 
tion. On the 28th of October the British made tiieir appearance, 
and engaged the Maryland and Delaware troo]')S under General 
McDougal, stationed at Chattertoji Hill. The attack was made 
simultaneously upon the rear and flank of the Americans, who 
being thus exposed to the advance of superior numbers, after a 
brave resistance, abandoned their works. The loss, in this action. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. " 45 

was not heavy on either side, but its results were favorable to the 
enemy, who had gained an advantageous eminence, that would be 
of service in a general engagement. General Howe, unwilling to 
lose his advantage by risking a general action, after a careful 
reconnoissance resolved to keep a vigilant watch upon the Ameri- 
cans, and await the appearance of Earl Percy with reinforcements 
from Harlem, when he hoped the whole army would be in liis 
power, and an easy victory sure. Percy at length arrived, and 
the 31st was set for the capture of the American army. Wash- 
ington, in the meantime, knowing that in his defeat all would 
be lost, with the utmost secrecy drew off his army, and retreated 
unobserved to an elevated position in the rear, well secured by 
fortifications previously erected. 

The chagrin and surprise of General Howe on the morning of 
the 31st, at seeing the army he thought so completely in his 
power securely fortified in a place beyond his reach, knew no 
bounds. 

Being disappointed in his wishes to engage the American 
general under circumstances favorable to victory, Howe took a 
retrograde movement toward the Hudson. Washington placed 
a large body of troops under General Heath, to guard the j)asses 
of the Highlands along the river, and another detachment under 
General Lee at White Plains, with instructions to hold himself in 
readiness to follow the main army, which was dispatched to New 
Jersey, in the neighborhood of Hackensac, where he joined it in 
person. 

Lord Howe approaching King's bridge, in the vicinity of the 
American lines, the}'' abandoned their position, and retreated to 
Fort Washington, then in command of Colonel Magaw. The fort 
was immediately invested by the British, and peremptorily ordered 
to surrender, which the commander refused. 

On the morning of the 16th of November, General Knyphausen 
made a bold assault on the north side of the fort, while Percy 
made a similar demonstration on the south ; at the same time a 
third party assailed it on the side next Harlem river. The fortress 
was valorously defended for several hours, but they were com- 
pelled to desert their posts and surrender. The American loss 
was two hundred killed and near three thousand taken prisoners, — 
a heavy loss indeed, at that important juncture. The commander, 
General Greene, committed a great fault in holding that post. 



46 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

The main object of its occupancy was to command the Hudson, 
and prevent the British ships from ascending that river ; but their 
ships had all passed, and Washington indicated, in a previous 
dispatch, the necessity' of its abandonment. Had this been heeded, 
the disaster would have been avoided. 

Immediately after the surrender of this post, Lord Cornwallis, 
at the head of six thousand men, passed over to New Jersey, in 
the vicinity of Fort Lee , which was evacuated by the Americans, 
leaving all their artillery, provisions, and camp equipage in the 
hands of the enemy. Washington, finding himself hemmed in 
on almost all sides, with forces insufficient to risk an engagement, 
and liable at any time to an attack by superior numbers, resolved 
to retreat. 

This retreat of the American army through New Jersey, forms 
the darkest, yet the brightest, pages of our history. Full of 
Buflering and distress, yet of constancy and devotion unsurpassed 
in the annals of the world, it reached Brunswick with less than four 
thousand hungry veterans, closely pursued by the well-equipped 
army of Cornwallis. Thence it proceeded to Trenton, the soldiers 
leaving their ti-acks marked with the blood of frozen feet, and 
crossed the Delaware with but three thousand men fit for duty. 
Washington, on the banks of the Delaware, with three thousand 
half-famished troops, was the only hope of Liberty. With this 
small band as a nucleus, increased by Sullivan's division, and 
some troops from the north, he had to combat the combined power 
of England's army and navy, everywhere victorious. 

Thus far the past had been a succession of disasters. Defeated 
at Long Island, the American army retreated to New York; out- 
numbered there, they intrenched at Harlem hights ; to counteract 
the enemy, they camped on White Plains ; again beaten and 
threatened with destruction, they crossed to New Jersey. With the 
loss of three thousand men, they retreated to Brunswick; thence, to 
avoid a victory-flushed foe, they fled to Trenton, — crossed the 
Delaware a disheartened band, and occupied their present 
position. 

The enemy was everywhere triumphant. Complete masters of 
the waters, with success they sought victory, and occupied the 
metropolis, — unopposed they entered Rhode Island, and claimed 
it by conquest, — no enemy but her snows, they penetrated the 
Jerseys, and planted their standard, — no foe in the field, they 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 47 

threatened the capital, aud Congress fled before them. Without 
an army, — without a navy, — amid defeat and destitution, still 
rang the echo, "give us liberty, or give us death." Britain might 
subdue her armies, beat her navies, take her forts, wrest her cities, 
and claim her capital, but not her freedom. 

Truly a gloom-cloud hung over our country. Congress 
adjourned its deliberations to Baltimore, while General Putnam 
assumed the command at Philadelphia. Availing himself of the 
general depression, as a reprieve to condemned criminals, General 
Howe again presented his specious terms of panlon to all who 
would lay down their arms and tiike the oath of allegiance. Some, 
from the hopeless aspect of afiairs, were induced to accept these 
conditions, but far the greater portion would let " their right hands 
forget their cunning," sooner than submit to vassalage so base and 
vile. Washington stood firmly amid the tempest, determined to 
yield only when freedom fell, — then shroud himself in the folds 
of her winding-sheet. 

It was a darksome day when Congress opened its deliberations 
in Baltimore. The warmth and enthusiasm that drew the Decla- 
ration, gave place to feelings earnest, deep, and solemn. Wash- 
ington wrote them an appeal full of stern resolve, pathos, and 
exhortation. Behind them was pictured disaster, before them 
gloom. Fully worked up to the pressing crisis, they deliberated 
with seriousness what was to be done to avert it. Seeing no 
means left unti'ied, they turned to Washington; his judgment and 
capacity they believed adequate to the emergency, and with 
patriotism of purpose, worthy a Roman fame, invested him with 
almost dictatorial power. He could now raise his own armies, 
adapt its regulations, appoint his officers, and procure supplies 
wherever found. With cautious prudence, fearless determination 
and deliberative activity he exercised this power, without personal 
reference, wholly for the public good, and only when absolutely 
necessary. 

Hitherto, under Congressional rule, we have seen undertakings 
fail, and prospects wither as by the glance of doom. Henceforth, 
under Washington's control, we are to see a succession of victories 
crowning the American arms, until his cannon had conquered 
a peace on the plains of Yorktown. 

Under the directions of Congress, he had proved he knew how 
to obey, though they led to defeat ; now, under regulations of his 



48 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

own, he knew how to command, while the}^ led to victory. 
Though under circumstances eminently more distressing, a second 
Fabius, he guarded the destinies of liberty and empire. 

" Heedless of what a censuring world might say, 
One man restored Ihe state by wise delay ; 
Hence, time has hallowed his immort«l name, 
And with increasing years increased his fame." 

Washington, now having entire control of the military, devoted 
himself to the effective organization and equipment of his army, 
and the judicious appointment of its ofhcers. Knowing the impor- 
tance of valuable officers, he felt that too much caution could not 
be bestowed in their selection. In regard to this part of his duty, 
as expressed in his directions to one of his colonels, he always 
selected gentlemen as essential to order in his command; he never 
yielded to personal preference, as it was public service, or to local 
prejudice, as it was a national cause; he never selected old men, 
as being too much enfeebled for active labor, nor very young ones, 
as they lacked experience. 

Being re-enforced by Sullivan's division, the troops from the 
north, and some Pennsylvania recruits, and seeing the necessity 
of arousing the low spirits of the army, Washington resolved to 
commence offensive operations, and determined on a step bold 
and hazardous. 

A division of the British army, mostly Hessians, fifteen hundred 
strong, was stationed at Trenton, and another detachment not so 
large, at Bordentown, some distance below. Against these, 
Washington planned an attack. He determined to re-cross the 
Delaware with his army, and take them by surprise. General 
Cadwalader was dispatched at the head of his brigade, with 
instructions to cross the river below, and fall upon the force at 
Bordentown. General Ewing was directed to cross opposite 
Trenton, and attack from below, while Washington in person, 
crossed above, and came upon the town from the upper side. 
These attacks were to be made simultaneously, on the 25th of 
December. 

In this blow all was at stake; Washington and his little army 
were fully up to the crisis. He exhorted his soldiers with warm 
appeals ; to his officers, he gave minute directions, and inspired 
them with hope. It was near night-fall, when, nine miles from 
Trenton, Washington drew up his men upon the icy shores of the 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 49 

Delaware preparatory to crossing. The river was much swollen 
and full of floating ice, that presented an angry barrier to their 
boats, yet he determined to cross. It was no Rubicon, — no 
Tigris or Danube, rolling between ambition and conquest, but their 
own free stream, separating the sons of liberty from their foes. 
Embarking in their boats, they made for the opposite shore. 
Long hours they battled with angry waves and floating ice, en- 
deavoring to land. More than once they came near being cap- 
sized, but were prevented by the stern energy of the men. The 
soldiers, though wearied, manned the ark of independence ; — the 
boats though frail, carried more than " Ctesar and his fortunes." 

To commemorate great deeds, Greece tells the tale of Thermo- 
pylae, — the mountain Swiss, engrave the name of William Tell, 
and Scotland consecrates the heart of Wallace ; but Washington, 
that night, standing in front of his boat, bufieted upon the 
wave, his eye fixed sternly upon the opposite shore, presents 
a picture of moral sublimity that surpasses them all. 

Just after the sun had risen, they reached the Trenton side. 
Few words were spoken as they formed in silent lines. Sulli- 
van, with one division proceeded along the j'iver, while Washing- 
ton at the head of his chosen men, took a road to the right, so as 
to reach the enemy about the same time. Though benuiiibed 
with cold, they marched with a firm step, — their raiment was 
worn and soiled, — their patriotism was pure as the " snow be 
neath their feet." Their feet cold, — their souls warm, — with 
compressed lips and steady step they ascended the snowy hill 
with the sternness of desperation. They reached the British lines,, 
ready for the conflict. They waited the word of command, with 
"conquer or die" carved deeply on each veteran brow. No 
war-cry of "Hercules the Invincible," or " up, guards, and 
at them," rang over that battle field of liberty. Glancing 
at his men, rising in majesty, all the energies of his soul 
aroused, with a gesture full of meaning, Washington pointed to 
the hostile tents, and exclaimed, "there are the enemies of your 
country!" It was enough. His men rushed like lions to the 
charge. The British flew to their arms, and tried to defend 
themselves, but in vain. The surprise was complete, — all was 
confusion. They tried to escape, but so well had the attack been 
planned, that no avenue was left open. Surrounded on all sides, 
and seeing nothing but death, they surrendered prisoners of war., 
4 



50 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

WAsinNGTON took a thousand prisoners, a thousand stand of armSj 
and all their stores and artillery. The American loss was two 
killed, and two frozen to death ; of the enemy thirty were killed 
or mortally wounded, among whom was Colonel Rahl of the 
Hessian regiment. 

TJiis was tlie turning point of the Revolution. Henceforth, 
Washington was admired by the world ; while other nations began 
to feel the truth of Chatham's remark, that America could not be 
enslaved. 

Creasy, for one of his "Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World," 
from her fields may select Saratoga, but penetrating the gloom of 
" '76," posterity goes back to Trenton for the Marathon of America. 
Had his other generals succeeded in carrying out their instruc- 
tions, which was found impossible, the enemy would have been 
routed at all points. Washington with his prisoners returned to 
camp, while the British, thunderstruck at the bold daring of an 
army they thought nearly annihilated, and mortified at their own 
repulse, abandoned their positions on the Delaware and fell back 
upon Princeton. Washington immediately re-crossed the Dela- 
ware to Trenton, where, being joined by General Cadwalader with 
1,800 men, he resolved to follow up his advantages. Lord Howe, 
learning the state of afiairs, dispatched Lord Cornwallis from his 
head-quarters at New York, in all haste, with a strong force 
against Washington, then near Trenton. 

By forced marches he proceeded to Brunswick and Princeton, 
took the troops stationed at those points, and soon approached 
the American encampment ; Washington, to gain time and pre- 
pare for his reception, sent out active parties to retard his pro- 
gress, by annoying him with skirmishes. At four o'clock in the 
afternoon, the advance guard of Cornwallis marched into Tren- 
ton. Washington, with his army, took possession of an elevated 
eminence near by, separated from the British by a small creek, 
over which there was a bridge defended by his artillery ; from 
this point a brisk fire was kept up upon the enemy's advance 
columns until night-fall. 

Late in the evening, Cornwallis arrived on the spot with his 
main army, and encamped in sight of the Americans, resolved to 
overwhelm them the ensuing day. Washington, m the mean- 
time, kindled fires, placed sentinels at the bridge, and made a 
careful reconnoissance of the enemy, whose forces he found twice 



GEOEGE WASHINGTON. 5X 

as great as his own. Unwilling to risk an engagement with snch 
superior numbers, with great caution he re-kindled his fires, directed 
his sentinels to remain at their posts until near daylight, to prevent 
suspicion, and removed all his baggage and artillery to Burlington. 
These arrangements, which were conducted with as much silence 
as a funeral procession, were all completed without detection, and 
Washington took his line of march to Princeton, which Corn- 
wallis had just left defended by three regiments of British troops. 
Again he was outgeneraled; Cornwallis' surprise may be imagined, 
"when, next morning, the American army was nowhere to be seen. 

Tims his lengthy march and sharp maneuvering brought to his 
possession only a frozen hill. "While wondering what course the 
American army could have taken, he heard the boom of Wash- 
ington's cannon at Princeton. The mystery was solved. The 
Americans had eluded his grasp, and were cutting his troops to 
pieces at that point. Washington, after his secret departure from 
his camp at Trenton, had pushed rapidly for Princeton ; he reached 
that place about sunrise, just as two of the three regiments 
stationed there, in obedience to prior orders, were commencing 
their march for Trenton to join Cornwallis, in the final attack 
upon the Anieric«,u general. Never was surprise more complete. 
The engagement was begun by the Americans, and sustained 
W'ith spirit by the enemy for some time. But they were so over- 
whelmed by the American general and his army, whom they 
supposed completely in the power of Cornwallis, that they were 
quickly thrown into the utmost confusion. After standing their 
ground for a short time, they broke and fled toward Brunswick, 
leaving one hundred killed on the field, and three hundred pris- 
oners in the hands of the Americans. 

The generalship, coolness, and bravery of Washington in these 
engagements, have seldom been equaled. The heaviest loss in 
this action was General Mercer, a gallant ofiicer, who was killed 
while leading on his men. After these brilliant achievemcn s, 
Washington, who knew not only how to gain victories but how 
to n#ake use of them, not deeming it prudent in the present ex- 
hausted condition of his men, to expose himself to the superior 
forces of Lord Cornwallis by an attack upon Brunswick, went 
into winter quarters at Morristown. Cornwallis had marched 
all the way from New York, made extensive preparations, and 
expected nothing less than the capture of the entire American 



52 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

army ; lie had been marching and countermarching from Bruns- 
wick to Princeton, hence to Trenton, and back again for some 
time. Puzzled by the superior skill of the American general, 
only having seen him once, with the loss of several hundred 
prisoners he was now compelled to abandon his posts on the 
Delaware, and leave the Americans almost entire masters of New 
Jersey. Thus, in a short time, by masterly exhibitions of wis- 
dom and prudence, almost without loss, too, Washington had 
beaten back the enemy at every point, regained the Jerseys, and 
protected the capital. Hope again dawned upon the continent, — 
new life and zeal were infused into the minds of the people, — 
joyous peans rang again over " the homes of the brave," while 
Washington received the merited homage of all. 

The American general now issued from his head-quarters a 
proclamation, counter to the one formerly issued by Lord Howe, 
urging all who had taken the oath of allegiance under his promise 
of pardon, to gather at his camp, and re-assert their free citizen- 
ship. This step, though disapproved by Congress had a good 
effect. Those who had accepted the terms of the British com- 
mander, had been most shamefully abused. His troops, in the 
conquest of New Jersey, had committed indiscriminate depreda- 
tions, without reference to ii-iend or foe ; those who had taken the 
oath, suffered equally with the balance. Smarting under their 
treatment, and seeing a change in affairs, they enrolled under 
the American banner, and threw off the yoke, unwillingly 
assumed, for that protection which was denied them. With 
renewed hope, Washington began operations for the spring 
campaign, by urgent appeals to Congress to hasten recruits and 
needful supplies, to enable him to maintain his advantages. Con- 
gress, re-inspired by his success, early in February had the army 
augmented by the accession of additional officers and troops. 

By regulations mutually acquiesced in, prisoners had hitherto 
been exchanged, officer for officer, and man for man ; but pretend- 
ing that General Lee was a deserter,* the British subjected him 
to cruel treatment, and threatened him with a court martial ; upon 
which, Congress recommended the severest retaliation upon 
officers taken prisoners at Trenton. Here again, the humane 
feelings of Washington shone conspicuously. He remonstrated 

*He had, long prior to the Revolution, been in the British service. 



GEORGE WASHlIfGTON. 53 

with Congress against such means of redress, as being unworthy 
the dignity of civilized warfare. While deliberating upon the 
exchange of prisoners, a detachment of British troops proceeded 
under the command of Tryon, to Danbury, and destroyed 
a large magazine of military stores at that place. In this expe- 
dition the Americans lost General Wooster, a brave oflScer, who 
died soon after of his wounds. Washington, in May, seeing 
from his movements, that General Howe designed to cross the 
Delaware, and perhaps aim a blow at Philadelphia, collected his 
troops at a strong point called Middlebrook, on that river, and 
prepared to prevent their execution. General Howe, withdraw- 
ing his troops from Brunswick, resorted to various strategies 
and movements to bring on a general action in the level country ; 
these, Washington had too much good sense to regard. Disap- 
pointed in this expectation, he suddenly crossed to Staten Island, 
embarked his men on board the fleet, and started out to sea, leav- 
ing the Americans in the greatest perplexity, as to its destination. 
Supposing his intention to be against Philadelphia, Washington 
marched his army to Germantown, to be prepared for the defense 
of that city. At Chester, he learned that Howe had taken an 
easterly course, and was in greater uncertainty than ever as to 
his destination. Determined, however, to keep a close watch upon 
his movements, the army remained in its present position, awaiting 
further intelligence. 

After remaining in this position during several days, he received 
information that the British fleet was coming up the Chesapeake 
bay, with evident designs against Philadelphia, — though from his 
round-about movements, having steered far south of the Delaware 
capes, General Howe, no doubt, expected to mislead the Ameri- 
can army. Meanwhile the struggle of America, and the heroic 
l>ravery of her sons, began to elicit consideration and sympathy 
in other lands ; France, especially, began to side with them in the 
contest. 

The Marquis de Lafayette, an enthusiastic French nobleman, 
ardently attached to liberty, arrived in Philadelphia and offered 
his service to Congress. They gratefully accepted his oflTer, and 
gave him a brigadier-generaPs commission. Washington had 
met the Marquis in that city, and conceived so warm an 
attachment for him, that he invited him to become a member of 
his family. Henceforth, until the close of the war, he is to be 



54 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

found siding with the American arms, and rendering them 
efficient services on several important occasions. 

General Howe landed his troops near the American lines, when 
some pretty sharp skirmishes ensued. In these the Americans 
took sixty prisoners, without much loss. Washington, perceiving 
the design of the British commander to bring on a general action, 
by endeavoring to turn his right flank, crossed the Brandy- 
wine, and stationed himself upon an eminence near Chadd's ford. 
Having occupied this position, he took command of the center, 
General Sullivan of the right, and Armstrong the left wing. 
Lord Howe commenced the action by separating his army into 
two divisions ; one, under General Knyphausen, was directed to 
make an assault upon Chadd's ford ; the other, under Lord Corn- 
wallis, was to proceed along the margin of the Brandywine, turn 
the American right flank, and gain their rear. Knyphausen led 
the attack with much spirit, and overcame General Maxwell's light 
troops, which made an eflbrt to arrest his progress. The Ameri- 
cans opened a brisk fire upon his advance columns across the 
river, which prevented him from attempting the passage of the ford, 
though he returned their tire with some spirit. About 12 o'clock, 
information was received that the enemy was in force approach- 
ing the upper fords, with the view of turning the flank of Sulli- 
van. Washington immediately ordered that general to cross the 
river and attack them vigorously, while he passed Chadd's ford 
to engage Knyphausen. Just then, however, different intelli- 
gence of the enemy's position reached him, and these orders 
were withdrawn. This misunderstanding lost the day. It was 
soon discovered that Cornwallis had crossed the Brandywine 
above, and gained the bights in the rear of Sullivan's right wing. 
Before General Sullivan could form his troops for the onset, Corn- 
wallis swept down against him with such resistless force, that he 
was compelled to retreat ; they again rallied, but to no purpose ; 
and finally retreated in confusion. At the same time, General 
Knyphausen boldly crossed the river, attacked the Americans 
under General Wayne, in front, and drove them from their posts. 
The Americans, beaten at all points, retreated, or rather fled in 
the utmost confusion, in companies and fragmentary bands, to 
Chester hights, leaving the enemy masters of the field. 

The probable loss of the Americans in this battle was 250 killed, 
about the same number taken prisoners, and 300 wounded, among 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 55 

whom was LaFayette. Immediately after this action, "Washington 
re-crossed the Schuylkill by the Lancaster road, to intercept the 
British army and oiler battle, which was only prevented by a 
heavy rain storm that set in after the advanced columns of the 
two armies had exchanged a few shots. 

During all these continued eflbrts and severe marches, over a 
thousand of Washington's men were without shoes. Barefooted 
armies may light for liberty, but for monarchy, never. The two 
armies being now separated by a distance of five leagues, — the 
British at Germantown, and the Americans on a little stream 
called Shippack's creek, — Washington resolved upon one of those 
bold movements he often practiced, of taking them by surprise. 
The 3d day of October, he disclosed his plan, which was well 
devised. Generals Sullivan and Wayne, were ordered to follow 
the main Germantown road, and attack the enemy in front. 
Armstrong, with his brigade, was directed to take a road to the 
right, turn the left wing, and tall upon their rear. General 
Greene, by a similar movement on the left, was expected to engage 
the British in the right, while Small wood, with a detachment by 
a route still farther to tiie left, was instructed to come upon their 
right flanks and act in concert with Armstrong, against the rear. 

Just after night-fall, the generals took their respective lines of 
march, and reached the British lines about sunrise. A warm 
attack began in front, and the engagement soon became general. 
The officers performed their duty admirably, and every thing 
promised victory ; — but the enemy's numbers being greater, and 
more strongly posted than was supposed, the Americans, after a 
gallant display of courage, were compelled to retreat, which they 
did in tolerable order, leaving the British in possession of the 
field, though little to boast of. The Americans at one time, 
in this engagement, seemed about grasping a glorious victory, 
and doubtless would, had not a thick fog made them mistake their 
friends, for foes, and thrown them into confusion. The American 
loss, as nigh as could be ascertained, was 151 killed, 521 wounded, 
and 400 taken prisoners ; the loss of the British was not so 
heavy. 

While these operations were going on in the vicinity of Phila- 
delphia, the American arms were everywhere triumphant in the 
north. Burgoyne had surrendered M'ith his entire army, at 
Saratoga. The political bearing of recent events was not less 



56 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

favorable to America, than the military. Through her commis- 
sioners at Paris, a treaty of alliance was completed witli the 
French, which promised assistance. Whether prompted by 
patriotism, or motives of ambition against England, the French 
nation was induced to enter into this treaty, it is not necessary 
to discuss. The long intimacy between Washington and Lafayette, 
and the devotion of the latter to our cause, show that he, at least, 
was a disinterested participant. But the motives actuating the 
French, as a nation, are, from previous and subsequent acts, sus- 
ceptible of being called in question. 

At the darkest period of the Revolution, when national en- 
couragement and sympathy were most needed, no indications of 
receiving them from France were manifest ; not until a series of 
brilliant victories crowned our arms, and began to promise suc- 
cess and a prospect of humiliating Great Britain, did the subject 
of our independence receive consideration in the French cabinet. 
Subsequent events also place their motives in a light somewhat 
questionable. 

After the Revolution, when we had conquered a peace, France, 
being engaged in war with England, sent her commissioners to 
America to engage our co-operation ; they made their appeals, by 
reminding us of services rendered by them in the Revolution. 
Upon the refusal of the United States to engage in her cause, seeing 
no prospect of the debt being canceled by rendering like assis- 
tance, she, forgetful of former relations, threatened us with war. 
So far as the services rendered by her troops in the field were 
concerned, they amounted to no great things ; the most essential 
benefit they rendered in any sense, was the consideration it gave 
us abroad, — it being the first recognition of our independent 
nationality. 

Washington, being joined by a portion of the troops from the 
north, retired to Yalley-forge, a short distance from Philadelphia, 
to winter-quarters. Rude huts, of sufiicient' numbers and dimen- 
sions, were constructed for the accommodation of the army. The 
site was in a thick wood, protected on one side by a range of 
hills, and watered by the Schuylkill. 

About this time the famous Conway cabal commenced opera- 
tions against Washington. Conway, from whom this faction 
or cabal took its name, was an Irishman of large pretensions 
and small merits, serving as a subordinate under General Gates. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 57 

Basing his claims ou many scars and long services, he applied to 
Congress for promotion, and upon the recommendation of Gates, 
would have been advanced to an important post, had not "Wash- 
ington, who wanted officers of "sterner stuif," prevented it. 
Smarting under this disappointment, and goaded on by Gates, who 
had high aims in view, in which this pet darling could be a tool 
of service, Conway was ready for any sort of business. Gates, 
whose vanity always predominated sufficiently to eclipse every 
other quality, after the battle of Saratoga imagined himself the 
greatest general the world ever saw, or ever would see. Wash- 
ington he regarded as a very good Virginia tanner, but wholly 
unfit for the army. To cut the matter short, Horatio Gates, no 
doubt, aspired to the chief command of the army. 

After the battle of Saratoga, where he was first in command, he 
thought it a favorable time to make an eflbrt. The first thing to 
be done was to pull Washington from the high position he occu- 
pied in the minds of the people and army. To accomplish this he 
laid a deep scheme and availed himself of the service of Conway. 
There is little doubt but this was the origin of the " Conway 
cabal." Anonymous letters, pamphlets and tracts, reflecting 
severely upon Washington, were extensively circulated, both in 
Europe and America. The numbers of his army were falsely 
stated, his movements derided, — the continuation of the war 
was owing to his want of skill, — he was opposed to the war from 
the outset, etc. ; — letters were written over his. forged signature, 
misrepresenting his views in every sense. 

When we reflect that Washington was the sole cause of Gates 
being elevated to his position as general, against the wishes of 
Congress, he might well view these attempts against his character, 
and Q-:s.d^\m^'-''ettu^ Brute.'''' Among the people and the army, 
where he was enthroned an idol, these missiles fell harmlessly — we 
wish the same could be said of Congress. In that body tliere was 
a party who, on the reception of Gates' official report of his Sara- 
toga victory, thought him almost as great as tlie future hero of 
Camden thought himself. Another board of war was instituted 
with Gates at its head, — another expedition to Canada was plan- 
ned, with Gates at its head ; these measures were consummated, 
too, without so much as consulting Washington; and Gates, with 
base ingratitude, assumed these positions without conferring with 
his commander. Thus far his machinations succeed finely; pity 



58 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

that in his southern command, such "vaulting ambition should 
o'erleap itself," and his great ''• cabal '' end in cowardly iiight 
from the field of Camden. 

In the Canada expedition, for the purpose of winning over 
Lafayette to the new party, he was offered the command ; but not 
being quite so pliable as was imagined, the Marquis declined, and 
disclosed the whole thing to Washington, which was his first 
intimation of the project. Washington, inwardly conscious of 
patriotism without personal motive, and of having aimed to do 
his duty without selfish promptings, was not disconcerted by the 
movements of his enemies; he advised the Marquis to accept. 
Minds truly great, are always above the reach of envy and the 
bitterness of faction. An eagle's wing, waving in mid heaven, 
is not more safe from fangs of the creeping reptile, than is a truly 
great mind, from the shafts of slander and envy. 

Let the base and vile traducer of character read the confession 
of Conway, who, when he thought life's sands ebbing away, in the 
hour of retribution, thus wrote to Washington : " My career will 
soon be over, — justice prompts me to declare my dying sentiments. 
You are, in my eyes, the great and good man. May you long 
enjoy the love, veneration, and esteem of those States whose 
liberty you have gained by your virtues." How his spurious 
slanders against the very embodiment of moral grandeur weighed 
upon him then! This faction, though it drew to its support some 
members of Congress, effected little, and finally covered its abettors 
with shame and disgrace. 

During the winter of 1778, one of the most rigorous known, 
the American encampment at Valley Forge was the scene of 
suffering and endurance seldom witnessed. Huddled together in 
small huts, constructed in a pressing emergency, — their feet frost- 
bitten, — without food — no blankets or raiment of any kind suitable 
to their condition, — they were comijclled to pass that wretched 
winter. To aggravate the disti'esses of the commander, a danger- 
ous mutiny began to manifest itself in camp, which was suppres- 
sed with much difliculty. In their destitution, they were forced to 
go in parties in search of provisions, and take them wherever 
found, for sustenance. Yet they were censured! censured with 
their general, for not continuing active operations. Brave veterans 
and leader ! Those who believe that any man but Washington 
could have kept that distressed army together, at Valley Forge, 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 59 

under all the circumstances, — suppressing uiutii^, — silencing 
complaints, not without just cause, — enforcing discipline, — inspir- 
ing love, and commanding obedience,— have more confidence in 
human capacity than we are prepared to indorse. Washington 
loved his army as a father. — he mingled with them, — sympathized 
witii them, and shared their hardships; he encouraged, alleviated, 
gladdened and diflused his own lofty attributes among his men ; 
they, in turn, loved him. Thus a bond of feeling prevailed through 
all their difficulties, though sometimes marred by trials almost 
beyond human forbearance. 

In view of his difiiculties, a Congressional committee waited on 
Washington at his head-quarters, and acquainted itself of his 
condition. They found the sufterings of the army in no way 
exaggerated in his letters to that body. Soon after, Congress, 
though with tardy reluctance, increased the salaries of the oflicers 
and pay of the soldiers, so fixing it as to create inducements 
for their continued service during the war. 

Notwithstanding the severity of his condition, Washington's 
wife joined him at camp, as was her custom during his winter 
campaigns, and shared by his side the privations of his rude hut 
until spring. To Mrs. Warren she wrote: "The General's apart- 
ment is very small ; he has had a log-cabin built to dine in, which 
has made our quarters much more tolerable than they were at 
first." — Why did they prefer that log-cabin to the quiet seclusion 
of Mount Vernon ? — he loved Liberty — she loved him. 

luimediately after establishing himself at Valley Forge, "Lord 
North's Conciliatory Bills," as they were termed, — a new project 
for wheedling the Americans into submission, were presented to 
Congress. Their tone was much modified, and less objectionable 
than any previous terms they had offered ; they insisted, how- 
ever, upon a return to the old Colonial rule, as subjects of Great 
Britain, with more privileges than she had hitherto expressed a 
willingness for them to exercise. But it was too late to talk of 
peace, short of American independence. Washington opposed 
these conditions from the start, in strong terms. Lidependence 
had been declared, and was on the eve of being recognized by a 
powerful nation ; the American arms had been successful and 
would be again, and amid ominous reiterations of "liberty or 
death," the ministers bearing the propositions returned to England, 
Washington remained at Valley Forge, enduring all the hard 



go GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

ships incident to destitution, winter, and war. Ilis foraging 
parties frequently met detaclunents of the enemy, in fierce and 
bloody combat. Husbanding their strength and resoui'ces for a 
vigorous campaign, when warm weather opened each party seemed 
willing to act on the defensive. Thus the winter of 1778 passed 
away. With spring came renewed hope, and sources of unlimited 
joy to the Americans, The treaty of alliance, offensive and 
defensive, acknowledging the independence of the States, was 
concluded w^th France, and formally signed on the 6th of Febru- 
ary. The treaty w-as presented to Congress the 2d of May, while 
in session at Yorktown, and aflbrded cause for general rejoicing. 
On the 8th of May it was found that the American army 
amounted to fifteen thousand men, while the enemy had thirty 
thousand in the field ; and with this odds against them, the 
Americans began operations in buoyant spirits. General Howe 
having resigned his position and departed for England, Sir Henry 
Clinton succeeded to the command of the British army in America. 
He opened the campaign by evacuating Philadelphia, and pro- 
ceeding with his army to New York. Washington immediately 
dispatched Arnold to take command in that city. The divisions 
of generals Scott, Maxwell, and Morgan were ordered to watch the 
movements of Clinton, and harass him on his route. Washing- 
ton in person led the main army across the Delaware, toward 
Princeton. The British army soon after crossed the Delaware 
river, designing to embark at Amboy, and proceed by water to 
New York. They were prevented from this, by a judicious 
movement of the American general, that threw his forces 
between them and that point. Being thus thwarted in their 
designs upon the metropolis, the British proceeded toward Mon- 
mouth, Washington was very anxious to bring General Clinton 
to an engagement. Placing General Lafayette at the hea<l of 
three thousand men, with instructions to gain the enemy's left, he 
prepared for action. General Lee on this occasion, waived his 
riffht of command in favor of Lafavette. He eiianged his mind, 
however, just before the battle, and ajjplied to Washington for his 
command of the advance divisions, already near the enemy, under 
Lafayette. This vascillation placed Washington in great per- 
plexity. He placed two of the divisions, however, under Lee, 
and advised Lafayette of the fact. On the morning of the 28th 
of June, General Clinton encamped near Monmouth, at a place 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 61 

possessing many advantages, it being surrounded by thick woods 
and other natural defenses. AYashington ordered Lee to com- 
mence the action, and proposed sustaining him in person with his 
own troops. Supposing that Lee would carry out these orders, 
lie made hasty preparation to join him in their execution. On his 
way to the scene of action he learned that Lee was in rapid re- 
treat from the enemy, against whom he had made comparatively 
no resistance. The British, thus in full pursuit of his advance 
columns, Washington was apprehensive that his entire army 
would be thrown into confusion. He immediately rode up to 
General Lee, and addressed him in terms more excited (han was 
usual with him, and ordered him to form, face the enemy, and 
sustain the battle. 

After considerable difficulty, the orders of his general were 
complied with. Lord Sterling now took command of the left 
wing, and directed his guns against the enemy in gallant style ; 
the right wing, under General Greene, protected the American 
right flank. The British began the action in front, where, find- 
ing that they were getting the worst of it, endeavored to turn the 
American left; beaten back there, they directed an assault upon 
the right ; here they were met with so much spirit by General 
Greene, that they were forced to desist. General Wayne coming 
up at the same time, attacked the enemy with impetuosity in front, 
and completed their confusion. They now retired to a swamp, 
and to avoid being attacked the next day, secretly decamped in 
the night and proceeded to Middletown, leaving the Americans in 
possession of the field. The British loss, in the battle of Mon- 
mouth, was 280 killed, 300 wounded and 100 taken prisoners ; 
before Clinton reached New York, — whither he proceeded from 
the field of battle, — near six hundred of his men deserted, 
making in all, a loss of over 1,200 men. The American loss 
was 69. 

Immediately after this battle, a correspondence of no very 
amiable nature was opened between Washington and Lee. The 
latter, nettled by the remarks of his commanding general at Mon- 
mouth, applied language to him wholly unworthy an officer 
addressing his superior. This led to consideration of the matter, 
and Lee, at his own request, was court martialed. The charges 
preferred against him were disobedience, misbehavior in his re- 
treat, and disrespect toward his superior. These charges were all 



62 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

sustained. General Lee was deprived of his commission in the 
army by action of the court. At Monmouth, Lee closed his mili- 
tary career; he never rejoined the army. He died about the 
close of the war in the city of Philadelphia. 

Soon after the battle of Monmouth, Count D'Estaing, an able 
French naval officer, reached America with a strong fleet to assist 
in the struggle. Accompanied with a congratulatory address, he 
received orders to attack the enemy's fleet, and drop down to 
Sandy Hook. Owing to the tonnage of his vessels he found it im- 
possible to execute these orders. He proceeded to Newport, with 
a view of attacking the British garrison at that place ; Washing- 
ton made every exertion to be on the spot, to render aid with the 
land army. Misunderstandings, however, occurred between the 
parties, — no union of action could be obtained, and the expedition 
was a perfect failure. The French admiral soon after left New- 
port; he did not get far from his anchorage, when he encountered 
a severe gale, in which his shipping was much damaged. Wash- 
ington now learned that the enemy intended evacuating New 
York. This induced him to separate his army into several 
divisions, for the purpose of protecting the eastern posts. His 
head-quarters were established at Fredericksburgh. He next 
stationed a part of his army at Hartford, and sent Gates to the 
command of Boston. 

General Clinton, in the meantime, smarting under his repeated 
defeats and losses, poured his foraging parties and Indian merce- 
naries over the Jerseys and back countries. They plundered, 
burned and robbed, and carried indiscriminate slaughter and ruin 
wherever they went. The employment of savages by England in 
the Revolution, — paying them so much per scalp, — counting out 
to them so much gold, for so much blood, was an act of cruelty 
too monstrous for barbarism itself. A Cain-mark, it stamps her 
escutcheon among the nations of the earth. 

The summer campaign having closed, and seeing no means of 
striking an effective blow, Washington went into winter-quarters. 
He made such disposition of his army as he felt Would best secure 
their own comfort and the protection of the country. In Decem- 
ber, Lafayette obtained leave to visit France. In an interview 
with that gentleman, Congress had planned an expedition into 
Canada; in regard to this, he was expected to confer with 
Franklin, then our minister at Paris, and his own government 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 63 

This plan was subsequently submitted to Washington, who 
opposed it strongly, on account of its impolicy and difficulty of 
accomplishment. 

Though Congress had bestowed much deliberation upon the 
conquest of Canada, they yielded deferentially to the commander, 
and abandoned the enterprise. Washington, after conferring with 
the American Congress upon the method of prosecuting the war, 
resolved to keep his army entirely on tiie defensive, during the 
campaign of 1779. The process of recruiting was begun immedi- 
ately, and the army increased to the required number. More than 
former care was bestowed, too, upon their discipline. Baron 
Steuben, one of the best tacticians of his day, who had been 
brought up in the field an aid-de-camp to Frederick the Great, 
was selected to superintend the martial training of the army; 
which duty he performed with credit to himself and service to 
the country. 

The British continued to occupy x^ew York, while Washington 
sent a portion of his men on an expedition against the Indians, 
which was successful. They were driven back to the neighbor- 
hood of Canada, and all their settlements broken up. General 
Clinton, meanwhile, sent a strong detachment of troops into Yir- 
ginia, which pillaged and burned several towns, and after being 
reinforced, took possession of Stony Point, commanding King's 
ferry, designing thence to get command of the entire Hudson. 
Washington, to prevent this, drew his army together with all 
possible speed, and threw himself between Clinton and the High- 
lands, and established himself at Windsor. Clinton, foiled in his 
expectations, leaving large divisions at Yerplanck's and Stony 
Point, proceeded with his main army to New York. Thence a 
detachment of his army, under Tryon, spread themselves over the 
country, about Long Island, and carried destruction and death 
before them. New Haven was burned, Fairfield pillaged, and 
Norwalk laid in ashes by their incendiary torches. Such preda- 
tory excursions as these were of advantage in the end; they aroused 
the people from their apathy to a sense of duty, and gave them 
clear evidences of what they might expect, in the event of ultimate 
subjugation. Washington, not allured from his strongholds by 
these depredations in the level country, resolved upon an attack 
upon Stony Point, and placed a strong body of troops, under 
General Wayne, with instructions for that purpose. 



(J4 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

That officer, after a night march of fourteen miles, on the 15th 
of October arrived near the enemy's outposts, and carefully 
reconnoitred their position ; he then pushed on in two divisions 
to the attack upon the fortress. The orders of the soldiers were 
to charge with the bayonet, and make brisk work of the enter- 
prise. The soldiers executed their orders with great daring; the 
impetuous bravery of the charge threw the enemy into immediate 
confusion. Wayne took 550 prisoners, all the baggage and artil- 
lery belonging to the fort, and 63 killed of the garrison, with the 
loss of but 15 killed. 

A plan was now devised for an attack upon Yerplanck's Point, 
but from some misunderstanding in regard to conveying intelli- 
gence to the various officers expected to participate, concert of action 
was lost, and the expedition abandoned. In the spring, Lafayette 
returned from France, bringing intelligence that a large fleet, 
with soldiers for both sea and land service, was on its way to 
the United States. This armament reached Newport, Rhode 
Island, on the 10th of July, The land army under Count Roch- 
ambeau disembarked, and received instructions from the com- 
mander-in-chief for the campaign. Clinton, who began to feel 
that but little credit was being brought to the British arms through 
his immediate agency, and chagrined, at being so outgeneraled by 
Washington, now directed his efforts chiefly against the French. 
He sent Admiral Arbuthnot, with six thousand men on board his 
squadron, with directions to attack the French at Newport. 
Rochambeau, being reinforced by General Heath, presented such 
formidable opposition, that the enemy gave up all hopes of taking 
the town, and returned to New York. During this time, 
Washington had taken a strong position east of the Hudson, 
despite Clinton's efforts to prevent him. Arbuthnot succeeded in 
blockading the French fleet in Newport harbor, and keeping Roch- 
ambeau's land army inactive. In these positions, the two armies 
remained for some time on the defensive. Defensive warfare 
always operates more favorably to the invaded, than the invader. 
At Hartford, Washington and Rochambeau arranged the plans of 
operations for the allied armies. These arrangements were 
mutually satisfactory, though somewhat inefficient from contin- 
gencies, to whose control they were partially subjected. 

We must now notice a melancholy affair, one that cast a gloom 
over the army, pained its commander, and.filled the country with 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. g5 

Surprise. Benedict Arnold, the hero of Crown Point and Ticon- 
deroga, — of Quebec and Saratoga, — the Ney of the Army, — the 
Hannibal of the New World, was intrusted with the command at 
West Point, — one of the most important posts of the couutiy. 
To regain a fortune, wasted by a life of display and extravagance, 
he presented forged claims to Congi-ess for liquidation, which they 
refused to allow. This resulted in a court martial, and a mild 
censure from Washington. Stung to the quick by these proceed- 
ings, and hoping to improve his desperate condition, he deter- 
mined to betray his country. He opened correspondence with 
Major Andre, adjutant-general of the British army. The com- 
mand of West Point was procured for the purpose of consummat- 
ing his end. Andre contrived to have a personal interview with 
Arnold ; this took place in the night, near King's ferry. Arnold 
gave the Major a written statement of the strength of West Point, 
and expressed his willingness to deliver it up to the British, He 
also gave him an exact written account of the American army, 
its plans and dispositions, with instructions to give it to the British. 
General Andre put these papers in his boot, designing to return 
as he came, in a sloop of war, anchored at no great distance from 
the place of interview. He found, however, that an attempt to 
reach the vessel would involve great danger. Another plan was 
hit upon ; he assumed a disguise, changed his name to Anderson, 
procureil a pass signed by Arnold, and proceeded on horseback 
to New York. The next day he was intercepted by four militia- 
men ; he was compelled to show his pass ; the name of Benedict 
Arnold was deemed sufficient, and he rode along. The destinies 
of West Point, — perhaps those of the country, — were suspended on 
the moment. No sooner had he turned away, than one of the- 
militiamen remarked that "he didn't like his looks." He was re- 
called and searched. In his boot they found the traitorous docu- 
ments. He was put under arrest and sent as a spy to Colonel 
Jamison. Jamison was astounded that such writings should 
emanate from Arnold, as clearly shown by the pass and hand- 
writing. He very imprudently sent a messenger to Arnold at 
West Point, informing him of Andre's capture; this gave the 
traitor time to escape. The clemency of the American general 
was the only hope left for poor Andre. He wrote Washington a 
frank and full exposition of the afiair, confessing his connec- 
tion with it, and imploring his lenient interposition in his^ 
5 



66 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

behalf. Washington received this letter just after he reached 
West Point. It stung him to the soul, — both on account of the 
unfortunate Andre, and the dastardly conduct of Arnold. Andre 
was soon after sent to the head-quarters of the army, tried, con- 
victed, and sentenced as a spy. Andre was young, handsome 
and accomplished ; he possessed a generous nature, the tone of 
a high-bred gentleman, and many excellent qualities of heart. 
The approval of the sentence by Washington, was one of the 
severest trials of his life ; tears are said to have mingled with 
the ink that signed his death-warrant. Andre was executed on 
the 2d day of October, in sight of the army. He met his fate 
heroically, and with resignation. Previous to his execution, he 
begged that he might be shot, instead of dying a felon's death. 
This, however, was denied him. Divest the transaction of the 
rigor of military rule, and it is a source of regret that this request 
of young Andre was not granted. 

Arnold in the meantime, on the reception of Jamison's letter, 
knowing that it was all up with him, in great agitation mounted 
a horse, fled to the river, jumped into a boat and reached the 
British vessels in safety. No more will he furbish his gallant 
sword in the cause of liberty. To render his fate more sad, he had 
a lovely young wife, who sank in paroxysms of grief under the 
stroke. His separation from her was mournfully touching. He 
was made an officer in the British service, and held his rank until 
the close of the war. He then went to England, and dragged out 
a miserable existence, despised and shunned by everybody. Such 
was the premium received for his treachery. Unhappy Arnold ! 
His victor laurels changed to cypress wreaths, — the light of former 
deeds shines upon his name only to make its infamy immortal. 

The Americans, by their system of defensive warfare, in accord- 
ance with the clear foresight of Washington, had made Eng- 
land weary of a contest that was making havoc of her treasury, 
but bringing no credit to her flag. She had some very false 
notions in regard to the Americans, at the commencement of the 
war. She had been schooled, however, by our hardy yeomanry 
into more correct opinions. Prospects were now decidedly 
against her. The campaign of 1781 was commenced, on the part 
of the Americans with vigor. A considerable loan was negotiated 
with France, the investment of which was left discretionary with 
Washington, By the assistance of this, more active military 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 67 

operations were set on foot. The principal efforts of the English 
generals seemed concentrated, for a time, against the south, where 
Gates had command. Arnold, at the head of a body of British 
troops, passed into Yirginia and burned Richmond to the ground; 
be also took command of a British squadron in the Chesapeake. 
The French Admiral, Destouches, being relieved by a storm from 
his blockade at Newport, dispatched a small force under M. de Tilly 
against him. On his appearance, however, Arnold retired with 
his small crafts to a point inaccessible to the French men-of-war. 
Washington now instructed Destouches to proceed with his 
fleet to Yirginia, and be prepared to act in concert with the land 
army in that quarter. While endeavoring to execute this order 
iie was overtaken by Arbuthnot, who pursued with his squadron 
and gave battle. Though no decisive result was obtained by 
either party in the action, the French Admiral was compelled to 
retm-n to Newport. Washington now sent General Lafayette, at 
the head of twelve hundred men, to the Chesapeake, with instruc- 
tious to act in concert with M. de Tilly against Arnold. This 
gave Lafayette the chief command of all the troops in Vir- 
ginia. For soDie time no very important events characterized the 
movements of either army ; each seemed maturing plans and 
coming to an understanding with reference to future operations. 
The British had for some time been inclined to unite their forces 
in Pennsylvania, and the Chesapeake bay. A squadron of their 
light vessels came into the bay eventually, and proceeded up its 
tributaries, plundering the inhabitants along its banks. One of 
these vessels ascended the Potomac, and actually landed at 
Mount Yernon and demanded entertainment from Washington's 
overseer, who, to save the mansion, readily provided on board 
their vessels all the refreshments they desired. Washington was 
so pained on learning this, that he wrote to his overseer, censur- 
ing him in strong terms, — telling him that the entire destruction 
of his plantation would have been preferable to such truckling. 
In May, the American and French commanders met at 
Weathersfield, for the purpose of deliberating upon the course to 
be pursued. The result of this conference was the planning of 
an expedition against New York. Washington called upon the 
States to fill up the vacancies in the army with all possible dis- 
patch, for the enterprise. Preliminary steps, however, were only 
taken to consummate this object, when the welcome intelligence 



08 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

was received that Count de Grasse would soon arrive with a hirge 
fleet, and three thousand men for the land service. Upon this 
information, Washington changed his plans. General Greene 
had superseded Gates in the southern command, after his defeat 
at Camden, and Lafayette was winning laurels in Virginia, against 
Cornwallis. Washington now determined to proceed, with the 
combined armies, to Virginia, and concentrate his forces for a 
decisive blow. To keep Clinton ignorant of his designs, and thus 
be enabled to cope single-handed with Cornwallis, he resorted to 
various strategies. Letters were written, purposely to be inter- 
cepted, wholly misstating his object ; a large supply of forage and 
cooking utensils were so arranged as to convey a false idea of his 
intention. These being done, the two armies crossed the Hudson 
and proceeded southward. It had been agreed that Washington, 
Lafayette and Rochambeau should meet at Williamsburgh and 
confer together in regard to the campaign. Washington, intrust- 
ing the army, during its march, to General Lincoln, proceeded to 
Philadelphia. Thence, being in advance of the army, he re- 
turned to his beloved Vernon. 

Six years replete with change, destiny and revolution, had 
passed away since he had been at home ; yet, unlike the Roman 
general who expressed his intention to the senate of resigning 
his post " lest his fields should go unsown," he had never grown 
weary in the service, or murmured at his lot. Remaining there 
a few days, he continued his route to Williamsburgh, where the 
three generals met at Lafayette's head-quarters. Lord Cornwallis, 
in the meantime, having sent dispatches to General Clinton for 
reinforcements, took possession of Yorktown, and began to fortify 
himself in the best possible manner. 

On the 30th of September, 1781, the combined allied armies, 
amounting in all to sixteen thousand men, formally invested 
Yorktown. The Americans were on the right, and the French 
on the left, each in the form of a crescent. A heavy cannonade 
opened upon the city from the American lines, which did great 
execution. After continuing the fire for some time, without any 
serious loss by the enemy, they resolved to storm the redoubts 
erected by Cornwallis, in which he had posted the flower of his 
army. Lafayette, at the head of a body of American troops, led 
the charge against one of these ; he advanced bravely through 
a galling fire, and led his men victoriously into the redoubt. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 69 

Viomeuil, at the head of a French detachment, charged the other 
with equal success. The Americans were successful everywhere. 
Tiioir trenches had been advanced, and their fire increased, until 
its effects upon the city were fearfully manifest. From the 30th 
of September to the 17th of October, they had been vigorously 
assailing the place with bombs and shot, and storming the re- 
doubts. At length Cornwallis, seeing the utter folly of submit- 
ting to a general assault, and despairing of assistance from Clin- 
ton, proposed to capitulate. Washington accordingly suspended 
operations, and drafted the basis of capitulation. These terms 
were, that Cornwallis and his army should surrender prisoners of 
war; their ships, boats, arms and accouterments were to be de- 
livered up to the Americans. These terms were accepted, and a 
capitulation entered into and signed by commissioners from each 
party. On the 19th of October, the British garrison marched out 
of Yorktown and surrendered themselves prisoners of war. The 
British loss, during the siege, was 500 killed ; the number of 
prisoners surrendered by Cornwallis was 7,000. This was the total 
overthrow of British power in America, and was, in one sense, the 
closing of the lievolution. 

At Yorktown Washington fought his last battle. The tone of 
Great Britain, toward America, lost its hitherto dictatorial arro- 
gance. A strong peace party formed a part of her Parliament. 
All indications were favorable to an early adjustment of difficul- 
ties. The news of Cornwallis' surrender reached England, and 
fell like a bomb-shell upon the ministerial lords and aristocrats, 
opposed to peace. Lord North is said to have swooned away, so 
powerful was its effect upon his nerves. Notwithstanding these 
favorable prospects, exertions were continued, and vigorous 
measures adopted, for another campaign. 

In the south, the Americans were in the aggregate, victorious ; 
a speedy termination of the war was looked upon as almost certain. 
With accustomed vigilance and sagacity, Washington foresaw the , 
apathetic attitude in which these peace prospects were likely to 
place the different States. He took prompt and effective steps to 
prevent any laxity of discipline or energy, until the last cloud 
had blown from the horizon, and the sun of liberty shone genially 
upon the " land of the free." 

About this time, murmurs and discontents broke out among the 
soldiers in regard to their pay. So high a place did Washington 



70 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

occupy in their esteem, that they urged him to take their griev- 
ances into his own hands, and assume the title of king. He 
could at this time have established an American monarchy, and 
himself assumed the regal diadem. Make a king of Wash- 
ington! They could have made Csesar of Fabius as well. Their 
request, of course, met a positive, not to say an indignant, 
refusal. 

In the summer of 1782, Sir Guy Carleton, who had succeeded 
General Clinton in the command of the British forces in America, 
gave notice that negotiations of peace, upon the basis of a recog- 
nition of American independence, were then pending in Paris. 
This resulted in a cessa.tion of hostilities. These negotiations were 
proti-acted through the fall and winter ; they were finally con- 
summated, to the satisfaction of all. In the spring of 1783, the glad 
tidings reached America that her blood-bought Declaration was 
stamped by treaty. On the 19th of April, 1783, peace was pro- 
claimed* throughout the land. Glorious day! It was, according 
to history, on that same day eight years before, that Gage com- 
manded the "rebels " to lay down their arms at Concord! Now 
regenerated, — divested of her stained garments, — her banner 
streaming in triumph and flouting defiance across the wave, — 
robed in Liberty's vestments, — America sang glad peans, while 
the clangor of arms rolled away along the margin of her bloody 
decade. Born in the cradle of tyranny, — nursed in the lap of 
misery, — matured by the productions of a wilderness, and revo- 
lutionized by the spur of oppression, — young America had 
leaped to glory's summit, whence, pointing to the nations of earth, 
she bade man — be free. 

Soon as active service was suspended, the French ti'oops de- 
parted for home, — our happy sharers of imperishable honor. The 
American army, no longer needed in service, and in a state of 
inactivity, became more clamorous than ever, in regard to their 
dues. They thought Congress could alleviate their distresses if 
it would. The ofiicers of the army were infected with this opinion. 
Memorials were drawn up expressive of their grievances, for pre- 
sentation to that body, and addresses were penned denouncing 
public officials. At length they became so inflamed, that thrilling, 
eloquent, anonymous communications were written and circulated 
among the army, calling upon the soldiers to meet and take pre- 
liminary steps for redress. At this crisis, Washington's wisdom, 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 71 

prudence and influence interposed. He mingled with his officers 
and soldiers, and acknowledged their causes of complaints were 
just ; at the same time, he impressed them with a sense of duty 
and remembrance of past glory. He issued a proclamation, calling 
his officers and soldiers together, for the purpose of consulting 
what was best to be done. They met at the time appointed. 
Washington, with that indefinable dignity which he possessed to 
a degree unequaled, and a love for his army glowing in his face, 
arose and addressed them solemnly upon the subject of agitation. 
This was the occasion when, looking benignly at his brave old 
comrades, and wiping his glasses, he said, " you perceive, fellow 
soldiers, that I have not only grown old, but blind, in the service 
of my country." The feeling evinced in the remark, almost drew 
tears from his soldiers, as he directed his full, clear gaze steadfast 
upon them. He reviewed their devotion through the past, and 
eulogized their patriotism ; he reminded them of the fact that for 
liberty they fought, and liberty had won. He referred to the name 
they had acquired in other lands, and appealed to them, by all 
that was sacred and dear, not to tarnish fame so fair by deeds of 
anarchy. He concluded with inspiring assurances that all would 
yet be well. 

Washington knew his army, — knew, too, the hidden springs of 
the human heart, and how to allay its excitements. His remarks 
on this occasion had the desired effect. The soldiers went quietly 
to quarters, and passed a vote of thanks to their beloved general. 
Noble men ! Washington's coimection with his companions in 
arms was soon to cease. Watchful of their interests, and linked 
to them by strongest ties, as a last proof of devotion he addressed 
a circular to each of the different States, wherein their heroism 
and fortitude, and claims upon the country, were set forth in a 
true light. In these circulars, he touched upon several matters of 
importance, essential to the perpetuity of their independence. As 
a sacred legacy, bought with blood and treasure, its preservation 
was to him an object of deepest anxiety. Through colonization 
and revolution, — two important national epochs, — we had passed in 
safety. Organization was now the great subject of solicitude and 
attention. Among the measures regarded necessary to good 
government, Washington recommended, a close union of the- 
several States ; a secred regard for public justice ; a military peace 
establishment as being vitally important. He now took a brief 



72 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

tour through the States; he was everywhere hailed as the benefactor 
of the nation,—" the Father of his country." He returned to the 
army to perform the painful duty of bidding- it adieu. On the 2d of 
November, he delivered his farewell address. His soul full of 
love, gratitude and emotion, he arose before his arni}^ ; a shade 
of deep sadness passed over each tace as they saw, for the last 
time, their noble chief. He looked at the army as he alone could 
look. Before him were the veterans of Trenton, — the heroes of 
Brandy wine, — the sufferers of Valley Forge, The eventful past 
came in long review before him as, in solemn dignity, he bid them 
farewell. His address was not lengthy, but replete with the essence 
of wisdom and patriotism. Though years have passed since that 
November day, his parting words are still heard. His next deli- 
cate and equally sad duty, was to take leave of his brave officers. 
On the 4th of December they met at Francis' Hotel, — met as 
they had often met, around the camp fire, — met as they should 
never meet again. Washington entered ; his countenance was 
sad, his heart too full for words. The fountain of his great 
soul was convulsed, and waves of feeling were ready to gush 
from his eyes. No words were spoken. Washington filled a 
glass, — turned to his old comrades, — a brother each, — with a look 
full of deep remembrance, and exclaimed : " With a heart full of 
love and gratitude, I now take leave of you, devoutly wishing 
that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy, as your 
former ones have been glorious and honorable." He then re- 
quested each one to take him by the hand. It was too much. 
Their pent up feelings, as they took his hand for the last time, 
found vent in tears. Those stern veterans, who never quailed in 
battle, were subdued. They threw their arms around their beloved 
commander, clasped him to their bosoms and wept like children. 
Not a word was uttered during this scene. Washington retired 
through the saddened throng to the water's edge, entered a vessel 
and waved adieu. 

Washington now proceeded to Annapolis, Maryland, where 
Congress was in session, and visited that body. On the 23d of 
December, while in session, and before a very large audience, con- 
vened to witness the ceremony, with impressive dignity, all eyes 
fastened upon him, he delivered a short address. It closed with 
these words : " Having now finished the work assigned me, I 
retire from the great theater of action ; and bidding an afiectionate 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 73 

farewell to this august body, uudcr whose orders I have so long 
acted, I here offer my commission, and take my leave of all the 
employments of public life." As he said this he advanced to the 
president, placed in his hands the commission he received from 
the same body eight years and a half before, and George Wash- 
ington was again a private citizen. 

Having thus laid down a power he had exercised with so much 
wisdom and justness, he retired to Mount Yeruou, and again 
devoted himself to the pursuits of agriculture, anticipating final 
release from public duty. His home, as usual, became the scene 
of the most liberal hospitalities and kindly greetings. Men of 
distinction came to Mount Vernon from all parts of the world, to 
see the " Great Washington, and enjoy his conversation." These 
he entertained in the most agreeable manner, and impressed with 
loftier conceptions of him than they had before, notwithstanding 
the exalted character previously attached to his name. 

From the enjoyment of his domestic quietude, however, he was 
again called to public services. America had declared and main- 
tained her independence as a nation ; her foes from w^ithout had 
been subdued, but her internal political organization had yet to be 
constructed. Washington, who had contributed so much to her 
military victories, was now called to her aid in a civic capacity. 
The political regulations of the country were sadly deficient. A 
center of political power was to be established, and its sphere of 
action defined, its jurisdiction asserted, and its supremacy main- 
tained. Congress had hitherto, been invested with powers suf- 
ficient to raise supplies, organize the militia, and adopt measures 
of defense; but the authority of raising revenue, contracting or 
liquidating national debts, or promoting her commercial interests, 
was nowhere vested in the confederacy A general Convention 
was proposed, to meet at Philadelphia, with representatives from 
all the States, for the purpose of regulating the government. 
Washington was the chosen delegate from Virginia. He de- 
voted himself with great care to an analysis of the existing state 
of things, and acquainted himself thoroughly with the systems of 
other republics, to be better prepared to see the defects of his own. 
This Convention met in May, 1787, and selected Washington 
for its President. Their deliberations continued through several 
months of severe labor, and resulted finally in the adoption of the 
present Constitution of the United States, which was signed by 



74 GEOEGE WASHINGTOX. 

the delegates. Meeting the approval of Congress, it was referred 
to the several States for adoption or rejection. Subordinate con- 
ventions were held throughout the States, for the purpose of con- 
sidering the claims of the Constitution, which resulted in its 
adoption. Under the Constitution, a President was to be elected 
for the first time. As t<) who should till this station, there was 
but one opinion. In Washington, all saw a proper person for 
chief magistrate. With reluctance he yielded to the wishes of the 
people. The first presidential election of the United States was 
held on the first Wednesday in February, 1789, and resulted in 
the unanimous election of Geokge Washington. He entered 
upon the duties of the office, well aware of its responsibilities. 
" About ten o'clock," says Washington, '' I bade adieu to Mount 
Yernon, to private life and to domestic felicity, and with a mind 
oppressed with more anxious and painful cares than I have words 
to express, set out for New York, in company with Mr. Thompson 
and Colonel Humphreys, with the best disposition to render ser- 
vice to my country, in obedience to its call, but with less hope of 
answering its expectations." 

On the 23d of April he reached New York, then the seat of 
government. He took the oath of office on the 30th, delivered his 
inaugural, and entered upon his duties as President of the United 
States. Congress was busy, in the meantime, regulating a correct 
form of national government. Under the powers guaranteed to 
that body by the Constitution, the military, judiciary, commercial 
and monetary interests of the country were to be protected by its 
wisdom. They at length established a department of State, of 
war, and of the treasury, styleil the Executive departments of the 
government, requiring a secretary at the hea<l of each. These 
secretaries were to be a part of the President's Cabinet; Washing- 
ton's first duty, then, after election, was to select suitable persons 
to fill these stations, — or in more modern parlance, to select his 
Cabinet, he appointed as 

Secretary of State, Thomas Jefferson; 

Secretary of the Treasury, Alexander Hamilton; 

Secretary of War, Henry Knox; 

Attorney-General, Edmund Randolph. 
Such were the first Pi-esident and Cabinet of the United States. 
Three rvdes governed Washington, in his appointments to office; 
first, the fitness of men for station.' second, their just claims to 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 75 

public favor; third, tho distribution of offices among all the 
States as much as possible. 

During Washington's first administration, the machinery of 
government was successfully pnt in operation. Many important 
measures were enacted for the protection and prosperity of the 
country. Foreign afiairs were regulated, and preliminary steps 
taken to settle domestic matters. A system for the liquidation of 
the national debt, contracted during the war, was submitted. 
A wise and judicious policy toward the Indians was adopted. A 
national bank, — a measure then regarded by the ablest men, as 
being of infinite utility, — was established. A tax was levied upon 
distilled spirits, and many other measures of usefulness to the 
young confederacy were introduced. 

It was during this administration that dissensions arose between 
Jeflerson and Hamilton, upon political issues, that eventually re- 
sulted in the formation of two great political parties in the country ; 
of which more in the proper place. Before the expiration of his 
term of office, he was besieged by men of note and capacity, 
especially the members of his Cabinet, with pressing solicitations 
to consent to re-election. So sure was he of retiring to private 
life at the close of his term of office, that he had prepared a fare- 
well address to the people. But the urgent appeals of his friends, 
who portrayed to him the condition of the country, and insisted 
that it was his duty to continue in office, induced him to forget 
personal preference in his anxiety to promote the public good. 
He accordingly entered the second time, upon the discharge of 
his duties as President, on the 4th of March, 1793. One of the 
first national questions of magnitude, requiring the consideration 
of the President, was our foreign relations. France, our former 
ally, was about entering upon the elaboration of her stupendous 
scheme of Democracy, which resulted in her revolution, and dis- 
plays of Napoleonic genius. Her declaration of war against 
Holland and England, met the approval and elicited the sympa- 
thies, of many Americans, who in addition to an ardent attach- 
ment to universal freedom, entC-rtained prejudices against the 
latter power, never to be forgotten. Washington foreseeing, that 
to be mixed up in a war between England and France would 
greatly derange our then young commercial interests, and that 
embroilment with the hostile parties would be very difficult to 
prevent, after consultation with his Cabinet, issued a proclama- 



76 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

tion of strict ueiitrality, urging its observance upon all, as being 
of vital interest to America. The French minister Genet, arriv- 
ing in America soon afterward, construed the warm reception 
given him by the people, — who were not nnappreciative of 
services rendered by his country, in the war of independence,— 
into a willingness to side with France ; he secretly organized 
factious assemblies, and formed hostile opposition to the neutrality 
proclamation, and excited them against the administration. He 
went so far as to procure an entry into our ports with the prizes 
taken by his privateers. This step excited the remonstrance of 
Great Britain, and was pronounced by the Cabinet, illegal. Genet 
now became so enraged, that he violated every rule of decorum, 
and conducted himself in a manner unworthy a national diplo- 
matist. He still continued to incite the people to side with 
France, — denounced the President and his Cabinet, and encour- 
aged his schemes of privateering. Against all this blustering 
zeal, Washington adhered to his convictions, and determined 
upon a strict enforcement of the neutrality laws. With Great 
Britain, also, our relations were in an unsettled condition. The 
treaty of peace had not been fully complied with, in all its terms ; 
right of search and impressment of our ships and seamen, had 
not in every instance been abandoned, — Indian annoyances had 
been continued, and privateering kept up. Finally, however, the 
British Cabinet signified a willingness to settle peacefully all 
existing difficulties. John Jay was, therefore, dispatched minis- 
ter to England, for the purpose of establishing a definite treaty 
with that power; Congress, in case of his failure to accom- 
plish this object, took steps to place the country in a state of de- 
fense. He succeeded in effecting a treaty, which, though not 
entirely satisfactory, was submitted to Congress, which convened 
the following June, for the purpose of its ratification. It being 
approved after some modifications by just two-thirds of the mem- 
bers, involved Washington in some perplexity. England had 
not approved the alterations, and should he sign it without such 
approval? While considering' this question, England becom- 
ing seriously complicated with France, reaffirmed the right of 
preventing the shipment of provisions from America to that 
country. While thus perplexed, an imperfect form of the treaty 
was published by the enemies of the administration, before Wash- 
ington gave it his approval. Its defects were displayed in all 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 77 

their magnitude, and its more meritorious features suppressed. 
Upon its appearance in this form, the people took alarm ; the 
Bostonians especially, were almost as indignant as when they re- 
ceived news of the old Stamp Act. They passed denunciatory 
resolutions, and forwarded them to the President. The country 
was everywhere stirred up upon the provisions of the treaty, and 
the excitement was on the steady increase. But in spite of popu- 
lar prejudices to stop the clamor and opposition, and show the 
utter uselessness of its continuance, Washington, after mature 
deliberation, repaired to Philadelphia, convened his Cabinet, and 
recommenced the immediate ratification of the treaty, as essential 
to the preservation of peace, and the establishment of tranquillity. 
The treaty was finally signed by the President, and all the 
members of the Cabinet, except the Secretary of State. Petitions 
were now extensively circulated against the treaty, to be pre- 
sented to Congress at its next meeting. When that body con- 
vened, these remonstrances were read, and resulted in the passage 
of resolutions calling upon the President for papers and docu- 
ments, containing Mr. Jay's instructions to the Court of Great 
Britain. Basing his objection upon constitutional grounds, 
Washington refused to furnish these documents, asserting that 
making treaties did not belong to the powers of Congress. This 
was followed by a long and heated debate upon the floor of the 
House of Representatives. 

While thus engaged with the affairs of government, Washing- 
ton learned the imprisonment of his old friend and companion in 
arms. General Lafayette; he made every effort in his power to 
procure his release, but without avail. Before the close of his 
administration, he was urged again to continue in office. But in 
addition to his determination to return to the enjoyment of 
private life, which, in fact, became necessary for him, after 
services so long and arduous, patriotism dictated it ; believing, 
that more than twice as chief executive, would be a prece- 
dent dangerously inimical to the best interests of the country. 
About six months before the expiration of his last term, his im- 
mortal "Farewell Address' was published, which, for its wise 
and patriotic sentiments, was appended to the Statute laws of 
many of the States. On the 7th of December, 1796, Washington 
appeared for the last time before the Houses of Congress, and 
delivered an able address, of which, as being the last words of 



78 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

Geokge Washington to his country as her public seryaut, we 
give the closing sentence : 

" The situation In which I now stand for the last time, in the 
midst of the representatives of the people of the Unite 'i States, 
naturally recalls the period when the administration commenced; 
and 1 can not omit the occasion to congratulate you and my country 
on the success of the experiment, nor to repeat my fervent suppli- 
cations to the Supreme Huler of tiie Universe, and Sovereign 
Arbiter of Nations, that his providential care may still be ex- 
tended to the United States ; that the virtue and happiness of the 
people may be preserved, and the government which they have 
instituted for the protection of their liberties may be perpetual." 

Seeing his successor, Mr. Adams, inaugurated into the respon- 
sible station he had just vacated, Washington made preparations 
for his retirement to Mount Vernon. Prior to his final exit from 
the stage of public action, a dinner was given him, at which the 
distinguished of other countries, as well as his own, were guests. 
On the day of the entertainment he was President of the United 
States, — on the next, he would be a private citizen. While enjoy- 
ing the repast with a degree of festivity, Washington filled his 
glass, and turning to his distinguished company said: "Ladies 
and gentlemen, this is the last time I shall drink your health as 
a public man. I do it with sincerity, wishing you all possible 
happiness." A shade of sorrow passed over each face as he 
uttered this. Some of the company expressed their feelings in 
tears. Forever free from public anxieties, with feelings that 
kings might envy, he at once took his departure for home.* On 
his route, he received every conceivable demonstration of honor 
and love from the people. Again an unostentatious farmer at 
Mount Yernon, he devoted himself to congenial pursuits. He 
exemplified in his daily vocations the highest traits of the citizen, 
the man, and the Christian. His regular habits were renewed, 
without the interruption of public cares. Soon after he became 
established at home, he thus wrote Lafayette : " Breakfast being 
over, I mount my horse and ride around my farms, which employs 
me until it is time to dress for dinner, at which I rarely miss 
seeing sti'ange faces, come, as they say, out of respect to me ; 



*The political events of Washington's Administration, will be dwelt upon moro 
at length, in subsequent pages of these " Lives." 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 79 

and, how different is this from having a few social friends at a 
cheerful board. The usual time of sitting at table, a walk and 
tea, bring me within the dawn of candle-light, previous to which, 
if not prevented by company, I resolve that as soon as the glim- 
mering taper supplies the place of the great luminary, I will 
retire to my writing table, and acknowledge the letters I have re- 
ceived. Having given you this history of a day, it will serve for 
a year." 

But this quietude came near being again interrupted. The 
French, from the first issue of the neutrality proclamation, had 
been insidiously endeavoring to alienate the people of the United 
States from the doctrine of non-intervention. After the Jay 
treaty their tone became haughty and imperious. Pretending that 
the conclusion of that treaty, without their co-operation, was an 
infraction of former stipulations between them and us, they de- 
nounced our ministers ; Charles Pinckney was treated with. great 
indignity, and finally ordered to leave the country. This was 
followed by gross violations of agreements between the two coun- 
tries. Outrages upon our commerce became quite frequent. 
Congress immediately^ assembled, and made vigorous preparations 
for war. A call for ten thousand men was made, and stops taken 
to bring them together. Washington received solicitations from 
all sides, to take the chief command. President Adams wrote 
him, " we must have your name. There will be more efiicieucy 
in that, than in many an army." Washington replied, deploring 
the necessity that required a resort to arms, and afiirming a desire 
to remain in private life. He says, however, " I shall not intrench 
myself under the cover of age and retirement." He was finally 
placed again at the head of the American army, and began 
active exertions to render it efficient. But while these movements 
were going on, great changes took place in France. On the 
ruins of the Directory, Napoleon Bonaparte had built his mighty 
power. Again, ministers were sent from America to France. 
Napoleon had too much good sense to embroil himself in a quar- 
rel with this country just at that time. A treaty of peace, adjus- 
tive of all difficulties, was speedily concluded. 

These efforts of Washington to form a new army were his last. 
Though he had long enjoyed uninterrupted good health, the time 
had come when he must fall from among men. Washington had 
an excellent constitution, but was of a short-lived family. On the 



go GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

12th and 13th days of December, he exposed himself in sleet and 
snow, while going his accustomed rounds about his farms. The 
result was a sore throat and a severe ague. On the morning of 
the 14th, he was bled by one of his overseers. Finding no relief, 
Dr. Craik was sent for, and afterward Drs. Brown and Dick. 
Their skill could not avert the stroke. He continued in groat 
misery through the day. At 5 o'clock in the evening, speaking 
to Dr. Craik, he said, " Doctor, I die hard, but thank God, I am 
not afraid to die." At 6 o'clock in the evening, addressing him- 
self to Drs. Craik, Dick and Brown, he said with much difficulty, 
" I feel myself going, — I thank you all for your attention. But I 
pray you, take no more trouble about me," again he said : " Let 
me go ofi' quietly, — I can not last long." At 10 o'clock in the 
evening, he said to Mr. Lear: "I am just going. Have me 
decently buried, and do not let my body be put into the vault, in 
less than three days, after I am dead." Just after 10 o'clock, in 
that solemn death-chamber, — his wife at his side, his physicians 
bending over him, and members of his household in the room, — 
he looked at them all, and exclaimed, "Father of mercies, take 
me to thyself." Having said this, his eyes closed, — his heart 
stilled its pulsations, — George Washington was dead. 

Congress, on learning his death, closed deliberations, and re- 
solved to wear mourning the residue of the session. The speaker's 
chair was draped in black, and every manifestation given, to testify 
the deepest grief. The whole nation mourned, and everywhere 
were seen indications of sorrow. Nor to America alone was 
grief confined. The British fleet lowered England's flag at the 
news, as if her troops would sigh over his bier. France mourned 
his tall. Napoleon circulated the following notice to his army, on 
hearing of the event: "Washington is dead. This great man 
fought against tyranny ; he established the liberty of his country. 
His memory will always be dear to the French people, as it will 
to all the freemen of the two worlds." This notice concluded 
with an order, that all the banners and flags throught France, 
should be dressed in crape for ten days. 

Washington was buried the 18th of December, 1799. In the 
last month of its last year, the eighteenth century claimed God's 
noblest work, and departed with Washington. Vernon is his 
resting place, — America, his mausoleum. 




BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 



BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 



In looking over the names of illustrious cotemporaries for 
tliat one appropriate to place next to "Washington, we have con- 
cluded none embraced more merit, or afforded a better type of 
his times, than Benjamin Franklin. Though no halo of military 
fame circles his brow, it is adorned with chaplets no less lasting 
or brilliant. 

Indeed, if his name could bQ erased from the records of empire, 
it would still embellish those of science, and live in the great book 
of nature. In studying his life, we find such a blending of saga- 
cious diplomacy with scientific inquiry, that we are alternately 
thrown into the presence of the statesman and philosopher, without 
knowing which most to admire. 

His paternal lineage, it is claimed, can be followed to Northamp- 
tonshire England, where his forefathers dwelt in 1555. 

During the flame of persecution that prevailed in the reign of 
Queen Mary, his family adhered to their Protestant faith, notwith- 
standing the risk incurred. His great grandfather, it is said, 
kept the family Bible tied on the under side of a stool, and when 
he wished to instruct the children from its pages, one was put on 
watch at the door, while the stool was turned upside down ; if 
the sentinel gave warning of the approach of any clerical official, 
the stool was immediately placed in its proper position. 

His father came to this country in 1685, and settled in New 
England. His ancestors, seem to have entertained exalted ideas 
of religious liberty, the full enjoyment of which, induced their 
emigration to America. 

(81) 



32 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 

Benjamin Franklin was born iu Boston, on the 6th of Janu 
aiy, 1706 (O, S.,) being the youngest son of his father's second mar 
riage. In fact he tells us, in his autobiography, that he was " the 
youngest son of the youngest son, for five generations back.'' 
His father was a dyer by trade, but the profits accruing from that 
business after his arrival in America, not being sufiicient to meet 
the wants of a numerous family, he embarked in the vocation of 
soap boiler and tallow chandler. Both his parents reached ex- 
ti-eme old age, and according to the epitaph placed over their 
remains, " lived lovingly together iu wedlock fifty-five years ; 
and without estate, or any gainful employment, by constant labor 
and honest industry, with God's blessing, maintained a large 
family comfortably, and brought up thirteen children and seven 
gi'andchildren reputably." 

To go back to the cradle for indications of future greatness, 
and to take their subjects from the humblest obscurity and place 
them in the highest positions, with a disposition to praise every act 
of their lives, are faults too common with biographers. If, how- 
ever, any individual ever arose from the smallest beginnings, to 
high position, essentially through the medium of his own eflbrts, 
Benjamin Fkanklin did. 

In his lather's employ, during his early boyhood, save an eccen- 
tric inquisitiveness, he gave no evidences of extraordinary capacity. 
Between the awkward lad at the soap kettle, and the unrivaled 
diplomatist, or the little urchin cutting candlewicks, and the man 
who was to tame the lightning, certainly there is not the remotest 
semblance of connection. Nor can it be said of Franklin, that his 
talents were iu any way the development of circumstances. To 
no influential benefactor, who became early interested in his 
behalf, was he indebted for being placed on the road to fame. 
By his own industry he ascended step by step, to distinction, 
and by his judgment made it the precursor of happy results. 
Until he was twelve years of age, he was kept at his father's trade, 
assisting in the lighter parts of it; but becoming dissatisfied 
with his business, he manifested a disposition to "go to sea." To 
prevent this, he was apprenticed to the cutlers trade, but by some 
misunderstanding he remained but a short time, and returned 
home. 

Soon after, he began to exhibit a taste for books, and read thost 
he could procure, with avidity. Among the books of which ht 



BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 83 

speaks, as being read with great profit, about this time, were 
Phitarch's Lives, This turn for reading, determined his father 
to apprentice him to the printing business, under his brother 
James, then editor of the New England Courant newspaper. 
In this position he soon found access to the library of a very 
worthy gentleman, and devoted himself more closely to the study 
of letters. In addition to other books, he read the Spectator with 
great interest, and was so pleased with the style, that he afterward 
tried to imitate certain portions of it, for the purpose of improv- 
ing his own composition. The writings of Franklin, though 
vigorous and instructive, are in all respects so different from 
those of Addison, that one would never think he tried to imitate 
the classic author of the Spectator. If he was really trying to 
adopt its style, the failure was evidently complete. 

About this time, also, he conceived a passion for verse-making, 
and published several pieces, which, he sjiys, "sold prodigiously 
about town," though they "were wretched stuif, in street ballad 
style." "We have no doubt they were. The plain matter of fact 
qualities of his mind, and its grasping philosophical profundity, 
were certainly unadapted to the muses. They were, doubtless, more 
the result of his peculiar desire to experiment in rhyme and 
measure, and to try his powers upon every thing that presented 
itself, than any fervor of poetic fancy. Though his criticism on 
Pope's, 

Immodest words, admit of no defense ; 
For want of modesty, is want of sense, — 

when he suggested that : 

Immodest words, admit hut this defense; 
For want of modesty, is want of sense, — 

is certainly not so bad. It seems, from his rendering of the 
couplet, a "want of sense," he thought sufficient apology for 
"immodest words," notwithstanding Pope's expression to the con- 
trary. Such was his common-sense way of viewing things, and 
thinking for himself, at the age of sixteen. 

At this age, he " met with a book, written by one Tyron," that 
advocated a strictly vegetable diet, as essential to health. He 
read the work, and, true to his experimental nature, desiring to 
test practically that method of living, he "determined to go into 
it." From the experience of his culinary investigations, no very 
satisfactory results were obtained, and he soon after repudiated 



84 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 

the doctrine of " one Tyron," and returned to animal food, with a 
degree of high relish. 

He possessed through life great powers of inspiring confidence, 
and reconciling men to his way of thinking. This success in 
enforcing his opinions, he attributes, in a great measure, to the 
Socratic mode of arguing points, — that is, instead of flat contra- 
diction, and positive afiirmation, he substituted the milder way 
of "I should not think so," or "I imagine, thus and so." He 
was induced to adopt this method of disputation, by a perusal of 
"Xenophon's memorable things of Socrates." The influence ex- 
erted by that eminent philosopher, upon Franklin, whose docile 
mind became thus early impressed with his example, continued 
through life. 

His brother publishing some article that gave ofiense to the 
Assembly, the publication of his paper was suppressed by that 
body; it was continued for some time, however, in the name of 
Benjamin Franklin. To consummate this evasion, it was neces- 
sary for his brother to cancel the indenture of Benjamin's ap- 
prenticeship, with a discharge. A misunderstanding arose between 
the brothers soon after, and Benjamin threatened to leave his 
employ, and availiug himself of his discliarge, asserted his free- 
dom. This act, he afterward considered ''unfair," and reckoned 
among "the first errata of his life." 

Under his discharge, granted merely for the purpose of continu- 
ing his brother's paper, he clandestinely left Boston, selling his 
books to raise means to go upon, and went to New York cit}^ , 
where he arrived in October, 1723, without money, friends, or 
recommendation. After making an unsuccessful efibrt to get 
employment as a printer, he started to Philadelphia, which ho 
reached the same month. His entrance into that city, where he 
was destined to win distinction, was, from his own account, no^ 
very imposing. 

His first transaction was to buy three "great rolls" of bread. 
His pockets being " stufied out with shirts and socks," he put one 
of these rolls under each arm, and commenced eating the other. 
In this way he commenced an inspection of the city, " looking in 
the face of every one he met." It is not surprising that his future 
wife, Miss Read, who was standing in the door of her father's 
residence, as he passed by, should think he made an 'awkward 
and ridiculous appearance." 



BENJAMIN FEANKLIN. 85 

While thus walking the streets, he was attracted by a large 
assemblage of persons, "all going one way," and resolved to 
follow. He soon found himself in the first Quaker church of 
the city, in the midst of a large congregation, who had met for 
public worship. 

" After looking around awhile, being very drowsy " he " fell fast 
asleep," in which state he continued through the service, and 
would doubtless have so remained during the day, had not " some 
one been kind enough to rouse him, when the meeting broke 
up." 

Such was Benjamin Feanklin's first appearance among the 
citizens of Philadelphia, whom he was destined to surprise by his 
superior wisdom. He was not long in finding employment, which, 
by continued industry, he made agreeable and remunerative. 
While engaged in the wretched printing ofiice of Keimer, he 
attracted the consideration of Sir William Keith, governor of 
Pennsylvania, who was anxious to establish him in business in 
Philadelphia, and gave him a letter for presentation to his father 
for that purpose, promising him, at the same time, the public 
printing. With this letter Franklin left the ofiice of Keimer, 
and returned to Boston, where he gave a glowing description of 
Philadelphia, and astonished his old companions by exhibiting 
among them his " watch," and a pocket full of silver, which he 
says, was to them "a kind oiraree show.'''' Basing his objections 
upon his youth, his father was decidedly opposed to his embark- 
ing in business for himself at Philadelphia, notwithstanding the 
promised patronage of Governor Keith, and wi'ote that gentleman 
accordingly. He returned to Philadelphia and gave Keith the 
letter from his father, who, far from falling into his prudential way 
of thinking, with every protestation of esteem, told Franklin he 
would set him up in business himself, and wait until the profits 
of his trade would enable him to cancel the obligation. Franklin 
supposing him actuated by correct motives, accepted this liberal 
proposition, and thought he was "the best man in the world." 
It was finally agreed between the governor and himself, that he 
should go to Europe for the purpose of purchasing printing 
materials and fixtures, upon the next vessel ; there being at that 
time but one ship a year plying from Philadelphia to London. 
Franklin, in the meantime, by close application to business, 
had established a bright reputation as a young man of sober, 



85 BENJAMIN FEANKLIN. 

industrious habits, and withal, about the best workman in the 
eitj. By availing himself of all odd moments from business, and 
by a continuous search after knowledge, he also began to elicit con- 
sideration among literary men. His associations were confined to 
the strictly virtuous and moral, and mostly with those possessing 
social affinities, and taste for literature, etc. Literary societies 
were formed, and friendly circles among the young, for mutual 
benefit, wherein Franklin took a lively interest, and was looked 
upon somewhat in the light of a leader. 

In accordance with the plan of Governor Keith, he furnished him 
an inventory of articles needed to begin business, and their cost, 
and prepared for his trip to Europe. Keith was to give him 
letters of introduction to many notables, and also letters of credit, 
upon which money was to be drawn, after he reached London, to 
buy his materials with. He postponed giving these letters, how- 
ever, from time to time, until the vessel was ready to depart, 
when he sent Franklin word to go aboard, and he would bring 
them in person to the ship before her departure from Newcastle. 
He accordingly " took leave of his friends, and exchanged promises 
with Miss Read," who it seems had discovered some fine qualities 
in the awkward youth with the rolls, and left Philadelphia. 
Arriving at Newcastle, he learned the governor was there, who 
excused himself from an interview upon a plea of business, but 
promised to send him the letters on board. The infamous designs 
of this precious governor will soon be developed. 

Such men as Governor Keith imposing upon susceptibility, form 
one of the greatest barriers to the progress of young men who 
have to rely exclusively upon their own energy and judgment 
for success. To thus deceive a youthful struggler with pretended 
fi'iendship, at the risk of blighting his prospects, is the very 
essence of meanness. 

The voyage to Europe was not a very agreeable one ; they en- 
countered some very unpleasant weather, and the ship furnished 
no extra accommodations. Franklin, in the meantime, had re- 
ceived a package purporting to be the governor's letters, upon 
which his hopes were based. 

He reached London, December 24th, 1724, and proceeded 
to look up the stationers and printers, to whom he imagined the 
letters were introductory. He succeeded in finding them, and 
presented the letters; the stationer read them, and remarked to 



BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 87 

Fkanklin that he had never heard ofsuch a man as Governor Keith. 
His other letters from that gentleman amounted to about the 
same thing. The fact is, the governor had neither credit nor 
friends in London, and the whole thing was a base deception. 

Franklin, now separated from home by the ocean, found him- 
self in the metropolis of the world without any money or intro- 
ductory letters. He had, however, that best of mediums for 
young men without means, a good trade, of which he was 
complete master, and plenty of industry to prosecute it. Thus, 
his establishing himself in business on his own account in 
Philadelphia, proved an air bubble, that exploded without a tinge 
of probability. He soon got a situation, however, as journey- 
man printer for a Mr. Palmer, in which he continued about a 
year. While here, he committed the folly of publishing a tract, 
entitled, "A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, — Pleasure 
and Pain," — rather difficult and comprehensive subjects. His 
motive in publishing, this was certainly to make an effort in the 
literary line, as he neither expected nor realized any thing from 
it. It proved, however, a medium to form acquaintance with men 
of congenial feelings, which was doubtless the main object in 
view. 

He soon after left the office of Palmer, and entered the estab- 
lishment of a Mr. Watts, at Lincoln's Inn Fields. He now con- 
cieved the idea of laying up some money, and adopted a system 
of frugality ; to which he adhered, though without parsimonious- 
ness, through life. He also stuck closely to his habits of sobriety 
and industry, losing no time, and drinking nothing but cold water.. 
This strict adherence to temperance, acquired for him, among 
the other workmen, who were in the habit of taking their daily 
potions, the name of " Water American." After remaining in 
London near a year and a half, he was persuaded by a Mr. Den- 
ham, a merchant of Philadelphia, to return to that city and 
assume the position of clerk for him in a dry-goods store. 
Accordingly, on the 23d of July, 1726, he sailed for Phila- 
delphia, where he arrived the 11th of October. Denham opened 
an extensive stock of goods, in a business part of the city, while 
Franklin commenced duty as his clerk, with which he was well 
pleased, until the death of his principal, which occurred the ensu- 
ing February, threw him out of employment. He again had 
recourse to his trade, however, and re-entered the office of his old 



83 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 

employer, Keimer, aa general superintendent or foreman. A 
young man named Hugh Merideth was in the office at the same 
time. But a short time elapsed, however, before Keimer's irri- 
tability became intolerable, and using some harsh language 
toward Franklin, he took his hat and left the office, requesting 
Merideth to call at his room in the evening ; Merideth complied, 
and the project of going into co-partnership in the printing busi- 
ness was discussed between them. It was finally agreed that 
they should establish a printing firm in the spring, and Merideth's 
father, who approved of the plan, made arrangements to procure 
the materials from London. Keimer having a job to perform soon 
after, that required more skill than he had in his office, sent for 
Franklin, rather apologizing for his conduct, to execute the 
work. In compliance with the request of Merideth he returned, 
and in the prosecution of the work, which was the printing of some 
bank notes, he prepared a kind of copper-plate press, which, he 
says, was the first ever seen in America. 

Shortly after their printing materials reached the city, when 
Franklin and Merideth settled with Keimer, and commenced 
business for themselves near Market Street. To give some 
idea of the city and of its inhabitants, as well as some peculi- 
arities of our subject at the time he commenced business, we 
subjoin an extract from his autobiograpy : 

"There are croakers in every country, always boding its ruin. 
Such a one there lived in Philadelphia; a person of note, an 
elderly man with a wise look, and a very grave manner of speak- 
ing ; his name was Samuel Mickle. This gentleman, a stranger 
to me, stopped me one day at my door and asked me if I was the 
young man who had lately opened a new printing house. Being 
answered in the affirmative, he said he was sorry for me, because 
it was an expensive undertaking, and the expense would be 
lost; for Philadelphia was a sinking place, the people already 
half bankrupts, or near being so." ***** 
"Then he gave me such a detail of misfortunes, now existing, or 
that soon were to exist, that he left me half melancholy. Had I 
known him before I engaged in this business, probably I never 
should have done it." 

About this time he started a literary society, composed of the 
best read young men of the city, called the Junto, of which he 
was the soul for a long while. This was, for a time, the best 



BENJAMIN FKANKLIN. 89 

association in tlie country, and afforded Fkanklin a fine oppor- 
tunity of cultivating his taste for literature. He devoted himself 
to business with great energy, often working at his type, until 
twelve o'clock at night, and began to thrive tolerably well, for a 
3'oung beginner. 

He now conceived the idea of starting a newspaper in Phila- 
delphia, there being none of importance published in the city. 
Accordingly, on the 25th of September, 1729, the Pennsylvania 
Gazette was issued, in the name of Franklin and Merideth. 
Franklin assumed the editorial department of the paper, and 
soon brought it into considerable repute by his bold, vigorous way 
of handling the different issues of the day. His subscription list 
increased with wonderful rapidity, and he soon established a 
permanent reputation, and was elected public printer by the 
Assembly. 

"While editor, he is said to have used some persons of note in 
the city rather roughly, while speaking of their public acts, which 
met the condemnation of some of his subscribers, who informed 
him of the fact. Franklin sent an invitation to all his patrons 
who were displeased with his editorial, to come and take supper 
with him; which was promptly accepted. His guests came at the 
hour, and were very kindly received. They were at length seated 
to supper, which consisted of coarse corn meal, "or sawdust" 
puddings, as they were called, and some pitchers of water. Frank- 
lin began eating, and asked his guests to eat also, which they 
endeavored to do, but their stomachs rebelled against the fare, 
while vainly trying to partake of the meal. Franklin soon arose, 
in an independent manner, and exclaimed: '"'' My friends^ an 
editor who can subsist on sawdust and watei\ as I can^ needs 
no nian''s jpatronageP 

Soon after the establishment of his paper, the co-partnership 
existing between him and Merideth was dissolved, he becoming 
sole proprietor. One of the first measures of importance that pre- 
sented a theme for newspaper discussion, was the "necessity of a 
paper currency." Fifteen thousand pounds was the entire circu- 
lation in the state of Pennsylvania. Franklin took sides in 
favor of it, which, while it gave him popularity with the people, 
elicited opposition from capitalists. The measure was finally adopt- 
ed by a decisive majority of the Assembly, and he was warmly 
commended for the active part taken. In addition to his printing 



90 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 

office, he opened a book or stationery store, on a small scale, 
which he made remunerative, applying himself to business with 
untiring energy. 

Miss Read, with whom he " exchanged promises" on his 
departure for London, was married during his absence, but not 
living agreeably, her husband being a worthless individual, 
they separated shortly afterward. Fkanklin now renewed his 
visits to her house, repeated his addresses and was accepted. 
They were married on the 1st of September, 1730, and lived a life 
of uninterrupted conjugal felicity. " She proved," says Fkanklin, 
"a good and faithful helpmate, assisted me much by attending 
to the shop ; we throve together, and ever mutually endeavored to 
make each other happy." 

Fkanklin fully understood the importance of reading, and 
manifested, during his lift, a deep solicitude for the moral and 
intellectual enlightenment of the people. A general diffusion of 
knowledge among the masses, so as to make its mediums 
available to all, especially the American youth, he looked upon 
as a matter of paramount importance, and contributed greatly to 
its consummation. 

Soon after his embarkation in business, he took steps for 
the establishment of the Philadelphia Library, that has since 
become one of the finest in the United States. He drew up a 
subscription, to be signed by those favorable to the project, each 
subscriber annexing to his name a certain amount to be paid down, 
and a small annual fee for the maintenance of the institution. In 
this way, with an advance cash capital of one hundred pounds, 
and a yearly subscription of twenty-five pounds, through the 
agency of Fkanklin, the Philadelphia Library was founded, and its 
doors thrown open one day during each week. It was the pre- 
cursor of much good ; a taste for reading was infused among the 
citizens, which was attended with beneficient results. Its utility at 
length became so manifest, that it was the recipient of public and 
private patronage, and some considerable donations. It has 
since continued to increase, having a more enlarged sphere of doing 
good, until it can boast of a collection unsurpassed, perhaps, in 
the Union. 

Franktjn now began to prosper in business, and attain easier 
circumstances in life. So great indeed had been the change, that 
his wife thinking " her husband deserved a silver spoon, and 



BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 91 

China bowl as well as any of liis neighbors," contrary to hia 
hitherto frugal sentiments purchased those articles at the " enor- 
mous cost of twenty three shillings," and surprised him by plac- 
ing them before him at the breakfast table. 

Franklin, notwithstanding his frugality, was liberal and high 
souled, though not without a species of inherent aristocracy. He 
wished to accumulate wealth, and attain position, which, especi- 
ally in our day, cover a greater multitude of sins than charity, in the 
world's estimation. His economical way of living, with patient 
industry, he knew was essential to success. Thus, he eventually 
reached celebrity and accumulated means, so that his wife's silver 
spoon was the pioneer to several hundred pounds of rich silver 
plate that found its way to his table. His frugality was the 
• result of a just appreciation of its importance, as shown from the 
following regulations of his life at that time : 

" It is necessary for me to be extremely frugal for some time, 
till I have paid what I owe." 

" To endeavor to speak the truth in every instance; to give no- 
body expectations not likely to be answered, but aim at sincerity 
in every word and action, — the most amiable excellence in a 
rational being." 

" To apply myself industriously to whatever business I take in 
hand, and not divert my mind from it by any foolish project of 
growing suddenly rich ; for industry and patience are the surest 
means of plenty. I resolve to speak ill of no man whatever, not 
even in a matter of truth ; but rather by some means excuse the 
faults I hear charged upon others, and upon proper occasions, 
speak all the good I know of everybody." 

Young man ! the above are sands of gold, — treasure them. 

As regards Franklin's moral sentiments, they were most 
unexceptionable. There is a certain standard fixed by public 
opinion, to which all men's morals must be subjected. But, 
occasionally, we meet with characters, a subjection of which to 
any fixed criterion or rule is essentially difficult. There are those 
whose actions, like rays from a great moral luminary, shine far 
beyond the radius of rule and ordinance. The noble philanthro- 
pist, who acts from principle, and scatters abundance among the 
needy, is often unappreciated by those who do less, in conformity 
to discipline. Some men endeavor to do right through fear of 
being punished for doing wrong ; others, through exoectations of 



92 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 

reward for so doing. Some think doing right consists merely 
in not doing wrong, and live perfect negatives and " barren fig 
trees " in God's vineyard, — no benefit to themselves or to their 
countiy. Others again, conform strictly to specific regulations, to 
•which are affixed rewards and penalties, for the purpose of meet- 
ing the one and avoiding the other ; while a third class, actuated 
by no premium held out to virtue, impelled by no threatened lasb 
of punishment, labor to do good from an elevated inherent mora) 
principle. They do not stop to inquire, "if we do not do this, 
what punishment we shall sufier," or if we do that, what benefits 
receive; but, obeying the dictates of a principle broad enough 
to make them benefactors of the human race, they make oppor- 
tunities to do good on all occasions. To this class belongs Benja- 
min Fkanklin. From an inherent love of virtue he endeavored . 
to reach moral perfection, and exemplified it by his own acts. 
Impelled by this high moral principle, he adopted the following 
code of morals, and methods of conforming to it: 

" 1. Temperance. — Eat not to dullness, drink not to elevation." 

" 2. Silence. — Speak not but what may benefit others or yourself; 
avoid trifling conversation." 

"3. Order. — Let all your things have their places ; let each 
part of your business have its time." 

"4. Resolution. — Resolve to perform whatyou ought,— perform, 
without fail, what you resolve." 

" 5. Frugality. — Make no expense, but to do good to others or 
yourself; that is, waste nothing." 

" 6. Industry. — Lose no time ; be always employed in some- 
thing useful ; cvit off all unnecessary actions." 

"7. Sincerity. — Use no hurtful deceit; think innocently and 
justly; and, if you speak, speak accordingly." 

" 8, Justice. — Wrong none by doing injuries, or omitting the 
benefits that are your duty." 

" 9. Moderation. — Avoid exti-emes ; forbear resenting injuries 
60 much as you think they deserve." 

'' 10. Cleanliness. — Tolerate no uncleanliness in body, clothes, 
or habitation." 

"11. Tranquillity. — Be not disturbed at trifles, or at accidents 
common or unavoidable. 

"12. Chastity.'' 

" 13. Humility. — Imitate Jesus, and Socrates." , 



BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 



93 



The above partakes, to some extent, of the peculiarities of their 
author; it is perceived, he places the Athenian philosopher, 
Socrates, next the Saviour ; yet, for a purer or better code of 
morals, we are forced to the Decalogue. 

For the purpose of a closer and more constant adherence to 
these principles, he prepared a form with seven upright lines, 
representing each day of the week, intersected with thirteen hori- 
zontal lines, for the virtues just enumerated, thus : 



Temperance. 

Silence. 

Order. 

Resolution. 

Frugality. 

Industry. 

Sincerity. 

Justice. 

Moderation. 

Cleanliness. 



Sun. 


MON. 


Tu's. 


Wed. 


Thur. 


Fri. 


Sat. 


















» 




* 




« 




* 








« 




* 




* 








* 






» 
















* 













































































































Tranquillity. 

Chastity. 

Humility. 



When he violated either of these virtues, such violation waa 
marked by a star, in its appropriate column, under the day of the 
week, and opposite the virtue, as indicated above. Such was his 
extreme anxiety to live in accordance with the golden rule,, that 
he was ever watchful of his duty, and studiously careful in its 
faithful performance. As an independent embodiment of moral 
purity, Fkanklin had no equals. For the motto of his book ho 
adopted the following lines from Addison : 

" Here will I hold. If there's a power above lis, 
(And that there is, all nature cries aloud, 
Through all her work), He must delight in virtue; 
And that which He delights in must be happy." 

" And conceiving," he says, " God to be the fountain of wisdom, 
I thought it necessary to solicit his assistance and added the 
following prayer, for daily use :" 

" Oh powerful Goodness ! bountiful Father ! merciful Guide ! 
increase in me that wisdom which discovers my truest interests. 
Strengthen my resolution to perform what that wisdom dictates. 
Accept my kind offices to thy other children, as the only return 
in my power, for thy continual favors to me." 



94 BENJAMIN FEANKLIN. 

Additional evidence of his morality is furnished by the time- 
table or "scheme," adopted to assist him in keeping his "order 
columns" free from marks, and in his arrangement of the hours 
of the day, assigning to each its proper employment. Commenc- 
ing at five in the morning his first duty was to " rise, wash, and 
address powerful Goodness;" then, after a careful inquiry as to 
"What good can I do this day," its labors were begun with exact 
system, and closed in the evening with a review of its transactions, 
and the question: " What good have I done to-day?" His per- 
sonal application of these virtues, he saw, was so beneficial to 
himself, that he soon conceived the idea of forming a " United 
Party for Virtue," extending it over his own and other countries, 
to consist of those who were inclined to moral progress, and bo 
controlled by judicious regulations. This, however, he never 
attempted to put into execution. Among his written observa- 
tions about this time, are found the following : 

" That there is one God, who made all things. 

" That he governs the world by his providence. 

"That he ought to be worshiped by adoration, prayer, and 
thanksgiving. 

" But that the most acceptable reverence to God, is doing good 
to man, 

"That the soul is immortal, 

" And that God will certainly reward virtue, and punish vice." 

In 1732, he commenced the publication of "Poor Richard's 
Almanac," and met with the greatest success. 

Few periodicals of any sort have attained a reputation com- 
mensurate with "Poor Eichard's Almanac." In its table of con- 
tents, as published in the Pennsylvania Gazette, upon its first 
issue, are seen " Many Pleasant and Witty Yerses," " Jests and 
Sayings," Moon no Cuckold," Bachelor's Folly," "Parson's Wine 
and Baker's Pudding," "Breakfast in Bed," "Oyster Lawsuit, etc." 
From Poor Richard, a valuable little work, under the title of 
"Way to Wealth," has since been compiled. 

Fkakklin, when near thirty years of age, applied himself to the 
study of languages, and made sufiicient progress in French, 
Spanish, and Italian, to be enabled to read each with some facility. 
Of the Latin, he already had a partial knowledge, but he now 
devoted himself to it again with profit. He shortly after visited 
Boston, for the first time during ten years, and had an interview 



BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 95 

with his brother, who, hiyiug all old difficulties aside, gave him a 
cordial greeting. Ou his return home he was selected clerk of the 
Assembly, and was soon after appointed postmaster of Phila- 
delphia. In every capacity he proved faithful, and was regarded 
one of the most useful citizens of the place. Indeed, he sought for 
oppoz'tuuities to render himself of service to the community. 
Through his agency, improvements were made in the city patrol, 
and the " Union Fire Company," the first in Philadelphia, was 
organized. 

About this time the celebrated Whitefield came to Phila- 
delphia, and having occasion to get Feanklin to do considerable 
printing for him, it was the medium of an intimacy and attach- 
ment between them. Franklin relates of himself, that being in 
attendance while he was preaching one day, and having cause to 
suspect a collection for some object of which he did not approve, 
he determined not to give a cent. He had in his pocket some 
coppers, a few dollars in silver and some coins of gold. After 
Whitefield began his sermon, such was his influence upon him, 
that Franklin concluded he would give him his coppers ; — as he 
proceeded with his remarks, he was farther worked upon, and 
thought he would give the silver also ; the preacher finally closed 
his sermon so admirably, that when the collector came around, he 
" emptied his pockets " to him, silver, gold and all. 

Franklin's success in the printing business induced him to 
establish copartnerships or branch offices in the different colonies, 
each of which terminated happily. In this way he did much good, 
by establishing worthy young men in profitable business, all o£ 
whom eventually bought his interest and continued for them- 
selves. About this time Franklin organized a Philosophical 
Society, for the encouragement of science and literature, that was- 
attended with good results. His next eiforts were directed to 
defensive preparations of the province, for contingencies likely to 
grow out of the war, in which Spain, France and Great Britain 
were engaged. There were no state miiitia laws, or other means 
of defense in the province; this state of things elicited his tract 
entitled " Plain Truth," which so aroused the people, that they 
assembled in a body, — formed themselves into companies, — 
furnished their own arms, and made provisions for being prop- 
erly drilled and taught the art of war. He also invented an 
improvement in stoves, which came much into use, and was- 



96 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 

eventually patented, and made the patentee quite a handsome 
fortune, Feanexin himself disapproving of patents. 

In 1749, he commenced efiorts for the establishment of the 
University of Philadelphia, for the education of youth, which 
were attended with so much success that, before the expiration of 
the year, it was open for the reception of pupils, and soon became 
the most popular institution in the country. Fbanexin continued 
one of its trustees, during a period of forty years, and had the 
satisfaction of seeing many young men reach distinction who had 
been recipients of its advantages. 

Fkanklin having accumulated a very handsome property, and 
being relieved from incessant labor, resolved to devote himself to 
philosophical pursuits, and began his experiments in electricity. 
He was interrupted, however, in his quietude, by calls from the 
country to public capacities. He was appointed justice of the 
peace, city alderman, and chosen a member of the Assembly, all 
about the same time. Of the office of justice of the peace, he 
says : " I tried it a little, attending a few courts, and sitting on the 
bench to hear causes ; but finding that more knowledge of the 
common law than I possessed, was necessary to act with credit 
in that station, I gradually withdrew from it, excusing mjself by 
being obliged to attend to the higher duties of a legislator in the 
Assembly." He continued for ten years a member of the 
Assembly, and was one of the most practical common-sense men 
in that body. His selection to these posts, though he confesses to 
a gratification of ambition, was wholly unsolicited on his part. 
He was also, in conjunction, with a Mr. Norris, selected to negoti- 
ate a treaty with the Indians, which was satisfiictorily concluded 
without difficulty. His next exertions were directed to the found- 
ing of the Philadelphia Hospital. For the furtherance of this 
commendable enterprise, he wrote in its behalf for the papers, and 
instituted subscriptions to raise the necessary funds. Being a 
member of the Assembly, he introduced a bill, and by his labor 
and influence, procured its passage through that body, making an 
appropriation for its benefit. Money was at length obtained, and 
the Pennsylvania Hospital building erected upon an eligible site ; 
the institution flourished with the greatest success. He also suc- 
cessfully proposed plans for lighting the city and paving the 
streets of Philadelphia. The practical powers of his mind were 
always seeking to be of service to his fellow-men. One day he was 



BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 97 

experimenting npon methods of converting the lightning into 
purposes of usefulness, the next, making improvements in stoves; 
sometimes founding hospitals and universities; at others, turning 
his attention to the best method of cleansing the streets of dust; 
to-day, philosophizing with Socrates and adopting a code of morals, 
to-morrow satirizing under the caption of an " Oyster Lawsuit ;" 
founding a city library on one day, the next he joins the Union 
Fire Company ; earnestly engaged in the establishment of a 
philosophical society, soon after his success in which, he turns 
his thoughts to an improvement in lamps. He desired to be use- 
ful to his country in any and all spheres, and by his industry and 
practical common-sense powers, few have ever been more so. 
Since his entrance into Philadelphia an awkward, penniless lad, 
he had traveled through Europe, organized a Literary Society, 
established a City Library, founded a Hospital, instituted a 
Philosophical Society, started a Fire Company, effected a Treaty 
with the Indians, made arrangements for paving the city, and 
made such discoveries in Electricity, that he was honored with the 
degree of Master of Arts, from both Harvard and Yale Colleges. 
He had conducted an able paper, raised a family, and accumulated 
a handsome fortune in the meantime. Such are the triumphs of 
industry. 

In 1754, about the time hostilities of the French and Indian 
war were beginning to be manifest, Franklin was sent as dele- 
gate to the Albany Convention, which met for the purpose of 
considering means of defense. He there presented a plan of 
union and consolidation among all the colonies, which, after slight 
modification, was adopted by that body. His plan provided a 
governor, or president, appointed by England, for all the colonies, 
and a kind of Congress composed of delegates from each colony, 
by its Assembly. The plan, however, was not adopted, — the 
Assemblies affirming it contained too much prerogative, and Eng- 
land, that it was too democratic. 

During the administration of Governor Morris, contentions 
between the Assembly and the executive ran high ; Franiclin was 
always selected as the member to reply to the governor's abusive 
messages, which he did with decided ability, and a degree of tart- 
ness, that made him grow weary of the contest. Franklin still 
felt attachment for the land of his jiativity, and often thought of 
Boston. When Mr. Quincy came from that city to Philadelphia, 



98 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 

to procure aid for Massachusetts to prosecute the war against the 
French, through Franklin's influence, he obtained funds to the 
amount of ten thousand pounds. This act produced between the 
two the warmest attachment, that continued through life. 

After the arrival of General Braddock in America, the prose- 
cution of French and Indian hostilities assumed a new aspect, 
and all thought would be speedily terminated. Braddock 
assembled his army at Will's Creek, where he was promised 
horses and wagons to convey his provisions into the interior. In 
this, however, he was disappointed : he gave vent to the severest 
invectives against those who had failed to perform their agree- 
ments. The difficulty was finally obviated by Fkanklin, who 
had, in the meantime, been appointed Postmaster-General. He 
visited the general's camp, and agreed, upon certain stipulations, 
to furnish horses and wagons sufficient for the expedition. To 
the fulfillment of this agreement, he devoted himself with energy. 
At length, by advertising, and arousing the people to the neces- 
sity of the movement, after giving his own hond for their services, 
a hundred and fifty wagons, and as many horses as were needed, 
were procured and delivered at Will's Creek. General Braddock 
was lavish of encomiums bestowed on him for this service, and 
spoke of it in his dispatches to England, as the greatest or only 
real exhibition of patriotism witnessed during his campaign. 
Franklin, after the disastrous termination of this expedition, 
undertook the establishment of an organization to promote the 
interests of the German population of Philadelphia, — their moral 
and intellectual elevation. 

After the defeat of General Braddock, an act, in the passage 
of which Franklin had been mainly instrumental, was adopted 
by the Assembly, appropriating men and means for the general 
defense. He was selected, in conjunction with others, to see the 
funds judiciously invested, and was afterward appointed by the 
governor to take charge of the north-western frontier, and erect 
fortifications. In military operations he was entirely out of his 
sphere, — could not have been placed more so. With his usual 
industry, however, he assumed the command of five hundred 
men, marched to the post of duty, and began building a chain 
of forts. Having completed these arrangements, he was re-called 
by the Assembly of which he. was still a member. He gave the 
command into other hands without reluctance, and returned to 



BENJAMIN FRiNKLIN. 99 

Philadelphia. Here he was made colonel of a regiment, and 
became, strangely as it may sound, for awhile. Colonel Feanklin, 
It was an honor, however, of which he was not very vain, if we 
may judge from the mortification he expresses to have felt,, when 
his regiment would parade the streets and fire salutes at his door, 
or when his officers would assemble, upon his leaving home, and 
escort him out of town. Soon after this he was offered a general's 
commission, by Governor Morris, who insisted upon his under- 
taking an expedition against Fort Duquesne. Fkanklin, knowing 
his military inability, positively refused. 

In 174:6, he applied himself more closely to his philosophical 
studies, and especially to the subject of electriGity, which at that 
time elicited considerable attention, in all parts of the world. Ho 
received from London some glass tubes, by the aid of which some 
imperfect experiments could be made ; of these he had patterns 
taken, and othei's blown, similar in construction. He immediately 
began his investigations, and wrote their result to Europe. In 
one of his letters to Europe, he, at length, indicated his belief in 
the similarity of lightning with electricity. It was read before 
the Royal Society, where the idea was derided, and Franklin 
laughed at, for advancing it. His writings, however, were 
published, and created quite a sensation. Buffon, the eminent 
French philosopher, was so struck with thom, that he procured 
their translation, and Nollet, another French celebrity, wrote a 
lengthy reply, denouncing his theories entirely ; but not long after, 
Fkanklin demonstrated the truth of his experiments, when with 
his kite, during a thunder storm, near Philadelphia, he suc- 
ceeded in transferring the lightning ft'om the cloud to a bottle, and 
making it subservient to his will. The results were entirely satis- 
factory : they were published, and the fame of Fkanklin flew, 
bright and vivid, over Europe and America. 

The "Philadelphia experiments," as they had been called, 
were elsewhere repeated, and similar results obtained The idea 
of drawing lightning from the clouds, was a novel one. The 
world was electrified, and the name of Fkanklin became co-exten- 
sive with its limits. He was soon after elected a member of the 
London Royal Society, and presented with a gold medal. Morris 
was superseded, in the governorship of the province, by a Mr. 
Denny, but, instead of a cessation of the vexatious differences 
between the Assembly and the executive, they continued with 



100 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 

extreme rancor. As agent for the State of Pennsylvania, Fkank- 
LiN was at length commissioned with instructions to the king of 
England, where he arrived the 27th of Jnly, 1757, after rather a 
disagreeable voyage. 

The object of this trip to Europe, was to settle the incessant 
wrangle, in the presence of William Penn, between Governor and 
Assembly, proprietors and people, which had been kept up for years. 
That a colony, settled by the peaceful Penn, and occupied by the 
Quakers, should have been the most quarrelsome in America, 
seems most strange; yet such was the case. These quarrels 
originated in this way ; there were in the province large land- 
liolders, some owning immense tracts, these were called Pro^pri- 
etaries. The lands held by them amounted, in the aggregate, to 
almost as much as held by the people. The governors, each, 
went into office by appointment from the crown, and were instruc- 
ted to hold proprietary lands exempt from taxation. In time of 
peace, this created little dissatisfaction ; but when war broke out, 
and its expenses had to be met by the imposition of land taxes, 
these lands, being exempt, threw the whole burden upon the 
people. 

The Assembly passed acts levying a tax equally upon all the 
lands, but the governors, under their instructions, would as often 
annul them. Thus the governor -and Assembly were always at 
variance, and Fkanklin, whose pure democracy was true, as his 
mind was great, became the champion of the Assembly and 
people. 

Other good results attended Franklin's mission to Europe. 
His philosophical pursuits, especially his electric discoveries, 
made him as great a favorite with the learned and ingenious, as 
his tact, as a statesman, did with the diplomatists then thronging 
the capitals of Europe. "When not engaged in the perplexing 
duties of his immediate mission, it was very congenial to his feel- 
ings to turn aside for the communings of science. 

On his arrival in Europe, his society was courted by her most 
celebrated scientific men, who regarded themselves, as peculiarly 
fortunate in having opportunities of converse with Feanklin. 
Among his intimate associates were Collinson, of the Royal 
Society; Mr. Strahan, member of Parliament; Boccaria, the 
eminent Italian electrician, and others of no less note. From 
Fkanklin's colloquial powers, and vivacity of mind, it is needless 



BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 101 

to say such associations were infinitely pleasurable. In the 
friendly circle, composed of such personages, his wisdom, wit, and 
virtues shone sufficiently conspicuous to make him the reigning 
star. 

During the delay for the fulfillment of his mission, he traveled 
through England, and acquainted himself not only with her 
institutions and resources, but contracted the intimacy of her great 
and learned men. He visited the place of his ancestors, and 
instituted successful investigations in regard to his genealogy, of 
which he says, in the commencement of his autobiography, he 
" ever had a pleasure in obtaining information." Shortly after, 
the "Political History of Pennsylvania," or its "Historical Re- 
view," was published. It was a history of the political workings 
of the province, setting forth the difficulties of the Assembly with 
the proprietaries, with a bold defense of the former. A re- 
view of Pennsylvania's political history, from the refractory con- 
dition of the colony, engendered by her proprietary distinctions, 
Franklin very aptly denominated "A Disagreeable Journey." 
This work, though published anonymously, was ascribed to Fkank- 
LiN, who was greatly abused, especially by the proprietary party; 
in consequence, he afterward disavowed its authorship, though 
Sparks says, in his Life of Franklin, "the book was written 
under his direction ; and he may fairly be considered responsible 
for its contents." This was no doubt the case. Franklin confesses 
to having prepared the "Remarks on the Proprietary's Estimate 
of his Estate," " some of the inserted Messages, and Reports of 
the Assembly " it contained, and being truly recognized as the 
champion of the Assembly and people, during the whole vexatious 
proprietary controversies, it is very reasonably inferable, that the 
work was originated, prosecuted, and given to the world under 
his direction. His connection with it is farther indicated in a 
letter from Europe, in which he says, speaking of the removal of 
the prejudice existing in England against the province of Penn- 
sylvania, " this, I hope, we have it in our power to do by means 
of a work now nearly ready for the j>res8^ calculated to engage 
the attention of many readers, and remove the bad impression 
received of us." This " Historical Review," was the book referred 
to as being then " nearly ready for the press," and, true to his 
prediction, it did " engage the attention of many readers," and 
by its masterly expose of their conduct, made the proprietaries. 



102 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN*. 

who had been chiefly instrumental in fomenting the prejudice 
referred to, smart unmasked before the public gaze. It is said of 
him, also, that he first suggested Canada as the theater of opera- 
tions for the English, instead of Germany, in the war with France, 
and advised the successful expedition against Montcalm. What 
he may have given as his opinion, in conversation with others in 
regard to the military movements of the two nations, we are not 
prepared to opine ; but, to ascribe the conquest of Canada, and 
the trophies won by the heroic Wolfe at Quebec, to Franklin, 
seems evidently rather far- fetched, and too much a disposition to 
render unto Ca3sar, things which are not Ciiesar's. 

William Pitt was then England's motive power, in her wars ; 
and after several unsuccessful efforts for an introduction to that 
statesman, Franklin himself pronounced him " inaccessible.'''' 
Yet, complicated with the difficulties of a perplexing mission, — 
traveling over Europe, — conferring with the learned and philo- 
sophic, — debarred from an interview with her prime minister, — 
the honors of the conquest of Canada were chiefly due to Frank- 
lin (?) We think not. He did not need them or want them ; 
and the aSirmation may be safely ventured, that he would not 
have claimed them. 

Before the completion of his business, he traveled through 
Scotland, and formed intimacies with her scientific men, — visited 
her institutions of learning, and acquired much valuable infor- 
mation. Speaking of this trip, and its pleasing reminiscences, to 
use his own singular but comprehensive word, he calls it the 
" densest happiness " of his life. 

While in England he urged, by his able pen, the necessity of 
her retaining Canada, in a clear and forcible manner, that, no 
doubt, had some influence in the negotiations that resulted in its 
annexation to Great Britain. He devoted considerable time to 
traveling over the continent, and making observations upon 
government, literature, and science. In these travels he frequently 
renewed his philosophical experiments. A peculiar kind of stone, 
called tourmalin.^ was placed in his possession, which he found to 
contain electric properties ; on another occasion, he demonstrated, 
the then little-known fact, that cold could be produced by evapor- 
ation. He also invented a musical instrument, called the har- 
monica^ which came considerably in use. lie had much taste 
for music, from boyhood, as is shown in the arrangement of his 



BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 103 

"scheme of hours," to Avhich we have referred, where, iu the 
evening, he assigns to one hour " mu8iG\ diversion, or conver- 
sation." He thus continued a student, and turned the results of 
his pursuits not only into means of personal enjoyment, but of 
public utility. 

While in England, he was made Doctor of Laws by the uni- 
versities of Edinburgh and Oxford ; hence the familiar appellation 
of Dr. Franklin. Before his departure, so great a hold had he 
taken upon the learned and the noble, that he became fairly 
domesticated, and received pressing invitations to remain. His 
stay had been so agreeable and profitable that, to all, his leave 
was a source of profound regret. Among other regrets, those of 
Hume were thus expressed to him, in a letter: "I am very sorry 
that you intend soon to leave our hemisphere. America has sent 
us many good things, gold, silver, sugar, tobacco, indigo, etc.; 
but you are the first philosopher, and, indeed, the first great 
man of letters for whom we are beholden to her." After a 
sojourn in England of more than five years, wherein he completed 
his mission, he sailed for America, where he arrived in November. 
His son, in the meantime, had been made governor of New 
Jersey. On his return to Philadelphia, he received the congratu- 
lations of the citizens, and a vote of thanks from the Assembly, 
for the fidelity with which he had served the country during his 
long absence. 

The Lancaster Massacre, which occurred soon after, in the county 
of that name, called to work the pen of Fkanklin. In the county 
lived a settlement of friendly Indians, twenty in number, who were 
peaceable and inoffensive. Notwithstanding this, they were sur- 
rounded in the night-time, by a band of desperadoes, who mur- 
dered their chief and all present. The absent Indians, on their 
return, were placed in the workhouse for safety ; but it was broken 
open by the same men, and all the Indians butchered. Fkanklin 
wrote a pamphlet condemning the act in the strongest terms, and 
appealing to the citizens to wipe out the stain of such an outrage 
by an assertion of the supremacy of the laws. The friendly In- 
dians throughout the province being similarly threatened, Fkanklin 
was placed at the head of an armed association, to suppress the 
mischief; which he promptly did, by making propositions to protect 
such as fled for safety to Philadelphia. He went in person, as 
deputy from the Assembly, to meet the leaders of the marauders, 



104 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 

then on their way to the city, and succeeded iu persuading them 
to disband tlieir forces. 

In 1TG3, John Peuu succeeded to the governorship of Penn- 
sylvania. Immediately after the convention of the Assembly, the 
old disputes were revived. In raising means to defray the ex- 
penses of the Indian war, the Assembly assessed a land tax, and, 
conformably to Parliamentary decision, placed all lands on an 
equal footing. The governor, availing himself of a clause iu the 
decision, that said, "all lands, of equal quality^ should have 
a fixed valuation," he said that it meant, " the hest of the proprie- 
tary lands should only be taxed as much as the worst lands of the 
country." Miserable interpretation! He was a kinsman, how- 
ever, of the proprietaries, and acted from selfish motives. Here 
the whole controversy was re-agitated, looking no better iu its 
new phase. Franklin resumed his old station, as champion of 
the Assembly, against such assumption ; he was afterward se- 
lected to draft a petition from that body to the king, " praying 
him to take the provincial government into his own hands." 
This measure being consummated, the Assembly gave instructions 
in regard to another, which was, eventually, to be of more mo- 
ment than local quarrels ; these were remonstrances, to their 
foreign agent, against the idea that began to be entertained, in 
England, of deriving revenue from the colonies by taxation. In 
1764, after having been fourteen years a member of that body, 
Franklin was beaten for the Assembly, by a small majority for 
his opponent. This was owing to his advocacy of a change of 
government. He was again appointed minister to England, with 
a view of bringing about the measures proposed by the last Assem- 
bly ; he departed thither on the 7th of November. Early in De- 
cember, he found himself again in London, for the third time, — 
twice since his trip at the instance of Keith. 

"While there, his duties filled a broader sphere than special 
agent for Pennsylvania. In the primary object of his mission he 
would have been successful, had not the proceedings of the min- 
istry developed events that nationalized his business. The Stamp 
Act, the " mother of mischiefs," as he termed it, began to be agi- 
tated soon after his arrival. That measure he opposed with all 
the power and zeal his pure democratic principles could dictate, 
until its final passage ; he then wrote to America, that " her sun was 
down, and it might be a long while before it arose again." He 



BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 105 

also wrote, insisting upon a strict adherence to their non-importa- 
tion agreements. In regard to these, he was questioned by mem- 
bers of Parliament, as to " whether the Americans would not 
become weary of them?" He answered, "Never!" He was 
asked, ""What used to be the pride of Americans ?" He replied, 
" To indulge in the fashions and manufactures of Great Britain." 
Also, " What was novj their pride ?" " To wear their old clothes 
over again, till they can make new ones," was the reply. 
Through the exertions of Franklin mainly, that act was repealed ; 
though William Pitt said, "he was glad America resisted it," — 
that Parliament had no right to pass it. The Stamp Act was 
followed by other schemes of colonial taxation, all of which Fkank- 
LiN strenuously opposed. From London he traveled through Hoi 
land and the Germanic States, everywhere making such investi- 
gations as would naturally crowd upon a great and philosophic 
mind. 

All the acts levying tax upon imports into America, were finally 
repealed, except the one requiring duty on tea^ which was just 
enough to maintain the odious principle and bring about the 
famous " Boston Tea Party." Sliortly afterward, Franklin visited 
Paris, where his discoveries in electricity, from the patronage of 
Buffon, and others no less eminent, had created a greater sensa- 
tion than in any other part of the world. He was there the reci- 
pient of marked distinction from the greatest men of the French 
nation. 

During these movements, his pen was not idle ; that mighty 
weapon of peace was vigorously wielded in a truthful cause. He 
wrote an elaborate cause of the colonial discontents, showing the 
nsurpatioual intrusions of Parliament upon their rights, and prov- 
ing that, in the settlement of each, under charters granted by the 
king, that he and his privy council alone had jurisdiction over 
them, and also exposing the unconstitutionality of Parliamentary 
taxation, over a people who had no representation in that body. 
This was one of Franklin's masterpieces, and created quite a 
sensation in Europe and America. 

From the primary object of his mission, as agent for Pennsyl- 
vania, he had became the general minister of most of the colonies, 
and was complicated with the duties of representing the sentiments 
of each, against the oppressive series of revenue acts passed by 
Parliament ; yet, amid this complexity of business, he found time 



106 BE NJ A MIX FRANKLIX. 

to devote to science ; he was selected as President of the American 
Philosophical Society. In view of the non-importation agree- 
ments, a rigid adherence to which he m-ged upon the colonies, the 
full development of provincial resources became a matter of per^ 
manent interest. He insisted upon an encouragement of all kinds 
of manufactures, and successfully urged the culture of silk in Penn- 
sylvania. 

He soon after had an interview with Lord Hillsborough, who 
had succeeded to the Secretaryship of America, and presented 
that gentleman with his credentials of agency from the Pennsyl- 
vania Assembly, which he angrily almost refused to accept or 
recognize, averring his disapproval of colonial agents appointed 
by the Assemblies. This was another instance of the extreme 
littleness of the English nobles of the George Germain and Town- 
send school, who, mortified and chagrined at not being able to 
awe the Americans into submission by threats, vented their spleen 
upon their leading champions. Aftei'ward, meeting Franklin in 
Dublin, Ireland, where he was an honored guest, ashamed of his 
former conduct, or, as Franklin expresses it, "designing to pat 
and stroke the horse, to make him more patient, while the reins 
were drawn tighter and the spurs set deeper into his sides," he 
was fawningly obsequious in his civilities. He protracted his 
stay in Dublin until the convention of the Irish Parliament, when 
he took occasion to strengthen their proverbially warm suscepti- 
bilities, in their good opinion of America, and their cause in the 
coming troubles. Proceeding to Scotland, he received the warm 
greetings of his old friends, Lord Karnes, Hume, and Robertson, 
the eminent historians, and others of equal celebrity. All over 
Europe, he had warm friends, of the most distinguished charac- 
ters. No American has ever had the influence and reputation, 
across the waters, equal to Benjamin Franklin. During this 
excursion he saw, for the first time, Richard Bache, who had been 
his son-in-law for four years, by marriage to his only daughter, 
Sarah Franklin. We shortly after find him, in connection with 
other electricians, selected to devise means for the protection of 
the Purfleet powder magazines from lightning. He suggested to 
the other members of the committee, the now common, pointed 
lightning-rod. One of them dissented from this, which resulted in a 
controversy as to whether pointed, were better than blunt rods. 
This was essentially a ^pointed quibble on one side, and a Muni 



BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 307 

one on the other, as Franklin, by renewed experiments, demon- 
strated the advantages of the pointed rod over the other. 

Lord Dartmouth was now placed at the head of American 
affairs, in the place of the arrogant Hillsborough : he was far 
more acceptable to the colonies. In the meantime. Governor Hut- 
chinson, of Massachusetts, received his salary from the king, 
which, being contrary to colonial usage, and regarded as a dan- 
gerous precedent, produced the famous Boston Resolutions, which, 
accompanied with a petition, he was urged to present to the king; 
they were sent to Franklin. This petition prayed the crown that, 
inasmuch as the governor derived his office from it, that, as a 
bond, uniting him to the people, he should look to them for his 
emoluments. The resolutions denounced the course of Parlia- 
ment, and were couched in language bold and explicit. These 
Franklin prefaced with wise and judicious remarks, for republi- 
cation in London. He also wrote, at this time, his two famous 
satirical productions, entitled " Rules for reducing a great Empire 
to a small one," and an " Edict by the King of Prussia." The 
first was an ironical, yet good-humored expose of Parliamentary 
proceedings toward the colonies, under the head of General Rules, 
an adherence to which would result in the reduction of a " great 
empire " to a " small one." The other was a happy satire upon 
the various schemes resorted to for taxing the colonies. It claims 
to be an edict from the King of Prussia, who commences with all 
the pomp and verbosity of preamble and resolution, "That, 
whereas the first settlers of the island of Great Britain were Sax- 
ons and Germans, and subjects of his predecessors, therefore, by 
virtue of such settlement, he, the King of Prussia, claimed entire 
jurisdiction over the continent of Great Britain, and did, by said 
edict, levy a tax upon its inhabitants for his own emolument." 

The whole thing was exceedingly ingenious, and created such 
a stir among the nobility, that Lord Mansfield denounced it a 
great " mischief maker." In fact, so watchful was he of the inter- 
ests he was deputed to represent, that, in America, they gave him 
the name of the " Great Director." About this time his writings, 
five or six editions of which had already been printed in England, 
were translated into French, at Paris, where they are, at this day, 
in high repute. 

Governor Hutchinson, of Massachusetts, and others friendly to 
Parliament, wrote some lengthy letters to one of its members, of 



108 *^ BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 

the most vindictive nature toward the colonists, filled with false- 
hoods, alleging that all colonial discontents were engendered by 
cornipt leaders, — that the people were not averse to the schemes 
of Parliament, etc. These papers, by what means is unknown, 
fell into the hands of Franklin. He, at the risk of incurring the 
enmity of the ministry, transmitted them to Pennsylvania, for the 
inspection of discreet patriots, with the injunction that they were 
not to be published or copied. From these documents being on 
public matters, and directed to a member of Parliament, though 
actuated, in their testimony, by motives of pure patriotism, he 
expected Parliamentary abuse. 

They fell into the hands of the Assembly, that, with closed 
doors, deliberated upon their character. Their contents- became 
known to the colonists, and finally reached England. Great ex- 
citement followed. Whately, the member of Parliament to whom 
they were originally addressed, on his death gave his papers to 
his son, who was severely denounced for suffering them to be sent 
over. A Mr. Temple had been allowed to inspect his father's 
papers, by Whately, who suspected his having purloined the docu- 
ments in question. A duel ensued between the parties, in which 
young Whately was wounded. As to who should have been so 
disloyal as to transmit the papers, now became a question of in- 
citing inquiry. Here Franklin, regardless of the avalanche of 
bitter invective which he knew would pour against him, issued a 
publication in which he assumed the entire responsibility of their 
transmission. The ministry was startled. Feanklin was de- 
nounced as an "incendiary," and kept aloof from them. What 
cared he for ministerial favor, when, as he expresses it, he "found 
men bartering away the liberties of their native country for posts, 
and negotiating for salaries and pensions extorted from the people ?" 
Whately instituted suit against him for such clandestine use of liis 
father's papers, which was soon after suspended. At length the 
petition from the Assembly was granted a hearing, if a perfect 
farce of a trial can be so called. After the arguments of its advo- 
cates, and long and abusive speeches from the opponents, against 
the colonies, in which Franklin came in for the principal share, 
it was unceremoniously dismissed. The final result, of having 
sent over the letters, was a formal notice to Franklin that he was 
no longer at the head of the American Post-office; which he was 
fully prepared to receive. 



BEJs'JAMIX FRANKLIN. X09 

Upon tills lie thought of returning home, and doubtless would, 
had he not been advised of the assemblage of the First Continental 
Congress of America, which induced him to remain, until he 
learned the result of its deliberations. That body drafted a peti- 
tion to the king, praying a redress of grievances, which was sent 
to Fkanklin for presentation. This petition was given to the 
king, who laid it before Parliament, where Franklin was not 
permitted to appear in its behalf. It was dismissed from that 
body by a large majority. He now became convinced that if 
this state of things continued, war between the two countries 
would be inevitable, and sought, in conjunction with the vener- 
able Chatham, means of a reconciliation. After conferring with 
Chatham, and others of eminence favorable to the American 
cause, he drew up. articles of pacification, which, had the ministry 
not been wholly disinclined to peace, were not in the least objec- 
tionable. These embraced a repeal of the revenue acts ; provided 
remuneration for the tea desti'oyed at Boston ; asserted colonial 
right to regulate its internal trade ; that Parliament should exert 
no control over her Assemblies ; and that in public emergencies, 
the colonies should bear a proportionable part of the expenses, etc. 
Lord Chatham went into the House of Lords on the 20th January, 
whither Franklin was invited to meet him. On the assemblage 
of the House, Chatham arose and moved the withdrawal of the 
British forces from Boston, which was lost by a heavy majority. 
He now told his intention of presenting terms of general accom- 
modation. After the loss of his motion, Lord Chatham and 
Franklin conferred together several days, drafting such a plan, 
which was finally completed, but differing so essentially from 
Franklin's former articles, that, if received by the ministry, he 
felt it would not be acceptable to the colonies. It was submitted 
to Parliament on the 1st of February, and despite the wise pre- 
dictions of Chatham, in the event of its non-acceptance, it was re- 
jected by a large vote. The remarks of the Lords, favorable to 
the ministerial views, were as vindictive and vehement, as the 
others were logical and pah'iotic. One of the Lords was disposed 
to question Chatham's being the author of the plan, and, turning 
to Franklin, said, "he fancied he had in his eye the person who 
drew it up, one of the bitterest and most mischievous enemies 
England ever had." At this, the eye of Chatham kindled ; he 
arose, avowed its authorship, and replied to the charge against 



IIQ BENJAMIN FllAXKLIX. 

Franklin, by saying, with emphasis and pride, " he was a gen- 
tleman whom Europe held in high estimation for his knowledge 
and wisdom, and ranked with her Boyles and Newtons ; who was 
an honor not to the English nation only, but to human nature."* 
Other efforts were made without avail. Every means had been 
resorted to, to induce Franklin to yield some essential points, but 
he refused. Negotiations were finally broken off, and Franklin, 
after an absence of ten years, on the 21st of March, 1775, sailed 
for Philadelphia, where he arrived the ensuing May. His wife, 
whom he so ardently loved, and with whom he lived happily 
for forty years, had died of a sudden illness during his absence. 

On his arrival, and about the time the first blow was struck 
in the cause of the Revolution, at Concord, Franklin was se- 
lected a member of the Continental Congress. It convened amid 
a whirl of public excitement. Active measures of defense were 
advocated by some, — overtures to the Crown, by others. The 
latter was adopted, though defensive steps were also taken. An- 
other draft was prepared by a committee, of which Franklin was 
a member, to be presented to the king. With this draft Dicker- 
son, a zealous advocate of the petition, was highly pleased, and 
exclaimed, "Mr. President, there is but one word in the draft 
which I disapprove of, and that word is Congress ;'''' whereupon, 
Mr. Harrison, of Virginia, an equally strong opponent of the 
measure, arose and said, "Mr. President, tliere is but one word 
in the draft which I approve, and that word is Congress^ Frank- 
lin was appointed chairman of the Safety Committee, to provide 
for the defense of the country. To these duties he devoted him- 
self with vigor, and prepared a plan of general Confederation, 
that was ultimately of much service to Congress, in its formation. 

He was also placed at the head of the American Post-ofiice, 
which had come under the regulation of Congress, and made a 
member of their Secret Committee, for the procuring of arms for 
the Continental army. Each of these duties met a faithful dis- 
charge, and Franklin became, in the Cabinet, a firm champion 
of liberty. He attended as one of the committee that waited upon 
"Washington at Cambridge, and devised a plan of operations mutu- 
ally agreeable. The attachment between these co-patriots, in 
different spheres, was warm and lasting. While on this duty, he 

« Sparks' Life of Franklin, p. 388. 



BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. m 

was selected to represent the City of Philadelphia, nor flinched 
from duties thus placed upon him. 

After the fall of Montgomery, with Charles Carroll, and Samuel 
Chase, he was deputed to Canada, for the purpose of attending to 
the wants of the army, and conciliating the inhabitants. This 
mission, as might have been foreseen, was frauglit with no im- 
portant results. On his return, the great measure of Indepen- 
dence was the exciting topic of the day, as, indeed, it had been 
for some time. Franklin was for it, and for it then. It was 
proposed in Congress, and Jefferson, Fkanexin, Adams, Living- 
ston and Sherman were appointed to prepare a Declaration, which 
was done by Jefferson, and adopted. During the discussion of 
his draft, Jefferson tells the following, of Fkanexin. While he 
was vexed by alterations and changes suggested in the document 
by various members, Franklin noticed his restlessness, and ad- 
dressed him thus : " I have made it a rule, whenever in my power, 
to avoid becoming the draftsman of papers to be reviewed by a 
public body. I took my lesson from an incident I will relate to 
you. When I was a journeyman printer, one of my companions, 
an apprenticed hatter, having served out his time, was about to 
open shop for himself. His first concern was to have a handsome 
sign-board, with a proper inscription. He composed it in these 
words : " John Thompson, hatter, makes and sells hats for ready 
money," with a figure of a hat subjoined. But he thought he 
would submit it to his friends for their amendments. The first he 
showed it to, thought the word 7iatier, tautologous, because fol- 
lowed by the words, makes hats, which showed he was a hatter. 
It was struck out. The next observed, that the word makes might; 
as well be omitted, because his customers would not care whO' 
made the hats ; if good, and to their mind, they would buy, by 
whomsoever made. A third said, he thought the words, Jvr ready 
money, were useless, as it was not the custom of the place to sell 
on a credit ; every one who purchased expected to pay. They 
were parted with ; and the inscription now stood : " John Thomp- 
son sells hats." " Sells hats !" says his next friend ; " why, 
nobody will expect you to give them away. What, then, is 
the use of that word ?" It was stricken out, and hats followed, 
the other, as there was one painted on the board. So his inscrip- 
tion was reduced, ultimately, to "John Thompson," with the 
figure of a hat subjoined. Through the deliberations incident to^ 



112 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 

this great measure, Franklin was one of the most active, service- 
able members. Jnst before the Declaration was signed, John 
Hancock, whose signature stands first, exclaimed with earnest- 
ness, "Gentlemen, we must be unanimous; there must be no 
pulling different ways ; we must all hang together." "Yes; we 
must all hang together, or, most assuredly, we shall all hang sep- 
arately," exclaimed Fkanklin, laconically. There were rewards 
upon the heads of Hancock and others at the time. These good- 
humored, common-sense witticisms, were not uncommon with 
him. 

Not long after, when he was president of the convention to form 
a Constitution, when advocating but one Assembly, instead of an 
Upper and Lower House, he carried his measure by comparing 
"a legislature with two branches, to a loaded wagon with a team 
at each end pulling in opposite directions." He also likened it 
to the snake in the fable, that had two heads ; it started to the 
brook to drink, but, coming to a twig in a hedge on the way, one 
head wanted to go on the right side, the other on the left ; so, 
following each its peculiar mood, it bent around the twig, one 
head on each side, where neither would yield, but continued to 
pull against each other until it died of thirst. Franklin was soon 
after appointed minister to France, for the purpose of negotiating 
a treaty of alliance; whither he sailed the 26th of October, 1776. 
Before his departure, like Morris, he lent Congress money to the 
amount of four thousand pounds. 

He reached Paris the 21st day of December, entirely unexpected 
by tjie people, who had not been apprised of the embassy. Frank- 
lin was then a venerable man, — a true type of departed sages, — 
adorned with the light of modern refinement. In his intercourse 
with the great, who thronged to his presence, he practiced no formal- 
ity to that polite court; yet all were charmed by his kind simplicity, 
awed by his virtues, and did homage to his wisdom. Of America, 
her prospect, condition and defeats, he spoke with deep concern, 
and created a lively interest in her behalf. His influence and 
character were powerful, in any cause, and did much for the 
American in France. Large sums of money, supplies, arms, 
etc., were obtained, through his agency, for their use, upon terms 
most favorable to the United States. This timely aid was of the 
greatest moment to the army. The Marquis de Lafayette, who 
became fired with zeal for America, and fitted out a ship at his 



BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 113 

own expense, for his voyage to this countiy, was warmly recom- 
mended by Fkanklin to Congress. 

During the year 1776, though he was admitted to audience, 
and terms of a treaty were talked of in the French Cabinet, 
the hopeless aspect of affairs, in America, operated unfavorably 
to its formation. The next year, however, after the surrender of 
Burgoyne with a large portion of the British army at Saratoga, he 
easily succeeded in effecting " a treaty of amity and commerce," 
upon the basis of his congressional instructions, in which, the 
independence of America was recognized by the court of Ver- 
sailles. Soon after, a treaty of alliance, also, was concluded 
between the two powers, amounting virtually to one, offensive and 
defensive in its nature, making tlie war of independence a cause 
common to both parties. These treaties were signed at Paris, 
February 6th, 1778, and on the 20th of March following, Frank- 
lin and Ilia colleagues were admitted to the court of Yersailles, 
in due form, as embassadors of independent America, — the first 
event of the sort in her diplomatic history. Fkanklin, with all his 
kindness, knew little of, and cared little for, court etiquette, though 
he was careful to give no offense. Count du ISTord, of the imperial 
family of Russia, arrived in Paris, and, in seuding his cards to the 
notables, one was accidentally left at the house of Franklin, who 
applied to an old embassador to know what he must do. The old 
minister thinking, as he did, the card had been left purposely, 
told him he must drive to the prince's door, and leave his name 
with the porter. This was done, and in the porter's book was 
placed the name of " BENjA:sriN Franklin," who. though ignorant 
of the fact, was soliciting a visit from the prince. Franklin 
returned home, where he was soon followed by a mutual friend, 
who told him it would be impossible for the prince, though he 
esteemed him very highly, to pay him a visit, as his country had 
not recognized the indepeudeuce of America, whence he was 
minister. Franklin, after explaining his attitude, told the friend 
lie "thought the remedy was easy, he had only to erase his name 
out of his book of visits received, and he would burn their card." 

The treaty just effected, resulted in a declaration of war 
between England and France, and immediate preparations for 
hostilities. While these were making, secret propositions were 
advanced to Franklin, by ministerial emissaries, for peace 
between England and America. It is needless to say, they 



114 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 

amoimted to nothing. Notwithstanding Fkanklin's uniformly 
correct course, he had enemies, — enemies will spring from envy^ 
as weeds from a hot-hed. Unknown to the virtuous heart, 
it lurks in the bosom of the base, who delight in the destruction 
of characters they can not imitate. Among these enemies, the 
bitterest was Arthur Lee, one of his colleagues to Paris. This 
hatred originated in nothing more than the great weight attached 
to Franklin's name at the court of Versailles, and the compara- 
tive insignificance attached to his own. Through Franklin, the 
ti'eaties were effected, no importance being given to Lee's opinions, 
which indeed, were not sought for by the former. Lee immedi- 
ately sent letters, reflecting upon Franklin, to America. He also 
found accomplices, famous among whom was Ralph Izard, to 
assist in promulgating his misrepresentations. True to a great 
mind, Franklin cared nothing for them, and paid no attention to 
their machinations ; fully satisfied of the omnipotence of truth and 
virtue, he placed his character on their summits, and knew the 
vulture beak of falsehood and vice could never reach so high. 

Franklin, in the meantime, had been appointed sole minister 
to France, and his associates, Messrs. Adams and Lee, withdrawn 
from the embassy. "While at Paris, he received the visits of the 
most eminent men of that country. Among these were Buffon, 
D'Alembert, Condorcet, Yoltaire, and others of distinction. The 
circle of Philosophers thronging together, seemed for a time, a 
reassemblage of the " sage seven " of olden time. 

As a result of his negotiations, a French land army under 
Rochambeau, and a navy under Count de Estaing, were sent to the 
United States. Franklin was a peacemaker in principle, and in 
war disapproved of all dishonorable measures among nations, 
as much as he did among private men, in their dealings one with 
another. Privateering he regarded as a species of national rob- 
bery, and condemned in the strongest terms. A system of 
neutrality, in the promotion of which he was instrumental, was 
adopted by all the powers not parties to the contest. His maxim 
was, " there never was a good loar or a had jpeaoeP 

His enemies reiterating their false charges against him, endeav- 
ored, as they had before, to effect his recall from France. But, 
of his valued services. Congress saw too much practical attes- 
tation, to think of such a thing, especially, as distinguished 
members of the French Cabinet wrote them that he "was patri 



BEITJAMIN FRANKLIN. 115 

otic, wise, and discreet," and that "his recall would be very 
embarrassing, in the present state of things." The truth is, Fkank- 
LiN, they knew, had more influence at court than any man they 
could select. True, he became a little obnoxious to the English 
Paiiiament, but it was owing entirely to his unbending opposition 
to tlieir measures regarding America. 

He was now getting advanced in years, and from the compli- 
cated duties of his official station, needed repose, and indicated his 
wish to return from it to the quietude of his home, having been 
the public servant half a century. Emissaries of Parliament 
were constant, though somewhat insidious in their efforts to effect, 
through Franklin, a disagreement between France and America, 
insisting upon the little dependence to be placed on tlie former, — 
the small service she would be, etc. In the medium selected for 
this purpose, they were wide of the mark, and circumstances then 
existent between England and France, were such as could give 
no indications of bad faith, on the part of the latter, toward us. 

Events, in 1782, had taken place, which promised not only 
repose to Franklin, but to America. Cornwallis had surrendered, 
and Parliament, brought at length to their senses, were getting 
their fill of colonial taxation, and thought strongly of peace. 
Ministers were sent from England to confer with Franklin upon 
the subject of negotiations. Franklin had grown old in service, 
and so like a fatlier was he regarded by Americans, that he was 
looked upon as a proper person to adjust a matter of such impor- 
tance. He drew up the essential articles of the treaty, upon the 
basis of American independence, and devoted himself to its effec- 
tual consummation, with all the energy of more youthful years. 
After various suggestions, and many preliminaries, the treaty 
between the United States and Great Britain was concluded, and 
signed at Paris. The treaty having been signed, and his desire 
to return home repeated, Congress, compliant with his request, 
recalled him. 

The same regrets that followed his leave from England, in for- 
mer days, now prevailed in France, where he inspired the same 
veneration and attachment. Being unable, from bodily dis- 
tresses, to ride in a carriage, he was borne from the scene of his 
labors to Havre de Grace, in the queen's litter, followed by the 
esteem of thousands. Thence he proceeded to Southampton, 
where he made a brief sojourn. On the 27th of July, he bid 



IIQ BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 

a last adieu to Europe, where lie had passed over twenty years of 
his life. After an absence of eight years, he reached Philadelphia 
on the 14:th of September. He was now at home. Congratu- 
latory letters welcomed him from all parts of the country. "Wash- 
ington wrote him with great cordiality. He also received a public 
welcome from the Assembly. Soon after his return, ho was 
chosen president of Pennsylvania by the Assembly, " with but 
one dissenting voice out of seventy-seven." For two successive 
terms, he was unanimously selected to the same office, though in 
his eighty-second year ; he was selected as State delegate to the 
convention that formed the Constitution. In that body, amid a 
convention of pure patriots, there was much difference of opinion, 
and some confusion. Fkanklin arose one morning, after some 
excitement, and moved that " their daily deliberations should 
begin with prayer," for, said he, "the longer I live, the more 
convincing proof I see of this ti'uth, that God governs in the 
affairs of men. 

Fkanklin has been called an infidel : as the above would seem 
a refutation of the charge, we also insert the subjoined, lest we 
are accused of partiality. A few weeks before his death, the 
president of Yale College, talked with him upon religious subjects. 
During the conversation, Fkanklin remarked to him, " I believe 
in one God, the creator of the universe ; that he governs it by his 
providence ; that he ought to be worshiped ; that the most 
acceptable service we can render him is by doing good to his other 
children. I believe the soul of man is immortal, and will be 
treated with justice in another life, respecting its conduct in this." 

After saying, he regarded these as "the fundamental points of 
all sound religion," he goes on to speak of the Saviour, thus : 
" As to Jesus of Nazareth, I think his system of morals and his 
religion, as he left them to us, the best the world ever saw, or is 
like to see; but, I apprehend, it has received various corrupting 
changes, and I have some doubts as to his divinity ; though it is 
a question I do not dogmatize upon, having never studied it," 
Of his religious ftiith, we shall enter upon no defense, — no word 
of eulogy, — his acts tell their author. 

In the fall of 1789, his disease, which was stone in the bladder, 
began to increase, and in April following, to assume an alarming 
aspect. He continued to sink, suffering extreme torture, until the 
middle of the month. Just before he died, he requested his bed 



y 



BENJAMIK FRANKLIN. 117 

to be made, that he might " die in a decent manner." His daugh- 
ter remarked, she hoped he would live many years. " I liope 
not^'' was his answer. He was requested to turn over, that he 
might breathe easy. " A dying man can do nothing easy^'' was 
the reply. 

These were the last words of Benjamin Franklin. At eleven 
o'clock, on the 17th of April, in the eighty-fifth year of his age, 
he departed this life. He retained his mental faculties up to the 
moment of death, and only twenty-four hours before, is said to 
have written an able document. On the 21st, the city officials, 
the Assembly, students, and college faculty, accompanied by an 
immense concourse of persons, repaired to the cemetery, to perform 
the last sad rite of burial. He was buried beside his wife, in 
Christ Church cemetery; — in a Pennsylvania gi*ave he mingles 
with dust, — thunders peal his requiem. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 



If the political history of our country is peculiarly interesting, 
the actions and motives of those immediately connected there- 
with, are equally so.* Some of our early statesmen, who assisted 
in laying the basis of our national government, continued to 
direct its workings, and with its development, lived and acted 
its history. They infused into our republican system the vigor 
of their purely democratic principles, and left upon it their in- 
fluential reflex, that brightens with its expansion, and will through 
coming time. 

Among those whose wisdom gave shape to our young insti- 
tutions, and have continued to exert perceptive, if not controlling 
influence, upon their destinies, we may well class Thomas Jeffer- 
son. His place of nativity was that nursery of great men, Virginia. 
He was born in Albemarle County, on the 2d day of April, 1743. 
Peter Jefierson was his father ; Jane Randolph, the maiden name 
of his mother. On the father's side, he was of Welsh descent ; the 
Randolphs were old Yirginia stock, of Scotch derivation. Jef- 
ferson had an erudite mind, which was cultivated by all the 
advantages of a classical education, and a love of science. He 
was put to a primary school at the age of five, when his educa- 
tion commenced. At about ten, he began the study of the classic; 
at seventeen, well prepared by previous discipline, he entered the 
college of William and Mary, of whose advantages he availed 
himself with great credit. His favorite pastime was hunting deer 
and turkeys in the woods and mountains of Albemarle. He was 
very studious, both before and after he entered college. When 
a young man, he had an expression of serious gravity upon hia 
(118) 




THOMAS JEFFERSON. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 119 

countenance. While a student at college, he is described as 
being tall and very lean. He had red hair, a thin visage, face 
freckled, with high cheek bones and sharp features. For his 
college recreation, he loved feats of horsemanship, and to play the 
fiddle. He conversed fluently, and, notwithstanding his unpre- 
possessing appearance, had a pleasing expression of countenance, 
a rather graceful carriage, very kind, winning manners, and 
was quite a favorite with the ladies, which, from his personal 
homeliness, was an excellent commentary upon his mental qualities; 
for, as some pass well through society with the advantages of a 
fine form and no mental attainment, others pass better with those 
of a cultivated mind, that will elicit respect, be it clothed in 
whatsoever garb. 

Like most young men, at the age of seventeen, Jeffekson fell 
in love with a "Williamsburgh beauty, while at college, but which 
resulted in no more than a few "woeful ballads to his lady's 
eyebrow." He was not married until nearly thirty. Among 
those with whom he was thrown into frequent contact in his youth, 
were Mr. Fage, Dr. Small, and Governor Fauquier, the latter of 
whom exerted no small influence upon Jeffekson, whose faultless 
manners especially, were, to a great extent, the result of his daily 
association with that accomplished gentleman; but whether his in- 
fluence stopped in the formation of fine manners, is questionable. 
Fauquier was, in morals, a disciple of Bolingbroke, and that the 
well-known notions of Jeffeeson, upon the subject of religion 
and morals, that were fostered by his naturally bold, meditative 
mind, had inception from this intercourse, is quite probable. 

After the conclusion of his collegiate course, he studied law 
under Chancellor Wythe, with great care, and commenced the 
practice in his twenty-fifth year. While a student with the chan- 
cellor, the colonial revenue excitement prevailed at Williamsburgh. 
He listened with delight to the fervor of provincial oratory, 
upon the floor of the Assembly. Patrick Henry made such an 
impression upon his mind, that, after a period of fifty years, he 
was heard to say, he had " never heard such eloquence." 

In 1766, he visited Philadelphia, and took a trip through Mary- 
land, but soon returned and devoted himself to his profession. 
As a lawyer, Jeffekson was not eloquent, or in any sense a speak- 
ing man; but by industrious application, and a meditative, dis- 
criminating mind, he was successful, and was regarded as an 



120 THOMAS JEFFERSON, 

excellent judge of law; he would doubtless have reached distinction 
in its practice, had not other duties called him to politics, — a 
sphere for which he was precisely adapted by nature and education. 
His first entrance into public life was in 1769, when he was elected 
to the House of Burgesses from Albemarle County. This was 
the Assembly that was dissolved by the governor for their 
resolves against the measures of the British Parliament. 

Of the delegates who immediately convened and signed the 
non-importation agreements, adopted by the people, and which 
Washington was prevented from presenting to the Assembly by 
its dissolution, were George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, 
and Patrick Henry. He was re-elected to the next Assembly, 
as indeed were almost all the members who favored the agree- 
ments. Nothing special characterized the membership of Jef- 
FEKSON, however, during its deliberations. His mother's house 
was destroyed by fire, and he lost his library in the confla- 
gration; which he deeply regretted. He had commenced im- 
provement upon Mount Monticello^ close by, to which he re- 
moved soon after, and where he remained a resident during life. 

In his 30tli j^ear, Jefferson was married. His wife was Mrs. 
Martha Skelton, a young widow of beaut}^ and considerable pro- 
perty. He continued with the patriots of the day, in his resist- 
ance to English taxation ; a bold step in which he had taken by 
signing the agreements. It was Jefferson, •' and other young 
members" of the Assembly, who, disliking the slow proceedings 
of the elder ones, met in council, after the news of the Boston 
Port Bill, and recommended a day of fasting and prayer at 
Williamsburgh, the observance of which, he says, " was like an 
electric shock " upon the people. We next see him in the General 
Convention, as a Virginia delegate. Before that body he pre- 
pared a document setting forth the manner in which the colonies 
were treated by Great Britain, in a manner that evinced clearly 
his bold political sagacity. One after another he enumerated the 
acts, and commented upon their tyranny, whose enforcement upon 
America was insisted by Parliament, calling the whole, a " syste- 
matic plan for reducing the colonies to slavery." To sliow with 
what manly independence this young Virginian could talk to a 
powerful monarch, we insert the closing appeal of this paper to 
the British king: 

" Open your breast, sir, to liberal and expanded thoughts ; let 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 121 

not the name of George the Third be a blot on the page of history. 
You are surrounded by counselors ; but remember, they are 
parties. Let no acts be passed by any one legislature, which 
may infringe on the rights and liberties of another." 

"• Tliis is the important post in which fortune has placed you, 
holding the balance of a great, if a well poised empire. It is 
neither our wish, nor our interest, to separate. We are willing, 
on our part, to sacrifice every thing which reason can ask, to the 
restoration of that tranquillity which we all wish. On their part, 
let them name the terms ; but let them be just, — accept of every 
commercial preference, it is in our power to give, for such 
things as we can raise for their use, or they make for ours. But, 
let them not think to exclude us from going to other markets to 
dispose of those commodities which they can not use, nor, to 
supply those wants which 'they can not supply. Still less let it 
be proposed, that our people, within our own territories, shall be 
taxed or regulated by any power on earth but our own. The 
God who gave us life, gave us liberty at the same time; the hand 
of force may destroy^ htit can not disjoin them^ 

This document, though regarded too strong for adoption by the 
Assembly, was printed, and republished in England; where, it 
was roughly handled, and passed six editions. Jefferson, as 
remuneration for his appeal, it is said, procured a place on the 
list of proscribed Americans, with John Hancock and others. He 
also met with the convention as delegate at Richmond. Here he 
was selected to reply to Lord North's Conciliatory Bills, which 
were presented to the colonies, more with a view of casting upon 
them the odium of the war, in the minds of the people, than 
to the establishment of peaceful relations. 

On the 12th of June, his reply was read before the Assembly ; 
after being modified in some of its strong terms, it was adopted. 
This reply was ably drawn, and rejected '•'"North's Olive Branch^'' 
as Parliament termed it, asserting as reasons, exclusive support 
of civil government ; a discretionary colonial right of appropria- 
tion regulated only by themselves; overt acts of hostility 
accompanying the enactment of odious Parliamentary measures, 
for which no redress was pi'ovided, and the complication of the 
colonies in their aggregate capacity, in the transaction ; conclud- 
ing with a positive rejection of all such overtures, it says : 

"We commit our injuiries to the even-handed justice of 



122 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

that Being, who doeth no wrong, earnestly beseeching him to 
illuminate the councils, and prosper the endeavors of those to 
whom America hath confided for hope ; that through their wise 
direction, we may again see re-united, the blessings of liberty and 
prosperity, and the most paramount harmony with Great Britain." 

Among the members of the First Continental Congress, with his 
tall commanding form, restless, perceptive eye, and grave face, 
marked with the lines of thought, genius and talent, sat Thomas 
Jeffekson. lie had gone there a delegate from Virginia, deeply 
impressed with the importance of his mission. Thither, his repu- 
tation as a man of letters had preceded him, and it is not strange 
that he was chosen the draftsman of its important measures. 

His first duty of this nature, was to draw a Declaration of 
Causes that produced the necessity of a resort to arms. This was 
written in the clear, forcible style of its author ; it was modified, 
however, by the delegates, more through partiality for Mr. Dick- 
inson, who " was not for extremes," than from any convictions of 
propriety. In this document he says: "We are reduced to the 
alternative of choosing an unconditional submission to the tyranny 
of irritable ministers, or resistance by force. The latter is our 
choice." Again, in justification of the colonies, he says : " Our 
cause is just; our union is perfect; our internal resources are 
great, and, if necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly attain- 
able." 

And again : " "We fight not for glory or conquest ; we exhibit 
to mankind the remarkable spectacle, of a people attacked by 
unprovoked enemies, without any imputation, or even suspicion 
of ofiense. They boast tJieir privileges and civilization, yet ofler 
no milder conditions than slavery or death." 

The colonies then "thought not of independence." Their aim 
was to curb the branches of Parliamentary power, that, like the 
meshes of a web, seemed spreading until every right would be 
entangled in its fibres. The boldness and tone of Jeffekson 
were considerably on the order of the full independence he was 
destined soon to draft. The only difiiculty in his writings, for 
public bodies, was, they were in advance of the times, — he had 
ripened before the people. He exemplified independence, before 
he drew the Declaration, — others were cautious, — feared the result 
when done. He wrote to John Randolph that, " rather than sub- 
mit to the rights of legislating for us assumed by the British Par- 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 123 

liament, I would lend my hand to sink the whole island in the 
ocean." His feelings are further shown, in the same letter, to be 
ahead of the people generally. He says, after speaking of union 
with England, on proper terms, as being desirable: " but, by the 
God that made me, I will cease to exist, before I yield to a con- 
nection on such terms as proposed by the British Parliament." 
Again he says : " we want neither inducement nor power to 
declare a separation. It is will alone which is wanting ; and 
that is growing apace, under the fostering hand of the British 
king." 

Owing, doubtless, to his influence and earnestness in diffusing 
such sentiments, the Virginia Assembly, though not having the 
same provocation to such a step as the New England States, was 
the pioneer in recommending independence. That step, in Con- 
gress, on its next assemblage, became the leading feature. On 
Friday, the ITth of June, Eichard Henry Lee, under instructions 
from the Assembly, arose on the floor of that body, and moved 
that the "United Colonies ought to be free and independent." 
Many thought the measure premature, though the talent and 
power of Congress were favorable to its adoption. From Jeffee- 
son's sentiments, as expressed in his letters before mentioned, it 
is needless to say, he was with the Declaration. On Saturday 
and Monday following, it was debated in Congress with fervid 
eloquence. Like a king in the realm of mind, sat Jefferson, 
dm*ing this debate, conscious of his powers in their sphere, but 
made few remarks, knowing that its eloquent champions entered 
the investigation with armor on. 

A few days after, a committee was appointed to prepare a 
Declaration ; Jefferson was selected to draft the document. The 
propriety of the measure had been discussed by others, — to him 
fell the task of so preparing it, that it would be suitable in all its 
provisions. In a few days it was drawn, and submitted to Frank- 
lin and Adams, who suggested but two or three immaterial verbal 
alterations. Thus an honor to Language, that first message of 
Freedom, will pass through future ages, an immortal type of its 
author, Thomas Jefferson. 

On the first of July it was discussed in Congress and adopted 
by nine States, Pennsylvania and South Carolina voting against 
it. The vote of Delaware was a tie, and the I^^ew York delega- 
tion did not vote at all, being instructed by their constituency to 



124 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

promote reconciliation. The next day a new member from Dela- 
ware arrived, and, on reconsideration, voted for the Declaration ; 
which placed that State in the affirmative. Other delegates from 
Pennsylvania reached Congress the same day, and the vote of that 
State was reversed. South Carolina also, "for the sake of una- 
nimity," voted with the others ; making twelve, of the thirteen 
States, for independence. The New York members, also, who 
desired not to vote at first through respect for their constituents, 
and not opposition to the measure, finally gave assent, and the 
Declaration of Independence was unanimous. It was signed July 
4th, 1776, — a day which, true to the prediction, of Adams, "is 
celebrated with bonfires and illuminations" by American freemen, 
who recognize it as "a glorious day." 

Though the original document, in its rough draft, was signed 
on the day above named, it was not engrossed and re-signed by 
the members, until the 2d of August, and many of them, even 
after that, appended their signatures, who were absent at the time 
of its adoption. 

Jefferson now ranked justly, with America's most eminent 
men ; a position he ever maintained. His next duty was the pre- 
paration of a Constitution for Virginia ; in which, however, he 
was anticipated by George Mason. His able draft, except its 
preambulary portion, was not adopted. He was re-elected to the 
next Congress, but resigned in September. He was also, in con- 
junction with Dr. Franklin, appointed minister to France, which, 
owing to domestic aflliirs, he was obliged to decline. He again 
took his seat in the Assembly, to M'hich he was elected by his 
county, and devoted himself to the object of State reform. In 
mind, — mental power, — Jefferson was a tyrant and an aristocrat, 
and exercised his talent with the will of a despot; but, in feeling 
and motive, the ends he desired to accomplish througli its agency, 
he was liberal, democratic, and always on the side of the people, 
against monopolies. Aristocracies of mind, virtue, and honest 
hearts, he favored ; but those of property, he spurned with true 
republican simplicity. 

As a pass at a wealthy monopoly, one of his first measures in 
the Assembly, was the repeal of an old act of entail, by which a 
certain class of residents held large landed estates, under restric- 
tions not to dispose of them only to those of the family enjoining 
the same upon them. In this way a vast amount of Virginia 



THOMAS JEFFEESON. X25 

lands remained in the hands of the same persons, — each proprie- 
tor having only a life-interest in them,-^for years. Jefferson 
brought in a bill, and effected its passage, repealing the old act, 
and giving to the proprietors the right of absolute transfer. His 
object in this, he says, " was to annul aristocratic privileges." 
The same spirit is shown in an act, he soon after introduced, to 
destroy the old English doctrine of primogeniture, and to place 
the sexes on terms of equality, in regard to hereditaments. These, 
and other measures of his, finally uprooted the last fibres of aris- 
tocratic privilege that had branched from the parent tree into 
Virginia soil. 

The laws of Virginia, through changes, mutations, and repeated 
enactments, had become so complex, difficult, and scattered here 
and there upon the pages of so many voluminous folios, that Jef- 
ferson proposed their general revision and simplification, so as 
to bring their acquaintance within the limits of less than half a 
lifetime. 

The proposition was thought a good one : the Assembly entered 
upon it, and assigned to him the most difficult part of the labor ; 
which was performed in such a manner as to receive the praise 
of the most learned commentators. "Accuracy, brevity and sim- 
plicity," was his aim in the work. Under the provision of his 
labor, criminal law was regulated, citizenship was defined, and 
its rights protected, and education fostered. The subject of slavery 
also came in for regulation ; this, Jefferson always regarded with 
deep concern. Provision was agreed to for the freedom of all- 
children born of slave parents, and their removal from the State, 
after a certain period. But of this Jefferson says : " It was, 
however found, that the public mind would not bear this propo- 
sition, nor will it bear it even at this day. Yet the day is not 
distant when it must bear, and adopt it, or worse will follow. 
Nothing is more certainly written in the book of fate, than that 
these people are to be fi-ee ; nor is it less certain that the two races, 
equally free, cannot live in the same government. Nature, habit, 
opinion, have drawn indelible lines between them. It is still in' 
our power to direct the process of emancipation and deportation 
peaceably, and in such slow degree, as that the evil will wear off 
insensibly, and their place he, pari passu, filled up with free white 
laborers. If, on the contrary, it is left to force itself on, human- 
nature must shudder at the prospect held up. We should in vain 
9 



126 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

look for ao example in the Spanish deportation, or depletion of 
the Moors. This precedent would fall far short of ours." 

So much for his yiews upon slavery, — reader, make your own 
comments. 

In 1779, Jefferson was chosen governor of the State of Vir- 
ginia. This was soon after the treaty with France, and a period 
of much trouble for that State, in consec^uence of the difficulty 
attending the enlistment of her portion of troops for the war. 
From his energy, ability, and experience, no man in the com- 
monwealth was better fitted for the station than he. 

During the first year of his term, however, he exercised his 
power in regard to a transaction that reflected no credit upon his 
name, and which Washington would have spurned, and did re- 
monstrate with him upon the subject. This was the power of 
retaliation, — a species of vengeful redress, that should never be 
harbored by a great and enlarged mind. 

Colonel Hamilton, the British governor of Detroit, had been 
surprised and taken prisoner by the daring Clark, who sent him 
to Williamsburgh, upon an unfounded allegation of his atrocities 
toward Americans. Governor Jefferson had him cruelly thrown 
into prison, confined in a dungeon, and deprived of the use of 
pen and paper, and would not allow him to talk to any one but 
the jailer. He was kept thus in irons, for a long time, because 
he rejected parol, upon the conditions that he was not "to do, or 
say " any thing against America. His freedom of speech Hamil- 
ton was unwilling to sacrifice ; and it was a condition Jefferson 
had no right to impose. Hamilton was a gentlemanly officer, of 
polished mind and refined feelings, and the only apology for this 
proceeding, is to be found in the general cruelties of the times, 
and the deadened state of generous feelings incident to war. 

Jefferson, able as he was as a statesman, and unsurpassed as 
he may have been in his sphere of devising, was not equal to 
many, in prompt and efficient action for emergencies ; he was, in 
one sense, a timid man. During his term of office, though 
warned of the danger by "Washington, the notorious Arnold and 
Phillips were suflered to penetrate into Virginia with a handful 
of fifteen hundred British troops, without any preparation to meet 
them, until they were seen in James river with their vessels. 
Jefferson then called out the militia, — but it was too late. 

Arnold landed his troops, who laid the whole country in waste, 



THOMAS JEFFERSON 127 

burned Riclimontl, committed depredations at Williamsburgli, and 
took many thousand slaves from the plantations. A party also 
made a descent upon Mouticello, — of which Jefferson got infor- 
mation just in time to save himself and family by flight ; the 
members of the Legislature, too, came near being captured during 
the incursion. His being so slow to call out the militia, when 
apprised of the movement, is apologized for by his friends and 
himself, upon the ground, that information was so frequently com- 
municated of such movements, that he did not know what ere-" 
dence to attach to it. During these operations, Governor Jeffer- 
son received a letter from General Phillips, directed, " Thomas 
JeiTerson, Esq.^^'' to which he characteristically replied, "William 
Phillips, Esij. 

Clamors were raised against Jefferson on all sides, after these 
predatory incursions of the British, for not putting the country in 
a state of defense, on the reception of Washington's message, and 
for thinking so much more of personal safety than the public good, 
in his flight from Richmond and Monticello. 

Without considering, as palliative of these magnified ofienses, 
the diffusive resources of the country, and the futility of his re- 
maining in Richmond while the town was destroyed, without any 
means of protecting it, his impeachment was proposed in the 
Assembly, and a day specified for his trial. To this step no oppo- 
sition was offered by his best friends, who thought his conduct 
would stand the test of legal investigation. The only tribunal, 
however, before which he was brought, was that of public opinion, 
which, for some time, aflSxed considerable odium to his name in 
consequence of the causes above enumerated. 

These failings, if such they were, being eventually eclipsed by 
the light of his superior statesmanship, were soon forgotten, and 
the people assigned him the position among her greatest sons, to 
which his merit entitled him. ISTo great while after these events, 
he wrote his work called "Notes on Virginia," which, like all of 
his writings, glbw with the genius of the author. That work was 
commenced as replies to interrogatories, propounded to him by 
the French Secretary of Legation, in regard to the resources, etc., 
of Virginia, which he afterward collated into a handsome volume 
for publication. 

As from Congress he returned to the Legislature, so from the 
Executive chair. He took his seat in 17S1, and boldly arose, saying, 



128 THOMAS JEFFEESON. 

he was ready to meet any charges preferred against him. None 
were made, and the Legislatm-e gave him, which was no uncom- 
mon way of rewarding public servants in those severe times, a 
vote of thanks for his services. So it woukl seem, they were wil- 
ling to atone for the motion of impeachment of the prior session ; 
which was certainly uncalled for. He was again appointed min- 
ister to France, but was obliged to decline. About this time he 
lost his wife, with whom he had enjoyed uninterrupted domestic 
happiness during ten years. He soon after accepted the mission 
to France, but did not go on account of peace being made , infor- 
mation of which he received in Philadelphia, where he was pre- 
paring to take his departure. In 1783, he was re-elected to Con- 
gress. His first act, in this Congress, was to regulate the currency. 
The value attached to the pound sterling varied in the several 
States, and made it necessary for a coin that would be of equal 
value everywhere. Jefferson proposed, as a remedy, the dollar, 
and its equivalent relative coins , which was adopted. 

When Washington went to Annapolis to resign his commission, 
Jeffeeson was of the committee appointed to receive the resigna- 
tion ; and is said to have penned the reply of the President to 
him on that occasion. He was also chairman of the committee 
to which the treaty of Paris was referred, prior to its ratification. 
When that treaty came before Congress, only seven States were 
represented by delegates, then at their post, when the Confederation 
required the assent of nine, as essential to its ratification. Word 
was sent to the executives of the other States, to send their repre- 
sentatives to Annapolis. In the meantime, some member pro- 
posed its being done by the seven States then present, which was 
lost, upon constitutional grounds. 

Jefferson then suggested its ratification by the seven present 
noting the fact, and that it be sent to the ministers at Paris, with 
an explanation, and ask farther time, until the nine States could 
convene and agree to its ratification. This course was decided 
upon, but was prevented from execution by the timely arrival of 
a sufficient number of delegates to ratify it constitutionally , which 
was done with unanimity on the 14:th of January, 1784:. 

Jefferson, through that session of Congress, was a valuable 
member, as tested by the fact that he was made chairman of its 
most important committees, and drafted all its important papers. 
Peace having been made, the American Congress felt the impor- 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 129 

tance of making treaties with the different nations ; a feeling 
which was eilcouraged by Jefferson. As instructions to our 
ministers at foreign courts, Jeffekson prepared the following, as 
the basis on which all such treaties should be negotiated : 

"1. Free admission of the ships and merchandise of one party 
into the ports of the other, on paying duties, as the most favored 
nation. 

" 2. A more qualified reciprocity, as to the nations which hold 
territorial possessions in America. 

" 3. That in all such treaties, and in every case arising under 
them, the United States be considered as one nation, upon the 
principles of the federal Constitution. 

" 4. That private property and industry be protected, and pri- 
vateering abolished. 

"5. Contraband articles no longer to be liable to confiscation ; 
but liable to be detained on paying their value. As to all other 
articles, that free ships should make free goods. Blockades to be 
defended, and the rights of neutrals protected. 

"6. Aliens to be allowed to dispose of lands to which they may 
be heirs. 

"7. That such treaties be limited to ten, or at most, to fifteen 
yeai-s." 

The ofiicers of the Revolution, before they separated, organized 
within themselves a society, which they called the Cincinnati, and 
made its membership hereditary, by being transferred to the son, 
on the death of the father. Their object was to preserve a bond 
of union. State, personal, and local jealousies were soon excited 
against it. Washington, who was a member, wrote to Jefferson 
on the subject. He replied, with candor, that he thought such 
orders were inimical to the republican principles of the confede- 
racy, — tended to foster aristocracies, and were essentially objec- 
tionable, as going to create invidious distinctions by conferring 
honors where they might not be deserved, that could not be pro- 
cured for the highest merit. The hereditary feature was dropped, 
and finally the whole society became extinct ; its funds merged 
into those of benevolent institutions. 

In 1784, Jefferson was appointed to supersede Franklin as 
minister to France. He reached Paris the 6th of August, and 
was, by his distinguished predecessor, introduced to court and its 
polite society. Though, to have filled the place of Franklin, was, 



X30 * THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

at that time, impossible; Jefferson was more suited for the place 
than any other man in the United States, and being introduced 
through so popular a medium, he occupied a position, from the 
first, calculated to procure the respect of the French nation. 

In conjunction with Mr. Adams, he devoted himself to the 
negotiation of treaties with the European powers, in which, how- 
ever, owing to the instability attached to the x\merican govern- 
ment, by most of the nations, he was only in part successful. It 
was, while in Paris, his Notes on "Virginia were first published. 
Tliey were first brought out in a wretched French translation, and 
were afterward issued in London, in a revised form. Franklin 
having sailed for America, and Adams departed for London, 
Jeflerson was sole minister to the court of Versailles. One of 
his first efforts was directed against the tobacco monopoly, by 
endeavoring to establish with France, such regulations as would 
induce its export thither, with a view to its exchange with her 
for those commodities forming a part of his country's commerce. 
He also asserted the doctrine of free-trade, and labored in his 
diplomatic capacity to promote its interests. He wrote to Mr. 
Adams, saying : " I think all the world would gain by setting 
commerce at perfect liberty." 

Scanning with his eagle eye, from his seat of diplomacy the 
tide of nations, he became impressed with the importance of an 
American navy, and recommended it to his countrymen at home. 
In this, too, he was ahead of his age. Many years intervened 
before America became sufiiciently convinced of its utility, to turn 
attention to naval armaments. Amid ministerial duties he 
also procured the model for the new state-house, then building at 
Richmond, and sent it to Virginia; it was after the style of Grecian 
architecture. 

By his continued efibrts our foreign relations were protected 
with care ; a very advantageous system of commercial inter- 
change with France was secured, in which he was much assisted 
by Lafayette. During his embassy, the republican simplicity of 
Jeffekson was equally conspicuous with his brilliant talents. To 
a friend he writes, expressing his preference for the free air of 
old Albemarle, and the endearments of Monticello, to the frivol- 
ous gayeties of Parisian life. 

In 1786, he left Paris, and proceeded to London for the purpose 
of conferring with Mr. Adams, who had preceded him to that 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 131 

metropolis. Their reception was far from cordial, by England, 
of which he asserts, in a letter to America, " in spite of treaties, 
England is still our enemy. Her hatred is deep-rooted, and 
cordial, and nothing is wanting with her but the power to wipe 
us and the land we live in, out of existence." Treaties with 
Tripoli and Portugal, a consummation of which, they had flattered 
themselves, were not for the present effected. In regard to the 
Tripolines and the Barbary powers, there was a difference of 
opinion between Jefferson and Adams, as to the policy to be 
pursued by the United States. Jefferson was in favor of forcing 
a peace by a resort to arms, which he urged with cogent reasons; 
but being again in advance of his day, the opinion of Adams was 
acted upon, and a peace purchased until 1815, when the former 
course was adopted with success. Jefferson's pen, amid these 
duties, was not idle, but continued to emit the intellectual flashes 
of its author, and shed his light over the earth. He wrote inter- 
esting articles on England, and prepared pieces for the Euc^yclo- 
psedias that were full of wisdom. He also computed the increase 
of American population, by taking the few past years for a 
precedental basis, that developed astounding reaults. 

About this time, he became entangled in controversy with 
Buffon, who asserted the degeneracy of American animals, which 
Jefferson denied, and in support of his position, sent for some 
stuffed deer and elk with their antlers on, before which practical 
argument, the French philosopher was compelled to yield. From 
his position in Europe, he was well prepared to see what was lack- 
ing in his own country, and wrote Mr. Madison upon the impor- 
tance of the power to regulate commerce being vested in Congress, 
as vitally essential to its protection. He also wrote to Congress, 
recommending a suitable donation to Lafayette, upon the pre- 
sumption of merit, and that our national character would be pro- 
moted abroad. Deploring the causes of the American debt, he 
writes to another friend : " Every thing I hear from my country 
fills me with despair, as to their recovery from their vassalage to 
Great Britain. Fashion and folly are plunging them deeper and 
deeper into distress ; and the legislators becoming debtors also, 
there seems no hope of applying the only possible remedy, that 
of an immediate judgment and execution. We should try 
whether the prodigal might not be restrained from taking on 



132 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

credit, the gewgaw held out to him iu one hand, Jjij seeing ike 
keys of ajprison in the other.'''' 

To Mr. Monroe, he wrote in regard to the proposed plan of 
separating the vast region of country between the Atlantic States 
and the Mississippi, into States of one hundred and sixty thousand 
square miles each, in terms of strong denunciation. " You 
would," he says, " reverse the nature of things, in making small 
States on the ocean, and large ones beyond the mountains." In 
another letter to the same gentleman, shortly afterward, speaking 
of the importance of a navy, as demonstrated, especially by the 
course of the Tripolines, he says : " It is urged, there is no 
money in our treasury. Tiiere never will be money in the 
treasury, till the confederacy shows its teeth. The States must see 
the rod^ — -perhaps it mnst he felt hy some of them.'''' * * 

" A naval force can never endanger our liberties or occasion 
bloodshed ; a land force would do both." He also wrote to 
"Wythe, entering elaborately upon the blessings of unshackled 
religious freedom, — the necessity of a general system of instruc- 
tion, and the duties incumbent on every American, as a citizen, 
to promote universal happiness. Such was the nature of his 
correspondence home, while discharging his duties abroad. 

Jeffeeson was liberal in his views, and had unlimited confi- 
dence in the capacity of the people. From Paris, when the revo- 
lution of 1787 was agitating the French nation from one end to 
the other, he wrote to a friend in America: "I am persuaded 
myself, that the good sense of the people will always be the best 
army. They may be led astray for a moment, but will soon cor- 
rect themselves. The people are the only censors of their gov- 
ernors ; and even their errors will tend to keep them to the true 
principles of their institutions. To punish those errors too severely, 
would be to suppress the only safeguard of the public liberty." He 
continues, by urging a general diffusion of knowledge among the 
people, as one of the most essential requisites to good govern- 
ment. Shortly after, writing to his friend, Mr. Madison, 
of the different sorts of government, he says: ''I am convinced 
that those societies (as the Indians), which live without govern- 
ment, enjoy in their general views, an infinitely greater degree of 
happiness, than those who live under the European governments." 
" Societies," he continues, " exist under forms sufiiciently distin- 
guishable. 1st. Without government at all, as many of our Indians.. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 133 

2d. Uuder goveruments, wherein the will of every one has a 
just influence, as is the case in England, in a slight degree, and in 
America, in a great degree. 3d. Under governments of force ; as 
is the case in all other monarchies, and most of the other repub- 
lics." After giving these definitions, he says, "to have an idea 
of the curse of existence under these last, they must be seen. It 
is a government of wolves over sheep." Speaking, shortly after, 
upon the subject of our southern possessions, he says of the 
United States, " they are able, already, to rescue the navigation 
of the Mississippi out of the hands of Spain, and to add New 
Orleans to their own territory. They must, and will be joined 
by the inhabitants of Louisiana." 

Jefferson was fond of obtaining practical information ; with 
this view, principally, he traveled through the southern part of 
France. In his travels, he acquainted himself with every thing 
worthy of note in all the cities and towns through which he passed, 
but took more care in inspecting the fields, and examining into 
the products of the country, and the methods of raising them. He 
also studied, with care, the manners and customs of the people. 
This journey proved a delightful one, and he recommended the 
same to his friend Lafayette. 

Upon his return to Paris, he wrote Madison his views of the 
new Constitution, then being formed in the States, reiterating his 
confidence in the people's capacity for self government, and 
advocating a separation of the legislative, executive, and judicial 
powers. A check of the federal, upon the State goveruments, in 
the shape of a negative was proposed, and contended for by some 
able men. This, Jefferson opposed. "It fails," says he, "in 
an essential character ; the hole and the patch should be com- 
mensurate ; but this proposes to mend a small hole, by covering 
the whole garment." He was in favor of an appeal from the 
State, to the federal constitution, for the adjudication of such 
measures, as the negative was provided for. In regard to the 
right of Congress to exercise coercive power upon the States, he 
thus wrote a friend in Yirginia. " It has been so often said as to 
be genei-ally believed, that Congress has no power by the confed- 
eration, to enforce any thing ; for example, contributions of money. 
It was not necessary to give them that power expressly. They 
have it by the law of nature. When two parties make a com- 
pact^ there results to eaoh^ a povjer of compelling the other to 



134: THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

execute it.'''' Jefferson's religions opinions, at this time, are indi- 
cated \)j his instructions to a nephew he had at college in Virginia. 
" The writings of Sterne," he told hira, " formed the best course of 
morality that ever was written," and with the greatest indifference 
toward the accepted religion of his country, enjoined " free 
inquiry" upon the subject. Writing again, to his old friend 
Wythe, of the federal constitution, he says, " my own general idea 
was, that the States should generally preserve their sovereignty 
in whatever concerns themselves alone ; and that whatever may 
concern another State, or any foreign nation, should be made a 
part of the federal sovereignty. That the exercise of the federal 
sovereignty sliould be divided among the three several bodies, — 
executive, legislative, and judiciary, as the State sovereignties 
are; and, that some peaceable means should be contrived for the 
federal head to force compliance on the part of the States." 

His skeleton of a moose or elk, at length arrived, which cost 
him over one hundred dollars, and was conveyed as a triumphant 
argument to Buffon. Of all men, Jefferson was assuredly, 
among the most independent, whether on subjects of government, 
religion, or private matters. This spirit is clearly shown on the 
adoption of the federal Constitution. He was not in favor of it, 
nor was he opposed to it. He thus interrogates Mr. Adams : 
" How do you like our new Constitution ? I confess, there are 
things in it which stagger all m}^ disposition to subscribe 
to what such an Assembly has proposed. The house of federal 
representatives will not be adequate to the management of affairs, 
either foreign or federal. Their president seems a bad edition of 
a Polish king. He may be elected from four years, to four years, 
for life." This re-eligibility of the president, for more than two 
terms of four years each, was one of his main objections to the 
Constitution. He further writes of the instrument to a friend, — 
" there are many good articles in it, and very bad, — I do not 
know which preponderate." Before it went into operation, from 
the position he occupied in regard to it, he was denominated an 
antifederalist', that is, one of the party who opposed the Consti- 
tution; those who were in favor of it being itiA\Q^ federalists. In 
reply to this, he writes Judge Hopkinson : ''I am not 2i federalist., 
because I never submitted the whole system of my opinions to 
the creed of any party of men whatever, in religion, in philosophy, 
in politics, or in any thing else, where I was capable of thinking 



THOMAS JEFFERSON, 135 

for myself. Such an addiction is the last degradation of a free 
and moral agent. If I could not go to Heaven without a party, I 
would not go there at all ; therefore, I protest to you, I am not 
of the party of federalists?'' This savors of an exclusiveness, 
amounting almost to bigotry, and we must confess, we see nothing 
in the expression, that would commend itself to a great and 
enlarged mind. But, he continues, by adding : "But, I am much 
farther from that of an arMfederalist ; I approved, from the first 
moment, of the great mass of what is the new Constitution ; the 
consolidation of the government ; the organization into executive, 
legislative, and judiciary ; the subdivison of the legislature ; the 
happy compromise of interests between the great and little States ; 
the qualified negation on laws given to the executive; which 
however, I should have liked better, if associated with the 
judiciary also, as in New York ; and the power of taxation." 

Such were the portions of which he approved ; and thus far he 
wtis a federalist; but he further adds, in going on to say what he 
disliked: "What I disapproved from the first moment, was the 
want of a Bill of Rights, to guard liberty against the legislative, 
as well as the executive, branches of the government ; that is to 
say, to secure freedom in religion ; freedom of the press ; freedom 
from monopolies ; freedom from unlawful imprisonment ; freedom 
from a permanent military; and a trial by jury, in all cases deter- 
minable by the laws of the land. I disapproved, also, the per- 
petual re-eligibility of the President. To these points of disappro- 
bation I still adhere." Thus far he was an antifederalist. So 
much for the grounds he occupied in regard to the Constitution. 
The fearful results he anticipated from executive re-election, never 
occurred ; and, indeed, the stress he lays upon this feature of the 
Constitution, does not seem so very consistent with his oft-affirmed 
confidence in the capacity of the people for self-government. 

As objections against a Bill of Kights, which he so strongly 
favored, it was urged, that such "rights were reserved by the 
manner in which the federal powers were granted." This he 
answered by affirming, that though "a constitution maybe so 
framed, as to require no declaration of rights, that where some 
important objects are unnoticed, such a declaration becomes then 
necessary." 

It was secondly argued, that " a positive declaration of some 
essential rights, could not be obtained in the requisite latitude ;" 



136 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

■which he answerod by asserting, " that our inability to secure all, 
furnishes no good argument against securing all we canP It was 
also asserted that, " experience proved the inefficiency of a Bill 
of Rights." To this he replied: "There is a remarkable differ- 
ence between the inconveniences attending a declaration of rights, 
and those attending the want of them. Though not always effica- 
cious, under all circumstances, it is always potent, and rarely 
inefficacious. *A brace the more, will often keep up the building, 
which would have fallen with that brace the less." 

Amid the discordant elements of revolutionary factions pervad- 
ing the French people, he watched with penetrative sagacity the 
tide of events, which, to him, afforded a national pantomime, 
interesting and instructive. Yet he was not unmindful of the 
welfare of his own country. Here is a matter, which, though pos- 
sessing no intrinsic interest, illustrates so forcibly the pure repub- 
licanism of Jefferson, is worthy of notice. "Washington being 
elected President, a dispute arose as to the titular distinction, 
whereby he should be designated "from the common herd." The 
Senate wished to call him, "His Highness, George Washington," 
etc., while the House of Representatives wanted it, simply, 
"George Washington, President of the United States." 

Jeffekson expressed himself with the House, and, on the adop- 
tion of their preference, says : " I hope the terms. Excellency, 
Honorable, Worshipful, Esquire, etc., may forever disappear 
from among us. I wish that Mr. would follow them." Though 
this seems a little inconsistent with his retaliation upon General 
Phillips, who addressed him a letter directed "Thomas Jefferson, 
Esq.," while he was governor of Virginia, he adhered to it the 
balance of his life. When he was President, he discarded all 
titular distinctions, and insisted upon being addressed, simply, 
"Thomas Jefferson." His long residence in France tended to 
increase his disgust for titles and nobility, and strengthen his 
republican principles. Those titles, too, being lopped off by 
recent events, hightened his repugnance to their adoption in his 
own country. 

His meditative mind, always theorizing upon some deep sub- 
ject, sometimes led him into exti-emes, that, upon slight reflection, 
would seem foolish. Among the opinions he fell into, about this 
time, was one to the effect "that the earth belongs to the living 
generation, and that the dead have no more right, than they have 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. X37 

power over it." Contiuuiug his investigations of the subject 
upon this basis, he affirms " that laws and constitutions naturally 
e^'pirecl with the generation for which they legislated ;" i. e., that 
dead men had no right to legislate for living ones. These were 
more speculative ideas, however, than firmly adopted belief; con- 
cerning them he thus writes Madison: " Turn this subject in 
your mind, my dear sir, and particularly as to the power of con- 
tracting debts, and develop it with that cogent logic which is so 
peculiarly yours. At first blush it may be laughed at, as the 
dream of a theorist, but examination will prove it to be solid and 
salutary." The establishment of such a wild theory as that would 
be a virtual abolition of all government, law, and everything else; 
for during the short-lived period of one generation, a system of 
government would not more than be tested, and the succeeding 
generation would be ushered in without law or order. Widely 
difierent this from Lycurgus, who, to make his laws perpetual, pro- 
cured the passage of an act that made void their alteration until 
his return, then went on a foreign voyage, where he purposely 
remained during life, and ordered his ashes sprinkled on the sea, 
lest the return of his remains should be construed into a fulfillment 
of the act by the Lacedemonians, and furnish a pretext for the 
change of his system. This speculative opinion was simply ridi- 
culous and absurd. 

On the 28th of September, 1789, Jeffmwom left Paris for the 
United States. His mission had been agreeable, useful, and 
instructive. The national dignity had been promoted by his su- 
perior qualities of statesmanship, and our diplomatic relations 
elevated. He reached Norfolk, Virginia, on the 24:th of October, 
after an absence from home of five years. Here he received the 
notice of his being selected Secretary of State, in Washington's 
Cabinet, of which, though it caused him real pain to withdraw 
from his expected retiracy, he signified his acceptance. 

He imm.ediately proceeded to Monticello, prior to his entrance 
upon the discharge of his official duties. On his arriving in 
sight, his vehicle was surrounded by his negroes, who raised 
shouts of joy. They followed it to the door of his house, where 
he was pulled from his seat, hugged, kissed, caressed and greeted 
with every manifestation of respect. He was a kind master, warm 
in his attachments, and devoted in his domestic ties. Few have 
ever been more so. His slaves, on this occasion, were permitted 



138 THOMAS JEFFERSOX. 

all sorts of liberties, and indeed, he himself was far from being 
destitute of reciprocal feelings. 

Jefferson, when he took his position of Secretary of State in 
the administration, took an active part in the exciting measures 
of the subsequent twenty years, that inseparably identifies him 
with the political history of his country, which he acted to a greater 
extent, perhaps, than any living man. Parties are incident to all 
governments, especially republican. Their origin and respective 
consolidation, — the exact shades of difference, and the causes 
whereby they were strengthened in the United States, form essen- 
tially the complex fractions of our political arithmetic. In a clear 
and plain elucidation of this subject, the author is aware that many 
nice difficulties are to be encountered, which he cannot hope fully 
to overcome. 

In the colonies, at the time the Stamp Act was passed, there 
were two parties, — one for resistance by force, the other for milder 
measures. 

In the Revolution there were two parties, one in favor of 
America and her independence, called "Whig ; the other, in favor 
of allegiance to England, called Tory. 

At the close of the war, there were two parties ; one for neu- 
trality, the other for assisting France. These, however, were 
never efficiently organized parties. On the adoption of the Con- 
Btitntion, partyism becarne excitingly manifest. One party was 
in favor of the Constitution ; this, with Washington, Adams, and 
Hamilton at the head, was the Federal party: the other was 
opposed to the Constitution : this, with Madison, Boudinot, and 
others at the head, was the Anti-Federal party. 

"Where shall we class Jefferson ? Jefferson, as we have seen, 
favored the mass of what composed the federal Constitution, but 
was opposed to many of its features. Dreading the consequences 
of independent sovereignties, the federal party insisted upon a 
close union of the States, with the power of controlling them, firmly 
vested ; this subjected them to the charge, fi'om the antifederalists, 
of trying to pave the way to monarchy. Jefferson believed this 
charge, and looked upon Hamilton as being the exponent of 
monarchical views. And, indeed, the author of the "Life of 
Governeur Morris," asserts that he was. The confidential friend of 
"Washington, a monarchist ! — never. Party lines being thus drawn, 
excitements were engendered and increased by various causes. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 139 

The ratification of the treaty with Great Britain, concluded by Jay, 
was opposed by many, especially Jefferson. Hamilton, during 
the session of the first Congress, proposed the policy of the ad- 
ministration, in a report of marked ability. This embraced a 
provision for paying the interest of the national debt ; the taking 
upon itself, by the Government, of the several State debts ; a duty 
on imports, and an inland excise. Some of these Jeffekson 
opposed, and the breach between him and Hamilton continuing 
to widen, drew still closer the lines of party. Afterward, a system 
of apportionment was adopted, which Jefferson advised "Wash- 
ington to repeal ; which was done. 

Party sh-ife continued to increase through both administrations 
of Washington, and at their close, two parties were firmly estab- 
lished. The unanimous election of Washington was a precedent 
never again to be witnessed. At the time for another president 
to be elected, these parties began to rally around their respective 
clilBipions. The Cabinet of Washington afibrded some of each. 
Hamilton and Knox being Federalists, Jefferson and Randolph 
usually advising the contrary. Jefferson denominated his party 
RejjjiibliGans. In presenting candidates, party considerations 
were the main actuation. Adams was selected by the Federal, 
and Jefferson, by the Republican, or Democratio party. Adams 
was elected by a small majority. Thus, the Antifederal, Republi- 
can or Democratic party, had its origin in hostility to some 
features of the Constitution, — gained strength during the French 
revolution, consolidated, in opposition to some of the measures 
of Hamilton, and continued to exert a great influence upon the 
destinies of the country. 

With this brief notice of party origin, we will return to the 
personal acts and characteristics of Jefferson, His hatred to 
England was deep and bitter ; and no doubt, the smallest sem- 
blance in any form of government the United States might adopt, 
to that of Great Britain, would produce animosity on his part 
toward it. In the continuous re-eligibility of the President to 
ofiice, and the want of a Bill of Rights, to protect freedom in its 
broadest sense, he thought this semblance existed. The proceed- 
ings of the First Congress prefigured the local diflBculties, and 
sectional strifes, that have since created such wide-spread agitation. 
On the subject of duties, the agricultural interests of the south, 
and the manufacturing interests of the north, came early in 



140 THOMAS JEFFERSON, 

conflict. Hamilton's report was taken np in Congress, and its 
features discussed. The proposed discrimination between credit- 
ors and purchasers, in the adjustment of the national debt, and 
the manner of assuming the State debts, were objected to by 
many. Of these Madison was the champion, and proposed an 
amendment, which was not agreed to. The assumption of the State 
debts was a measure that elicited warm dispute. Among the dis- 
putants figured Ames, Boudinot, Madison, and others, — the latter 
taking negative grounds. The measure was eventually sustained, 
and disputes silenced by the introduction of a compromise, in 
which Jefferson had considerable agency. Speaking of this, 
Jeffeeson says : 

" This game was over, and another was on the carpet at the 
time of my arrival, and to this, I was most innocently, and 
ignorantly, made to hold the candle. This fiscal maneuver is 
well known by the name of the Assumption. Independently of 
the debts of Congress, the States had, during the war, contraJRd 
separate and heavy debts ; and Massachusetts particularly, in an 
absurd attempt upon the British post at Penobscot : and the more 
debt Hamilton could rake up, the more plunder for his merce- 
naries. This money, whether wisely or foolishly spent, was pre- 
tended to have been spent for general purposes, and ought, there- 
fore, to be paid from the general purse. But it was objected, that 
nobody knew what these debts were, — what their amounts, — what 
their proofs, l^o matter, — we will guess them to be twenty 
millions. But of these twenty millions, we do not know how 
much should be reimbursed to one State, or how much to another. 
No matter, — we will guess. And so another scramble was set on 
foot among the several States, and some got much, some little, 
some nothing. But the main object was obtained ; the phalanx 
of the treasury was reinforced by additional recruits. 

" This measure produced the most bitter and angry contests ever 
known in Congress, before, or since the union of the States. I 
arrived in the midst of it. But, a stranger to the ground, — a 
stranger to the actors on it ; so long absent, as to have lost all 
familiarity with the subject, and, as yet, unaware of its object, I 
took no concern in it. The great and trying question, however, 
was lost in the House of Representatives. So high were the 
feuds excited by this subject that, on its rejection, business was 
suspended. Congress met and adjourned, from day to day, with- 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 141 

out doing any thing; the parties being too much out of temper to 
do business together. The eastern members particularly, who, 
with Smith from South Carolina, were the principal gamblers in 
these scenes, threatened a secession and dissolution, Hamilton 
was in despair. As I was going to the President's house, one 
day, I met him in the street ; he walked me backward, and 
forward, before the President's door, for half an hour. He 
painted pathetically the temper into which the legislature had 
been wrought ; the disgust of those who were called the creditor 
States ; the danger of the secession of their members, and the 
separation of the States. He observed, that the members of the 
administration ought to act in concert ; that, though this question 
was not of my department, yet a common duty should make it a 
common concern ; that the President was the center on which all 
administrative questions ultimately rested, and that all of us 
should rally around him and support, with joint efforts, measures 
S^Proved by him ; and that the question having been lost by a 
small majority only, it was probable that an appeal from me, to 
the judgment and discretion of some of my friends, might effect 
a change in the vote, and the machinery of government, now sus- 
pended, might be again set in motion. 

"I told him I was really a stranger to the whole subject ; that 
not having yet informed myself of the system of finance adopted, 
I knew not how far this was a necessary sequence ; that undoubt- 
edly, if its rejection endangered a dissolution of our Union, at this 
incipient stage, I should deem that the most unfortunate of all 
consequences, to avert which, all partial and temporary evils 
should be yielded. 

" I proposed to him, however, to dine with me the next day, and 
I would invite another friend or two, bring them into conference 
together, and I thought it impossible that reasonable men consulting 
together coolly, could fail, by some mutual sacrifice of opinion, to 
form a compromise, which was to save the Union. The discussion 
took place. I could take no part in it but an exhortatory one, 
because I was a stranger to the circumstances which should govern 
it. But it was finally agreed, that whatever importance had been 
attached to the rejection of this proposition, the preservation of 
the Union and of concord among the States was more important, 
and that, therefore, it would be better that the vote of rejection 
should be rescinded, to effect which, some members should change 
10 



142 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

their votes. But it was observed, that this pill would be particu- 
larly bitter to the southern States, and that some concomitant 
measure should be adopted to sweeten it a little to them. 
There had before, been propositions to fix the seat of government 
either at Philadelphia, or Georgetown, on the Potomac ; and, it 
was thought that giving it to Philadelphia for ten years, and to 
Georgetown permanently afterward, this might, as an anodyne, 
calm in some degree the ferment which might be excited by the 
other measures alone. So two of the Potomac members, White 
and Lee, but White with a revulsion of stomach almost con- 
vulsive, agreed to change their votes, and Hamilton undertook 
to carry the other point. In doing this, the influence he had 
established over the eastern members, with the agency of Robert 
Morris, with those of the middle States, effected his side of the 
engagement ; and so the " assumption " was passed, and twenty 
millions of stock divided among favored States, and thrown in as 
a pabulum to the stock -jobbing herd. This added to the num^jP 
of votaries to the treasury, and made its chief the master of every 
vote in the legislature, which might give to the government the 
direction suited to its peculiar views." 

In this extract are shown the mental tyranny and conscious- 
ness of extraordinary powers characteristic of Jeffekson. There is 
an acrimonious bitterness pervading it, that indicates an envy 
of Hamilton, his great political rival, and a disposition to impugn 
the motives of others, no less pure than himself. Speaking of 
Hamilton's measures in the aggregate, he says : " When I reached 
New York, I found a state of things, which of all I ever contem- 
plated, I least expected. Politics were the chief topic, and a 
preference of kingly, over republican government, was evidently 
the favorite sentiment. An apostate, I could not be, nor yet a 
hypocrite ; and I found myself for the most part, the only advocate 
on the republican side of the question, unless among the guests 
there chanced to be some member of that party from the legis- 
lative houses. Hamilton's financial system had then passed. It 
had two objects ; first, as a puzzle to exclude popular understand- 
ing and inquiry ; second, as a machine for the corruption of the 
legislature ; for he avowed the opinion, that man could be gov- 
erned by one of two motives only, force or interest ; force, he 
observed, in this country, was out of question, and the interests, 
therefore, of the members must be laid hold of, to keep the legis- 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 143 

latarc in unison with the executive ; aud^ with grief and shame, 
it must be acknowledged, that his machine was not without 
effect ; that even in this, the birth of our government, some mem- 
bers were found sordid enough to bend their duty to their interests, 
and to look after personal, rather than public good." 

We have been thus careful, in the insertion of these extracts, to 
give Jeffeeson's peculiar views upon the great questions of that 
time, and to show his relation with his rival, Hamilton, preferring 
that ho should speak for himself, especially, as ho defines with 
such explicituess his position. The early influence of these two 
statesmen upon our country, would be difficult to over-esti- 
mate. The keen, penetrative sagacity of Hamilton, has been 
seldom, if ever excelled, or even equaled. In many other respects, 
Jefferson was evidently his superior. What tended farther to 
tighten party lines thus drawn, was a disposition of the federal 
p^y to place a liberal construction upon the Constitution, and 
ilRst upon an enforcement of all its granted powers, whether 
implied or expressed. The other party, Jefferson among the 
number, insisted upon a strict adherence to all its provisions, as 
essential to check the monarchical tendencies, which they thought 
wore manifest, and indicated in embryo, by the desire of the 
Senate to confer titular distinction upon the President. The 
powers given the chief executive, conjoined as they were, with 
unlimited eligibility to office, were watched with the greatest 
jealousy by the antifederal or republican party. To the measures 
of Hamilton, after having given his views, he gave a reluctant 
assent, but subsequent events placed him in opposition. The 
French Revolution, by the federalists, was looked upon with horror; 
with the sympathies of Jefferson warmly enlisted in behalf of 
republican principles everywhere, — it was entirely congenial. 
The disposition of Hamilton, as avowed, to incorporate so 
many features of the laws of England, against which Jefferson's 
antipathy was deep-rooted and lasting, tended to increase his 
hostility to many measures of the administration. Jefferson's 
ideas evidently were to simplify the government as much as pos- 
sible, 60 as to promote the most enlarged freedom, and guard 
effectually against all approximation to monarchy, and create a8 
little dissatisfaction among the masses as possible, by avoiding 
onerous taxes ; a subject upon which any people are pecnliarly 
tender. His objects were good. In regard to their accomplish- 



144 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

inent, many no less pure or patriotic, differed with liim very 
widely. Any measure, in the adoption of which, he thought the 
country would be benefited, Jefferson was disposed to view as 
practicable ; and such as did not accord with his sentiments of 
utility, he at once regarded as essentially dangerous. Theoretical, 
meditative, and well versed in political economy, his imperious 
mind was ready to assert a supremacy over those who entertained 
different opinions, and not wholly averse to calling their motives 
in question. To him it seemed strange, and often absurd, that 
others could not see things as he did; and hence his mental des- 
potism, impervious alike to flattery, and the exercise of power. 
Unbending in his lofty soul, while he asserted and maintained his 
independence of all parties, he formed the nucleus, where centered 
the elements of one of the most potent and influential. 

On the assemblage of the third session of the First Congress, 
Jefferson presented that body, accurately prepared tabui^ 
views of the commercial interests of the United States, as cl^ 
pared with France and England. This was the result of patient 
investigation, and a comprehensive mind, accompanied with his 
characteristic desire to serve his country. Jefferson, during his 
ministerial duties in France, was anxious to give commercial 
preference to that country, over England ; this anxiety was doubt- 
less the dictate of partiality, as well as policy. This tabular view, 
however, showed the fact, since well established, that England 
was the more profitable as an emporium for American products, 
but he still insisted upon the superior national merits of France. 
It was during this session that the Apportionment Bill, fixing 
the number of representatives, passed. This bill assumed thirty 
thousand as the population of each State. But, instead of giving 
New York thirty thousand, Virginia thirty thousand, and so on, it 
took the whole population for a dividend, which was divided by 
the number, thirty thousand. This furnished a quotient of one 
hundred and twenty; which was applied to the several States 
according to their population. This gave some States a greater, 
others a less, representation than they were entitled to. After 
passing both houses, it was submitted to the President. He 
advised with his Cabinet. It, as usual, was divided. Hamilton 
insisted upon its approval; Jefferson urged its veto. "Washington, 
after mature reflection, thought with the latter, and it was vetoed. 
This was the first exercise of the veto power by an American 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 145 

executive. From this time the breach between the two secretaries 
contiunecl to widen. Jefferson, soon after this, had a long con- 
ference with ^yashiugton, in which tlie latter expressed unlimited 
confidence in his capacity and patriotism, and a hope that he would 
not retire from the public concerns, as was soon his own intention. 

The party feelings of Hamilton and Jefferson were at length 
indicated by a collision. It originated in a commercial treaty 
with Ternant, the French minister, who, Jefferson affirms, was 
induced to commence it at the instigation of Hamilton, for the 
purpose of producing difficulties. Jefferson, however, drew up 
the plan of a treaty according to his own views. Hamilton 
objected to the rates of duty as not being high enough, and 
amended it by an increase. Jefferson thought this was done 
toward Ternant for the purpose of affording the British minister 
an argument of the same sort. Upon this supposition he opposed 
the whole thing, and went contrary to both Washington, and 
Hamilton. Speaking of this, Jefferson says : " His scheme 
evidently was to get us engaged, first with Ternant, merely that 
he might engage us on the same ground with Hammond," (the 
British minister), " taking care, at the same time, by an extrava- 
gant tariff, to render it impossible we should come to any con- 
clusion with Ternant; probably meaning, at the same time, to 
propose terms so favorable to Great Britain, as would attach us 
tb that country by treaty." He farther implicated Hamilton in 
a confidential understanding with the British minister, to keep him 
fully advised upon all the measures of Congress and the Cabinet, 
in lieu of similar information in regard to Parliament and the 
Crown. This state of things, of course, precluded personal good- 
will and intimacy. 

Much as we might think of deploring a collision of two such 
men as Jefferson and Hamilton, such difTerences are not always 
destitute of good results, especially when both the parties are 
purely patriotic. The charge of concert with the British minister, 
was evidently unjustifiable, by any facts in the case. 

In the meantime, various causes conspired to make the official 
duties of Jefferson, as Secretary of State, numerous and compli- 
cated. No party feelings or recrimination could prevent his faith- 
ful discharge of these. England had been slow to conform to 
many of the articles in the treaty, to which she had pledged com- 
pliance ; while the conduct of the French minister, Genet, in the 



146 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

United States, greatly magnified, and increased the difficulties of 
his foreign correspondence, which he kept up, dnring the remain- 
der of his official term, with dignity and ability, unsurpassed on 
the American archives, copious as they are with the talent of 
sagacious statesmanship. 

Bitter as were party feelings at that time, the bold, intrepid 
manner, in which Jefferson maintained the national dignity, and 
repelled the encroachments of foreign power, won the esteem of 
all men, independent of party ties. It was a fact, Washington 
well knew, that the United States had but one Jefferson, and 
that he was needed at that delicate period for Secretary of State. 

Congress adjourned on the 8th of May, 1T92. Jefferson 
immediately wrote Washington a lengthy letter, giving his views 
of some of the principal features of party politics, and urging him 
with warmth and earnestness, to consent to a re-election to the 
presidency. He speaks of the sectional feelings of the country 
being excited ; party hostilities engendered ; contemplates with 
dread the failure of the government to consolidate the Union, 
and insisted that to avert most dreadful consequences, it was his 
duty to fill the place again. "Your being at the helm," says he, 
" will be more than an answer to every argument which can be 
used to alarm and lead the people, in any quarter, into violence 
or secession. North and south will hang together, if they have 
you to hang on ; and if the first corrective of numerous represen- 
tation should fail in its efi:ect, your presence will give time for 
trying others not inconsistent with the union and peace of the 
States." Jefferson was earnest in this appeal, and considered 
the condition of his country, and her interests alone. Notwith- 
standing his party attachments, patriotism never found a warmer, 
or more congenial breast than Jefferson's. Washington received 
this letter in Philadelphia, and proposed a conference with him 
upon the subject of its contents ; this was agreed to, and, soon 
after the parties met, almost as brothers meet, to talk over the 
afiairs of the country, each having unlimited confidence in the other. 
Washington reaffirmed his wish to retire to private life, while Jef- 
ferson repeated, and enforced the reasons assigned in his letter, 
why he should continue at the head of the national government. 

Soon after this conversation, he wrote Washington a second 
lettei", defending himself from anonymous abuse, which, he sup- 
posed, originated from Hamilton. He says : " I am charged ; 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 



147 



first, with having written letters from Europe to my friends, to 
oppose the present Constitution, while pending ; second, with a 
desire of not paying the public debt; third, with setting up a 
paper to decoy and slander the government. The first charge is 
most false. I approved of as much of the Constitution as most 
persons, and more of it was disapproved of by my accuser than 
by me, and of its parts, most vitally republican. My objection to 
the Constitution, was the want of a Bill of Rights, — Colonel 
Hamilton's, that it wanted a king and House of Lords. The sense 
of America has approved my objection, and added the Bill of 
Rights, and not the king and House of Lords. I wanted the 
presidential term longer, and not renewable ; my country thought 
otherwise, and I have acquiesced." Of the national debt, he says : 
"I wanted the debt paid ofi" to-morrow, — Colonel Hamilton — 
never ; but always to remain in existence, for him to manage and 
corrupt the legislature." The charge of his establishing a paper, 
etc., grew out of his appointment of Freuau to an office in the 
State department. He was editor of a paper, that was no way 
popular with the administration, but gave it frequent thrusts, and 
especially Hamilton, whom he designated as an administrative 
leader. The elevation of this gentleman to ofiice, by Jefferson, 
notwithstanding his effort to explain it away, was doubtless the 
result of existent rivalry between him and Hamilton. 

The adjustment of affairs with Spain, soon afforded ground of 
fresh cabinet disputes. The measures proposed by Jefferson, 
were resisted by Hamilton, as not being sufficiently conciliatory, 
and too likely to involve us in war, for which we were wholly 
unprepared. Jefferson began now to think of retiring to Monti- 
cello. In addition to the dictates of personal preference, he felt 
that, in the frequent collisions with his rival, there was a ceaseless 
cause of irritation ; and he also thought that Washington was 
becoming more partial to the views of Hamilton, and looked with 
less favor upon his. 

Satisfied of his endeavors to perform his duty, in every capacity, 
without reference to popularity, powers, or opinions of others, he 
wished to retire to the shades of Monticello, and devote himself 
to private affairs. But in his course, he had drawn a large 
portion of the people around him, who, regarding him as their 
leader, would not permit him to quit the service. Compliant to 
their wishes, and contrary to his own, he consented to a sacrifice 



148 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

of personal preference, for what was conceived public duty, and 
public good. 

On the commencement of hostilities between England and 
France, at the beginning of Washington's second presidential 
term, different opinions were entertained, as to the proper course 
to be pursued by the United States. It must be remembered, that 
between France and England, a treaty of alliance had been con- 
cluded, prior to the overtlirow of the monarchy, and the establish- 
ment of the directory. Since that treaty, France had been revo- 
lutionized, and a new form of government instituted. Under this 
form, her minister was about presenting his credentials to the 
American government, which had also been remodeled. Should 
he be received, was the change of government an abrogation of 
the treaty? Should a course of strict neutrality be adopted? 
These became questions of great moment. Jefferson thought 
the national relationship was unchanged, and afBrmed that the 
treaty was equally binding, as before the Revolution. This, in a 
very masterly style, he defended elaborately, and entered fully 
upon the merits of the question. The argument, or opinion, was 
based: 1st. Upon "the moral law of our nature." 2d. "The 
usage of nations." 3d. "Their special conventions." "With 
these principles as a basis, he proceeds through the whole com- 
plexity of the case, and cites various authors in support of his 
positions. The opinion is one of marked ability, evincing great 
reasoning powers, and vast research. 

To this construction, Hamilton dissented, as also did Knox. 
"Washington, unswayed by any personal preference, or party preju- 
dice, reposing full confidence in the motives of both his secretaries, 
agreed with Jeffekson that the treaty was still binding, and 
decided upon an unqualified reception of the French minister. 
Jefferson, notwithstanding his liberal sympathies for the French, 
was far from opposing neutrality relationships to any degree of 
overt hostilities in their behalf. Speaking of this in a friendly 
letter, about the time great excitement prevailed favorable to the 
French, he says: " The war between France and England seems 
to be producing an effect not contemplated. All the old spirit of 
1776, is rekindling. The newspapers from Boston to Charleston 
prove this, and even the monocrat papers are obliged to publish 
the most furious philippics against England. * * * 

I wish uie may he ahle to repress the spirit of the people loiihin 



THOMAS JEFFERSOX. 149 

the limits of a fair neutrality.'''' He goes on to say fiirllier: "if 
we preserve a feneaking neutrality, we shall be indebted for it to 
the President, and not his counselors ;" — still showing an iiuwil- 
linguess to accord any controlling influence to Hamilton, whom he 
includes among "his counselors." 

It is here necessary to state, that in the terms "mouocrat," 
"federalist," etc., so acrimoniously applied by Jeffekson to par- 
tisans, he never intended to embrace Washington. Him he 
regarded, as everybody else did, a pure patriot, — a sightless dis- 
tance above party, and party faction. The full force of the treaty 
being established by presidential decision. Genet, the French min- 
ister, was received accordingly. By his undue efibrts to excite 
sympathy for his country, he degraded himself and his commis- 
sion, and was finally subjected to a recall. He soon became in- 
volved in an epistolary controversy with Jefferson, upon national 
subjects. Jefferson demolished his arguments, if such they could 
be called, and used him up effectually. At length, finding he 
got the worst of it in argumentation, he availed himself of that 
ready resort of little minds, and changed his logic to insolence. 
Here Jefferson, feeling it was getting too low, ceased to reply. 
The patience of the government being at length exhausted, com- 
plaint was made through our minister, Governeur Morris, to the 
court of France, accompanied with a request for his recall. This 
drew due consideration, and resulted in the ai>pointnient of com- 
missioners to the United States, delegated with pacific powers and 
instructions to convey Genet home a prisoner. All difficulties 
were amicably adjusted, but the chief originator of them remained 
in the United States. 

On the issue of the neutrality proclamation, the French revo- 
lution, and her war with England, began to exert an influence 
upon the parties of the country hitherto not seen. Many persons 
in the United States, whose sympathies were with France, insisted 
that, even under the existent treaty, we were bound to co-operate 
with her in the struggle. In fact, after the Revolution, it took 
very little to create a war-stir in the United States, especially 
when it was excited by appeals against England. In regard to 
neutrality. Hamilton and Madison differed, — the former insisting 
upon both the constitutionality and propriety of the measure, — 
the latter admitting its present prudence, for the purpose of abiding 
Congressional action, but denying the right of the President to 



150 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

proclaim the United States in a state of neutrality, without such 
action. "While these gentlemen were advocating their respective 
views with accustomed ability, Jefferson wrote to Madison and 
Monroe, extracts from which letters give his sentiments in regard 
to our relationship with France. To Madison he says: "Never, 
in my opinion ,^ was so calamitous an appointment made, as that 
of the present minister of France here. Hot-headed, all imagina- 
tion, passionate, disrespectful and even indecent toward the Presi- 
dent, in his written, as well as his verbal communications, before 
Congress or the public he will excite indignation." * * 

To Monroe he thus wrote : "The proclamation of neutrality was 
opposed ; 1st. Because the executive has no power to declare neu- 
trality : 2d. As such a declaration would be premature, and would 
lose us the benefits for which it might be bestowed. It was urged, 
that there was a strong impression on the minds of many, that 
they were free to join in the hostilities on the side of France ; 
others were unapprised of the dangers they would be exposed to, 
in carrying contraband goods ; and it was therefore agreed that a 
proclamation should issue, declaring that we were in a state of 
peace with all parties ; advising the people to do nothing contra- 
vening it, and putting them on their guard as to contraband. On 
this ground it was accepted or acquiesced in by all. The public, 
however, soon took it up as a declaration of neutrality, and it 
came to be considered, at length, as such." * * * * 

Again he says to Madison : "I believe it will be true wisdom, 
in the Republican jjarty, to approve, unequivocally, of a state of 
neutrality ; to avoid little cavils about who should declare it ; to 
abandon Genet entirely, with expressions of strong friendship 
and adherence to his nation, and confidence that he has acted 
against their sense. In this way we shall keep the people on our 
side, hi/ 'keeping ourselves in the riglity 

The complicated state of affairs between France and England, 
gave rise to new difiiculties between us and the latter power. The 
United States had assumed a position of neutrality, contrary to 
the provisions of which. Great Britain alleged that France was 
permitted some liberties injurious to her interests; the United 
States affirmed that, by a decree of the British government, their 
rights as neutrals were infringed upon. This referred to a decree, 
passed by England, authorizing the seizure of American vessels 
laden with provisions bound for any of the French ports, and 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 151 

requiring their conveyance to the most convenient port. The 
impressment of American seamen by England, also afforded ad- 
ditional grounds of complaint. 

Pinckney was then our minister to the British court ; he was 
instructed to apply to that government for an explanation con- 
cerning the decree, and other offenses. This drew a reply from 
Hammond to Jeffekson, maintaining the national legality of the 
decree. A pretty lengthy correspondence ensued, in which Jef- 
FEESON vindicated the rights of his counti-y with characteristic 
firmness and ability. A similar decree of the French, was not 
only an infringement equally gross upon the rights of a neutral 
power, but was a palpable violation of treaty stipulations between 
that country and the United States. This decree authorized the 
seizure of "all neutral vessels laden with provisions bound to the 
enemy's port," and, of course, embraced the shipping of this coun- 
try to great Britain. Governeur Morris was then our minister to 
France, and was instructed to pursue a course, toward that govern- 
ment, similar to that pursued by Pinckney toward Great Britain. 
France preventing our shipments to England, and she, as a counter- 
decree, prohibiting them to France, most certainly created no little 
derangement of our commercial interests. Between Jeffekson 
and Morris, this was the result of a correspondence in which 
right and national dignity are maintained with a manly power, 
equal to that displayed in the former controversy, of the same 
nature, with England. On the 2d of December, compliant with 
its resolutions, Jefferson laid before Congress a report upon the 
commercial interests of the United States. This was drawn with 
marked ability, and pointed out the channels most suited for a 
profitable direction of our commerce, and suggested means for its 
protection and respect. This, and another commercial report soon 
after, were his last acts as Secretary of State. 

On the 31st of -July, he wrote a letter to the President, in which, 
after assuring him that he would "carry into his retirement a 
lively sense of his goodness," and that he would ever have his 
" serious prayers for his life, health, and tranquillity," he an- 
nounced his fixed intention of retiring to private life. True to his 
purpose, he was soon after serenely reposing amid the beauties of 
his beloved Monticello, enjoying domestic quiet among his children 
and grandchildren. 

Jefferson's motives, in withdrawing from the public arena, 



152 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

have been, and not wholly without plausibility, called in question. 
Some said, it was the result of chagrin at not being able to 
overcome Hamilton, and quash his favorite measures, and a desire 
to be relieved from annoying manifestations incident to a rivalry 
with that gentleman. Others, with a greater degree of probability, 
affirmed that it was the result of personal preference ; though 
men's motives are hidden things, and frequently entirely con- 
cealed, — the general tenor of one's life is the surest method of 
understanding them. There is no doubt that Jefferson earn- 
estly desired retirement ; he was a literary man, a man of science, 
fond of books, especially on natural history ; he possessetl the 
warmest family attachments at Monticello, a most beautiful spot 
by nature, and tastefully improved by art, with every essential to 
peace and comfort ; every thing, indeed, conspired to strengthen 
his natural desire to enter upon the enjoyment of private repose. 
But he had taken too deep a hold upon the men of his party, to 
remain a quiet observer of events from his Monticello eyre. At 
the close of Washington's administration, he was the unanimous 
choice of his party to succeed him to the presidency. But, before 
entering upon this contest we ought, perhaps, to advert to a small 
matter, out of which, like a great many very small affairs, great 
ones have been manufactured by designing men. 

During Washington's last official term, Jeffekson wrote a letter 
to Mazzei, an old Italian friend, in which, it is ti'ue, he used some 
imprudent expressions, but never with the design attributed to 
him. Mazzei had the letter published, in the Italian language, at 
Florence ; it found its way to Paris, was translated into the 
French, and eventually reaching the United States, it was re- 
translated. Thick and heavy was its author abused. He was 
accused of slandering Washington, and disloyalty to his country. 
The subjoined is the part of the letter which kindled the ire of the 
federal party : " The aspect of our politics has wonderfully changed, 
since you left us, April 24:, 1796. In place of that noble love of 
liberty and republican government which carried us triumphantly 
through the war, an Anglican monarchical and aristocratical part}^ 
has sprung up, whose avowed object is to draw over us the sub- 
stance, as they have already done the forms, of the British gov- 
ernment. 

" The main body of our citizens, however, remain true to the 
republican principles; the whole land- interest is republican, and 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 153 

so is a great mass of talent. Against us are the executive and 
the judiciary, — two out of three branches of the Legislature, — all 
the officers of the government, — all who want to be officers, — all 
timid men, who prefer the calm of despotism to the boisterous sea 
of liberty, — British merchants and Americans trading on British 
capital, — speculators and holders in the banks and public funds, — 
a contrivance invented for the purposes of corruption, and for 
assimilating us in all things to the rotten, as well as the sound 
parts of the British model. It would give you a fever, were I 
to name to you the apostates who have gone over to these here- 
sies, — men who were Samsons in the field, and Solomons in the 
council, but who have had their heads shorn by the harlot, Eng- 
land. In short, we are likely to preserve the liberty we have 
obtained, only by unremitted labors and perils. But we shall 
preserve it, and our mass of weight and wealth on the good side, 
is so great, as to leave no danger that force will ever be attempted 
against us ; we have only to wake and snap the Lilliputian cords 
with which they have been entangling us during the first sleep 
which succeeded our labors." 

This is a rather bitter epistle. Knowing that "Washington, in 
all hearts, reigned an idol, those unfriendly to Jefferson tried to 
make it appear that he was the "Samson in the field," etc., alluded 
to. The sentiments of the letter reflect no credit upon the author, 
and show an imprudent denunciation of the measures of the ad- 
ministration, and a deephostility to the course of Hamilton, whom 
he called "Camillus." But the allusions were not to the Presi- 
dent, though Jefferson thought he often leaned to the measures 
of the federalists. Mazzei was an old neighbor to him, and they 
frequently had confidential interviews. After his departure, they 
were continued by writing. This letter was not designed for 
publication, but simply as correspondence to a friend. This is 
some apology for its severity. Anonymous communications, also 
reflecting upon the administration, were ascribed to Jefferson, 
who, being the leader of the Bepublican party, was made a kind 
of packhorse, on which to saddle all the sins of the times. This 
he disavowed, and, we think, trul3^ lie made it a point not to 
write for the press, anonymously or otherwise. 

His opposers had said much to show that hostile feelings were 
engendered between him and "Washington ; and some have averred 
that Washington " called him to account " for his Mazzei letter ; 



154 THOMAS J E.F PERSON, 

others, that he wrote an "angry letter," etc. These are, in the 
main, groundless. Washington was not the man to write angry 
letters ; and though he was often wounded at the difierences be- 
tween hia secretaries, his confidence in Jefferson's patriotism 
was never impaired. 

But to return. Washington's term having expired, in the selec- 
tion of one to fill his place, the two parties rallied to their cham- 
pions. John Adams was the Federal candidate, while Jefferson^ 
as before stated, was the Republican or Democratic. Party lines 
were closely drawn. Adams received seventy-one, and Jeffer- 
son sixty-eight votes ; Adams was elected President and Jeffer- 
son Vice-president. Four years before, the President was unan- 
imously elected, — now by a bare majority. Jefferson entered 
upon the discharge of his duties as vice-president, with many 
manifestations of regard and friendship toward Adams. He 
reached Philadelphia on the 2d of March, to be ready for the 
inauguration. On his arrival, friendly visits were exchanged 
between him and President Adams, in which free conversation 
was indulged upon national affairs, especially our relations with 
France, and a good understanding between the two was arrived at. 

After the inauguration, Jefferson retired to Monticello, where 
he remained until April. In a letter to a gentleman of Massa- 
chusetts he says, of the two officers: "The second office of this 
government is honorable and easy; the first is but a splendid 
misery." Singular, that the "misery" is so contagious, and so 
many think themselves just suited to an attack ! He also expresses 
a dread lest " the Hamiltonians " should try to interrupt the good 
feelings, which he desired should prevail between him and the 
President, and further expresses a wish that the United States 
could maintain a position of independent neutrality toward other 
powers, "especially England and France." The bitterness of 
party faction, after the retirement of Washington, increased with 
considerable rapidity, and developed itself in mutual crimina- 
tions and recriminations. Among the charges preferred by each, 
was pandering to the caprice of its favorite foreign power, — the 
federalists to England, — the other to France. To Aaron Burr, a 
man of some conspicuity as a Republican leader, but otherwise 
sadly renowned, Jefferson wrote a letter expressing his regrets 
at the increase of party spirit, and disappointment that such was 
the case, and closes with "apprehensions that fraud would at 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 155 

length effect what force could not," and that "with currents and 
counter-currents we should, in the end, be driven back to the land 
from which we launched twenty years ago." He soon after wrote 
to Eutledge, in regard to our foreign relations, as follows: "We 
had, in 1793, the most respectable character in the universe. What 
the neutral nations think of us now, I know not; but we are low 
indeed with the belligerents ; their kicks and cuffs prove their 
contempt. If we weather the present storm, I hope we shall avail 
ourselves of the calm of peace, to place our foreign connections 
under a new, and different arrangement. * * # ^g to 
every thing except commerce, wc ought to divorce ourselves from 
tliein ally On the party strife of the times, he thus writes to the 
same man : " You and I have seen, have formerly seen, warm 
debates and high political passions ; but gentlemen, of different 
politics, would then speak to each other, and separate the business 
of the Senate from that of society. It is not so now. Men who 
have been intimate all their lives, cross the street to avoid meet- 
ing, and turn their heads another way, lest they should be obliged 
to touch their hats." 

Jefferson, soon after, returned to Monticello for the enjoy- 
ment of a brief respite from official duty, where he learned his 
appointment to the presidency of the American Philosophical 
Society, of which he signified his acceptance. 

In March, 1798, the President sent a message to Congress, 
urging that the country be put in a state of defense, in the event of 
war with France, and withdrew the prior instructions of the custom 
officers, not to allow armed vessels to leave American ports. 
Jefferson called it an "insane message," and opposed all steps 
of premature hostility. As a negotiatory basis, the United States 
were required to pay a large sum of money, of which Jefferson 
speaks, as being "unworthy a great nation, and calculated to 
excite disgust and indignation generally, and alienation in the 
republicans particularly, vihom they so far mistook, as to presume 
an attachment to France, and hatred to the federal party, and not 
the love of country to be their first passion." The two parties 
being charged, not without justness, of partiality to the foreign 
powers, and France being the one favored by the republican, the 
course of that country tended to dampen the attachment of many, 
and to make accessions to the opposite party. Party spirit 
became warmer than ever ; Jefferson, in the midst of it, thus 



156 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

wrote: "All the firmness of the human mind, is now in a state 
of requisition. The spirit kindled up in the towns is wonderful. 
These, and New Jersey, are pouring in addresses, ofiering life and 
fortune," and adds, that the replies of the President were "more 
thrasouic than the addresses."* 

Partaking of the excitement of the times, Colonel Taylor, a 
warm republican, of South Carolina, suggested to a friend in 
Congress, the necessity of southern separation from the Union. 
To this Jefferson replied at length, and used the following 
patriotic language: "But who can say what would be the evils of 
Becessiou, and when, and where they would end? Better keep 
together as we are, haul ofi' from Europe as soon as we can, and 
from all attachment to any portion of it ; and if they show their 
power, just sufficiently to hoop us together, it will be the happiest 
situation in which we can exist." Jefferson, from the position 
he occupied in the Republican party, was often warmly assailed 
by his enemies. On one occasion he was accused of being 
"closeted" with political friends, — on another, with being a half 
peacemaker, favoring France, but despising England. These, 
and similar charges, he denied in private letters. Jefferson was 
on terms of intimacy with Kosciusko, Yolney, and Rowan, ofier- 
ing them the hospitalities of Mouticello, and maintaining friendly 
correspondence. 

Speaking of the famous "Alien and Sedition laws," as being 
an exhibition of tyranny, to see how much disregard for the Con- 
stitution the people would stand, he says: "if this goes down, 
we shall immediately see attempted, another act of Congress, 
declaring that the President shall continue in office during life, 
reserving for another occasion, the transfer of the succession to his 
heirs, and the establishment of the Senate for life. At least, 
this may be the aim of the Oliverians, while Monk and the 
Cavaliers, who are perhaps the strongest, may be playing their 
game for the restoration of his most gracious majesty, George the 
Third. That these things are in contemplation, I have no doubt; 
nor can I be confident of their failure, after the dupery of which, 
our countrymen have shown themselves susceptible." 

Deep, and lasting, and justifiable, as may have been his hatred to 
those measures, the foregoing convey imputations as grossly false, 

* Tucker, 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. I57 

as they are unworthy the greatness of Jefferson for their author. 
His sanguine temperament, recklessness of mode of expression, 
strong political biases, and the extreme partisan feelings of the 
times, afford the only, and we must confess, but a poor apology for 
their utterance. Soon after, in conference with Madison, Monroe, 
and other friends, upon the subject of constitutional violation by 
Congress, in various ways as they conceived, especially the Alien 
and Sedition laws, he uttered an emphatic protest against its pro- 
ceedings. He thus continued with the Republican party, faith- 
fully discharging his duties as vice-president, until the ensuing 
presidential election, when he was again brought forward as a can- 
didate. This election was strictly a test of party strength. Jeffer- 
son and Burr were the Republican candidates, and received each 
seventy-three votes. Adams and Finckney were the Federal 
candidates ; the former received sixty-five, the other sixty-four 
votes, and Jay one. This threw the election into the House, and 
created, as all elections by the House have, intense excitement. 
Jefferson's enemies labored for the election of Burr; indeed, 
some of the more violent, suggested the prevention of election at 
all. Congress continued for days, to ballot between Jefferson 
and Burr, with no variation in the result. At length, on the 
thirty-sixth ballot, Jefferson received ten votes, which secured 
his election. Aaron Burr was vice-president. 

The administration of Jefferson, is a fruitful source of com- 
ment for the author, and inquiry for the student. Our limits pre- 
clude, of course, a minute record of all the events crowding 
within the period of his official terms, but we hope to advert to 
their leading features, iu a manner that will not be wholly unin- 
teresting. 

Jefferson was inaugurated Fresident, March 4th, 1801. His> 
inaugural was mild, and conciliatory, tending to relieve, to some 
extent, the fears of the opposite party, in regard to the partiality 
of his administration. He selected for his cabinet, 

James Madison, Secretary of State ; 

Henry Dearborn, Secretary of War; 

Levi Lincoln, Attorney-General ; 

Samuel Dexter, Secretary of Treasury ; 
and of the navy, Benjamin Stoddard : the two latter were 
appointed by Adams, and continued in office only for a short 
period, being superseded by Gallatin of Fennsylvania, and 
11 



158 THOMAS JEFF Ell SON. 

Granger of Oonnecticut. Not long after his inaugnratioD, he 
removed the collector of the port at New Haven, who was a 
warm federalist, and appointed a gentleman in his place from 
the opposite party, whose qualifications were inferior to the 
former incumbent. This resulted in remonstrance, and con- 
demnation from the citizens of that locality, and may be regarded 
as the overt beginning of that ruthless executive proscrip- 
tion, since practiced to such a shameful extent. An extract 
from his response, to one of these remonstrances, indicates, to a 
certain extent, this proscriptive policy. He says: "I lament 
sincerely that unessential differences of opinion should ever have 
been deemed sufficient to interdict half the society from the rights 
and the blessings of self-government; to proscribe them as un- 
worthy of every trust. It would have been to me a circumstance 
of great relief, had I found a moderate participation of office in 
the hands of the majority, I would gladly have left to time, and 
accident, to raise them to their just share. But their total 
exclusion calls for prompter corrections. I shall correct the pro- 
cedure ; but, that done, return with joy to that state of things, 
when the only question concerning a candidate shall be, — Is he 
honest ? Is he capable ? Is he faithful to the Constitution ?" 
Here, by saying with joy he " will return " to the state of things, 
when honesty, capacity, etc., shall be the only questions to be con- 
sidered, he admits, that there is another question to ask, plainly, 
the one, unfortunately, too often asked by our presidents, viz : To 
what party does he belong? Those he elevated to office, were 
usually from the ranks of his own party, though the indiscriminate 
removals from office, upon purely party considerations, was not 
practiced by hhu to the extent that has marked the course of some 
of our subsequent executives. 

He wrote to Nathaniel Macon, on the 4th of May, giving him 
an idea of his administration, in the following language : 

" Levees are done away with. 

"The first communication to the next Congress, will be like all 
subsequent ones, by message, to which no answer will be expected. 

" The diplomatic establishment in Europe wiU be reduced to 
three ministers. 

"The army is undergoing a chaste reformation. 

" The navy will be reduced to the legal establishment, by the 
last <of this month. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 159 

"Agencies in every department will be revised. 

" We shall push you to the uttermost in economizing. 

" A very early recommendation has been given to the Post- 
master-General, to employ no printer, foreigner, or revolutionary 
tory, in any of his offices." 

To Levi Lincoln he also wrote : 

"• I had foreseen, years ago, that the first Republican President, 
who should come into office, after all the places in the government 
had been exclusively occupied by Federalists, would have a 
dreadful operation to perform. That the Republicans would con- 
sent to a continuation of every thing in federal hands, was not to 
be expected, because, neither just nor politic. On him, then, 
was to devolve the office of an executioner, — that of lopping off." 

Congress convened at the city of Washington, December Tth, 
1801. Over the Senate presided Aaron Burr. Congress organized 
by the election of Nathaniel Macon to the speakership. He was, 
both personally and politically, a warm friend to Jefferson. 
Democratic majorities prevailed in both Houses, and Jefferson 
entered upon his administration under auspices favorable to the 
establishment of his favorite measures. 

At an early day he sent his message to Congress. This was 
deemed more suitable than the delivery of addresses, which was 
the practice of Washington and Adams. He insisted upon a 
revision of some of the acts of the p)recedent administrations, 
especially the internal excise ; the reduction of foreign ministry ; 
the regulation of the navy, and the judiciary. One of the first 
acts of his administration, was the abolition by Congress, of the 
new courts, which, by depriving quite a number of circuit judges 
of pretty good offices, created considerable temporary dissatis- 
faction. The principal acts of this Congress, were the apportion- 
ment of representatives by the census of 1800; the abrogation of 
the internal excise ; the establishment of a uniform system of 
naturalization, — reducing the residence of foreigners to five, in- 
stead of fourteen years ; the annual direction of seven millions 
of dollars to the sinking fund, for the payment of the old national 
debt, and the admission of Ohio, as a State, into the Union. 
The course of the President, toward the preceding administrations, 
wus a negative, rather than a positive hostility; more of their acts 
WH're repealed, than measures established contrary to their views. 
The most important measures of the Second session of Congress, 



IQQ THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

was the enactment of a law preventing the importation of Negroes 
into the United States, under severe penalties. One of the most 
serious causes of national agitation, at this time, was the situa- 
tion of our affairs with Spain. One of the articles of prior negoti- 
ation with that country, qualifying the right of making deposits 
at New Orleans, was guaranteed to the United States. 

By secret treaty in 1802, Louisiana went into the possession of 
France, and desti'oyed this right of deposit, as well as the advan- 
tages of the Mississippi. To our western people these were 
advantages of much value, and they would not give them up 
without some hesitancy and disquiet. In 1802, Jeffekson gave 
Congress formal notification of the disposition of Louisiana. 
Livingston was then our minister to France, to whom was joined 
James Monroe. Monroe sailed for Paris, with instructions to 
negotiate for the Floridas and New Orleans. Bonaparte was 
first consul. To Marbois, with his usual laconic, decisive lan- 
suao-e, he said: "I renounce Louisiana. It is not only New 
Orleans that I will cede; it is the whole country, without 
reservation, * * * I renounce it with the greatest 
regret. To attempt to retain it would be folly. Negotiate this 
afiair with the envoys of the United States. Don't wait the 
arrival of Mr. Monroe ; have an interview with Mr. Livingston 
this very day. But, I require a great deal of money for this war 
[with England,] and I would not like to commence with new 
contributions. I will be moderate, in consideration of the neces- 
sity in which I am of making a sale. But keep this to yourself. 
I want fifty million francs, and, for less than that sum, will not 
treat. To-moiTOW you shall have full powers. Mr. Monroe is 
on the point of arriving." 

Monroe reached Paris April the 12th, 1803. On the 13th, 
Livingston, Monroe, and Marbois, began their conference. Mar- 
bois' proposition was to cede all Louisiana. The American 
ministers were astounded. Their instructions were confined to 
New Orleans, the Floridas, and indemnit}'^ for losses sustained by 
the French upon our commerce. Marbois asked, instead of fifty, 
eighty million francs. After their astonishment subsided, the 
American ministers assumed the responsibility of considering the 
vast transaction. After consenting that twenty millions should 
be deducted, from the eighty, as remuneration for losses, our 
envoys agreed upon the payment of the remaining sixty millions 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 161 

After a close deliberation of some weeks, the transaction was 
accomplished. The papers being signed, the three ministers 
" arose and shook hands," during which Livingston said : " We 
have lived long, but this is the noblest work of our whole lives. 
* * * From this day, the United States take their 

place among the powers of the first rank ; the English lose all 
exclusive influence in the affairs of America." To Marbois, 
Bonaparte exclaimed : " Sixty millions, for an occupation that will 
not, perhaps, last for a day ! This accession of territory strength- 
ens forever, the power of the United States ; and, I have just 
given to England a maritime rival, that will sooner or later 
humble her pride." This negotiation was ratified by the United 
States Senate, July 20th, 1803. Thus, in brief time, the United 
States had extended jurisdiction over an area of a million of 
square miles. 

Jefferson was violently assailed by many of the opposite party, 
for permitting the purchase of so much "swamp," at the "enor- 
mous cost" of fifteen million dollars. It was alleged, by some, 
that we already had too much territory, and others, that it was 
unconstitutional, while many supposed the purchase of Nova 
Scotia, or Mexico, would be equally prudent. It finally, however, 
became attended with so many manifest advantages, that the croak- 
ings against " Jefferson's swamp " were silenced. 

Hitherto, in the presidential elections, according to constitu- 
tional provision, two men were voted for, and the one who re- 
ceived next to the highest number of votes cast, was vice-president. 
It was this arrangement that produced a contest between Jeffer- 
son and Burr, and threw the election into the House. The same 
Congress that ratified the purchase above named, so amended the 
Constitution, as to specify which was voted for the ofiice of Presi- 
dent and Yice-president, each a candidate for one or the other of 
those oifices. The Federalists did not like the change very much, 
but the Republicans, rendered more active by developments of the 
last contest, and having majorities in the national legislature, 
carried it through. Before the acquisition of Louisiana, Jeffer- 
son was very desirous of acquainting the country and himself, 
with the extent, attributes, and resources of the country to the 
Pacific ocean ; since that event, the interest of the country being 
brought into more immediate connection with the subject, this 
desire had increased. At his instance, in 1803, an exploring 



162 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

expedition was set ou foot with this view. Congress voted an 
appropriation to defray the expenses. At the head of this adven- 
turous party of explorers, he placed Merriweather Lewis, a man 
every way suited for the enterprise. Jefferson, himself, penned 
the instructions to that officer, which embraced every thing neces- 
sary. Of Lewis, Jeffekson says : " He is of courage undaunted ; 
possesses a firmness and perseverance of purpose, which nothing 
but impossibilities could divert from its direction ; careful as a 
father of those committed to his charge, yet steady in the main- 
tenance of order and discipline ; and is intimate with the Indian 
character; * * * honest, disinterested, liberal, of 
sound understanding, and a fidelity to truth so scrupulous, that 
whatever he would report would be as certain as if seen by our- 
selves." This enterprise was attended with good results. Lewis 
was just the man for the business. 

Jeffekson's first official term closed on the 3d of March, 1805. 
The public debt had been increased, but our territorial possessions 
had been extended, commerce encouraged, the Tripoline war 
brought to a close, and the national dignity elevated. 

About this time, giving his views of the United States bank 
measure, he says: " This institution is one of the most deadly 
hostility existing against the principles of the Constitution." 
Some similarity between him and Jackson. During his first 
term, he lost his youngest daughter, the beautiful and accomplished 
Mrs. Eppes. Than Jefferson's, no parent's aflectious were 
w^armer. Speaking of this sad event, he says: "Others may 
lose of their abundance, but I, of my wants, have lost even 
the half of all 1 had. My evening prospects now hang on the 
slender thread of a single life. The hope with which I had 
looked forward to the moment when, resigning public cares to 
younger hands, I was to retire to that domestic comfort from 
which the last great step is to be taken, is fearfully blighted." 

At the presidential election, in 1804, Jefferson and Clinton 
were the candidates on the Republican side of the question, and 
Pinckney and Rufiis King on the Federal. The result was the 
election of the Republican candidates by an overwhelming ma- 
jority. Of one hundred and seventy-six electoral votes cast, 
Jefferson received all but fourteen. This was certainly an indi- 
cation that his previous administration was very popular. 

March 4th, 1805, he delivered his second inaugural. It was, to 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. Jgg 

Bome extent, a review of his past term, whereiu he gave his fellow- 
citizens more credit than he took to himself, for its happy termi- 
nation. He glanced at the prospects of the country, replied to 
objections of too much territory, by picturing our future national 
eminence, which has been more than verified, and felicitated the 
people upon the condition of aflTairs generally. 

Congress again convened, December 2d, 1805. George Clinton 
presided over the Senate, and the House again elected Jefferson's 
friend, Macon, for speaker. The majorities in both houses were 
Kepublicau. Our relations with Spain were still in an unpleas- 
ant situation, and soon after the assemblage of the Ninth Con- 
gress, the President sent a brief message to that body upon the 
subject. On the committee which considered it, was Randolph, 
who, nettled at not being made minister to England, for which 
he had applied to Jefferson, but which was not given to him, 
turned one of those political somersets, that are not so very 
uncommon at the present day, and from a friend, became an enemy 
to the administration. Led by this gentleman, the committee 
drew up a warlike, instead of a pacific, report, and recommended 
the raising of soldiers, in view of the attitude of affairs. The 
report, however, after some heated discussion, was rejected. Two 
millions of dollars were soon after voted, for the purchase of 
Florida, The aggressions of England against our commerce, and 
the impressment of our seamen, still continued to a considerable 
extent. Jefferson, by message, advised Congress of the fact. 
A qualified non-importation bill was immediately passed, pre- 
venting the purchase of certain British commodities. The 
Federalists generally, strengthened by the defection of Randolph, 
voted against this bill. Congress also voted means to improve the 
ports and harbors of the United States, and. to construct post 
roads, especially a route from Maryland to the State of Ohio. 

Randolph's defection created, in Congress, a kind of a third 
party, which, though disavowing all connection with the Federal- 
ists was relentless in its opposition to the national measures of the 
administration, but equally careful to vote with the Republicans 
on all local questions wherein they were not concerned. April 
2l8t, 1806, Congress adjourned, and again assembled December 
1st, of the same year. One of its first measures, was a temporary 
suspension of the non-importation act. This was done at the 
suggestion of Jefferson, for the purpose of facilitating full 



164 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

adjustment of negotiations with England ; to accomplish which, 
Monroe and Pinckney had been instructed to the British coart. 
Fox, one of the leading men of England died, while these 
negotiations were pending. In him Jefferson had great confi- 
dence, and expected a satisfactory treaty. 

Anticipating ministerial change, after his death, he was less 
sanguine. He wrote Monroe and Pinckney definite insti'uctions, 
urging the rights of neutrals, and telling them not to treat, without 
adequate provision against impressment of our seamen. Before 
these instructions reached Europe, a treaty had been concluded. 
A copy was sent to the President at an early day. The terms of 
the treaty gave no security against impressment, and the right 
claimed by England, of disregarding the neutrality of the United 
States, in case of their conformity to the requirements of Bona- 
parte's famous Berlin decree. Upon the whole, the treaty was no 
improvement upon the old one. Jefferson determined upon not 
submitting it to the Senate. This decision made him the recipient 
of great popular odium, and created considerable disquietude, 
especially among the trading portion of the people. Our envoys, 
who consummated it, were displeased with its reception ; while, 
of course, it afibrded a new trail of abusive pursuit for the oppo- 
site party. Jefferson was supported, however, by the Republi- 
can party ; his expectations of a treaty upon more favorable terms 
were not fully re^ilized. The death of Fox altered things conside- 
rably. Fruitless endeavors succeeded, and were persevered in for 
some time, by the American envoys, to efiect a treaty upon the 
most advantageous basis. Seeing the futility of further efibrts, 
Jefferson instructed Monroe to allow negotiations to subside with 
a quasi recognition of the terms, to prevent a rupture. This was 
rather a poor subterfuge, in a national transaction. Monroe came 
back to the United States in 1807. The rejection of this treaty 
may be regarded as the seed of national dissension that germinated 
in the war of 1812. The attack upon the Chesapeake soon fol- 
lowed, and created an indignant outburst against England from 
all parts of the country. Some favored a resort to arms ; Jef- 
ferson made it a subject of negotiation. After much dispute it 
was finally adjusted. 

At this time the commerce of nations presented a singular 
phase. The French coast was in a state of blockade by the British 
aiavy, tiiumphant from Trafalgar. Bonaparte issued his Berlin de» 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. Ig5 

cree, interdicting commercial interchange with England. Counter 
to this, the latter raised the national placard called "Orders in 
Council," which prevented the shipment of any article from 
America to France. With as much composure as though it were 
a schoolboy's game, Bonaparte thundered forth his Milan decree, 
denationalizing, at one sweep, all vessels that should land at a 
British port, and subjecting them to seizure. 

Not to be outwitted, in this national game, Jeffekson, in Oc- 
tober, 1807, called Congress together and recommended an act 
of embargo on all the ships belonging to the United States. A 
bill to this effect passed December 22d. By its provisions, no 
American vessel was allowed to visit a foreign port ; no foreign 
ship was allowed to take freight from the United States ; and all 
vessels on the coast were required to land within their limits. 
Spain also came forward with a kind of commercial manifesto. 
The embargo was the principal measure of that Congressional 
session ; it adjourned April 25th, 1808. Tliis measure was 
warmly opposed by many, and Jeffekson much abused in conse- 
quence. Many of his own party did not acquiesce. The oppo- 
sition prevailed most, among those whose commercial interests 
were involved. De Witt Clinton was, for a time, against the 
measure, but finally sustained it. By the embargo, it was diffi- 
cult to tell which sufiered most, we or England. The measure 
was no doubt judicious, for by her Council orders our vessels, on 
leaving port, were lialile to be captured, affording no means of 
redress but reprisals, which would have resulted in a rupture. 
The Federalists generally were opposed to it, while its tendencies 
were to strengthen their ranks, and weaken those of the Demo- 
cratic party. 

The American ministers proposed to England a repeal of the 
embargo, on condition of a rescission of tlie Council orders ; which 
was rejected. At length, under the disadvantages attendant upon 
its operation, the New England States became so refractory, that 
they threatened to separate from the others, until its repeal. To 
prevent this, Jbffeeson and his cabinet suggested a modification 
of the measure. It was so changed as to permit commercial inter- 
change with all nations, except England and France, and assumed 
the appellation of the " non-intercourse law." 

The last administration of Jefferson closed March 3d, 1809. 
By many, the advantages of his two terms have been estimated 



166 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

too highly, and by others, much underrated, — party prejudice 
having much to do with the matter. His last term, upon the 
whole, was not so popular as his first. Many of the States urged 
his re-election, but he positively declined. At the presidential 
election, the preceding fall, James Madison was the Democratic 
candidate for the presidency, and George Clinton for vice-president ; 
the Federal candidates were Charles Pinckney and Rufus King. 
Madison got 122 electoral votes; Clinton, 113; Pinckney and 
King, each, 47. 

On March 3d, 1809, Jeffekson gave to his successor, James 
Madison, the reins of government, and returned to private life. 
Henceforth, amid the quiet beauties of Monticello, we commune 
with Thomas Jefferson as a private man. 

Jeffekson, in his desire for knowledge, had accumulated an 
exhaustless fund of information upon almost all subjects. To 
science he was an ardent devotee, and had familiarized himself 
with the classics, and several modern languages, as well as mathe- 
matics. In his retirement, among his friends and his books, he 
was well capacitated for the first enjoyments. To Kosciusko he 
wrote as follows, in regard to the manner of passing his time, 
after his return to Monticello : " In the bosom of my family, and 
surrounded by my books, I enjoy a repose to which I have been 
long a stranger. My mornings are devoted to correspondence. 
From breakfast to dinner I am in my shops, my garden, or on 
horseback among my farms ; from dinner to dark I give to society, 
and recreation with my neighbors and friends ; and from caudle- 
light to early bed-time, I read. My health is perfect, and my 
strength considerably reinforced by the activity of the course I 
pursue : perhaps it is as great as usually falls to the lot of near 
sixty-seven years of age. I talk of plows, seeding and harvesting 
with my neighbors, and of politics too, if they choose, with as 
little reserve as the rest of my fellow-citizens, and feel, at length, 
the blessings of being free to say and do what I please, without 
being responsible for it to any mortal. A part of my occupation, 
and by no means the least pleasing, is the direction of the studies 
of such young men as ask it. They place themselves in the neigh- 
boring village, have the use of my library and council, and make 
a part of my society. In advising the course of their reading, I 
endeavor to keep their attention on the main objects of all 
Bcience, — the freedom and happiness of man." 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. IQ'J 

A general diffusion of knowledge, he ever looked upon as tlie 
Bti'ongest safeguard to republican liberty, and was active in his 
endeavors for its promotion. In 1818, principally through his 
agency, the University of Virginia was founded, and soon after 
went into operation with the happiest results. This institution 
was the object of his deep solicitude during his old age. Until 
his death, his extensive correspondence was kept up, much of 
which has been published, and is exceedingly interesting, espe- 
cially that portion of it between him and John Adams. 

At Mouticello he passed gently the declivity of age. In the 
words of Webster, " He lived as became a wise man. Surrounded 
by affectionate friends, — his ardor in the pursuit of knowledge 
undiminished, — with uncommon health and unbroken spirits, he 
was able to enjoy largely the rational pleasures of life, and to par- 
take in that public prosperity which he had so much contributed 
to produce. His kindness and hospitality, — the charm of his 
conversation, — the ease of his manners, — the extent of his acquire- 
ments, and especially the full store of revolutionary incidents 
which he possessed, and which he knew when and how to dis- 
pense, rendered his abode in a high degree attractive to his ad- 
miring countrymen, while his public and scientific character drew 
toward him every intelligent and educated traveler from abroad." 

In his manner of living, Jefferson had never been parsimo- 
nious ; and, in fact, he was rather extravagant than otherwise. 
To dress he paid little or no attention ; in regard to other matters 
he was not so economical. It is painful to find him, in his old 
age, annoyed by debts, and though the owner of immense property, 
in a state of insolvency. To Congress he was obliged to sell his 
fine library. From this he realized over twenty thousand dollars. 
He applied to the same body for permission to dispose of his 
Monticello estates by lottery, for the payment of his debts. This 
request was complied with, but before it was put into execution, 
he w^as taken sick, and never recovered. 

He died as he lived, unmoved by the opinions of others. On 
the 24th of June, his illness, which was an attack of dysentery, 
assumed an alarming aspect, and his physician, Dr. Dunglison, 
despaired of his recovery. Thence he continued to sink, until the 
4:th of the ensuing month. Just before his death, he understood 
the Kev. Mr, Hatch had come to see him, "Is that Mr. Hatch," 
he inquired ; "he is a very good man, and I am glad to see him 



168 THOMAS JEFFEESOX. 

as a neighhor^ but ," a sudden pain prevented the conclusion 

of a sentence, in which, no doubt, an objection to religious con- 
versation would have been uttered. In his dying moments, no 
thought seems to have been bestowed on religious subjects. 

A few years previous to his death, he wrote a friend in regard 
to the Savior and the New Testament, as follows: "It is not to 
be understood that I am with Jesus, in all his doctrines, I am a 
materialist ; he takes the side of spiritualism ; he preaches the 
efficacy of repentance toward forgiveness of sin ; I require a coun- 
terpoise of good works. It is the innocence of his character, — the 
purity and sublimity of his moral precepts, — the eloquence of his 
inculcations, the beauty of the apologues, in which he conveys 
them, that I so much admire, — sometimes, indeed, needing indul- 
gence to Eastern hyperbolism. My eulogies, too, may be founded 
on a postulate which all may not be ready to grant. Among the 
sayings and discourses imputed to him by his biographers, I find 
many passages of fine imagination, correct morality, and of the 
most lovely benevolence ; and others, again, of so much ignorance, 
so much absurdity, so much untruth, charlatanism and imposture, 
as to pronounce it impossible that such contradictions should have 
proceeded from the same being. I separate, therefore, the gold 
from the dross ; restore him the former, and leave the latter to the 
stupidity of some, and roguery of others of his disciples. Of this 
baud of dupes and impostors, Paul was the great Cor3''ph?eus and 
first corrupter of the doctrines of Jesus. These palpable interpo- 
lations and falsifications of his doctrines led me to try to sift them 
apart. I found the work obvious and easy, and that his part 
composed the most beautiful morsel of morality which has been 
given to us by man." 

During the 3d of July, from extreme weakness, he remained in 
a state of stupefaction, with evident signs of approaching dissolu- 
tion. In the night, he faintly asked the hour. "One o'clock," 
was the reply. His eye gleamed with satisfaction, at this intelli- 
gence. He wished to take his spirit-flight on the anniversary of 
Independence. He continued to sink, and finally died, July 4th, 
1826, just fifty years from the day the Declaration of Independence 
was signed. He was buried without pomp or parade, the following 
day, on the mountain side, near his residence. The friend of 
man, — the champion of civil and religious freedom, — he sleeps at 
Monticello, — the Declaration for his epitaph. 




ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 



ALEXANDEE HAMILTON. 



A CELEBRATED English writer* has said, that in looking over 
the list of Plutarch's nnpublished works, a catalogue of which is 
all that has come down to us, one feels like a merchant who looks 
over a bill of lading, after having learned the vessel containing 
his goods had sunk at sea, — he is only impressed more vividly 
with the extent of his loss. 

In our admiration of Hamilton, the versatility of his genius, 
his far-seeing sagacity, his deep penetration, vigorous intellect, 
great powers to grapple with competition, and genial social qual- 
ities, as manifested during his brilliant career, we see a lasting 
monument to the national loss sustained in his untimely fall. 
In Hamilton, literature, science, and statesmanship, all found 
a noble exponent; and in military tactics, he was far from a 
novice. The Island of Nevis, in the British West Indies, was the 
place of his nativity. His paternal ancestry were Scotch ; on the 
mother's side, he descended from the French Huguenots. His 
paternal grandfather, Alexander, a resident of Ayrshire, Scot- 
land, had a numerous progeny. His son, James Hamilton, com- 
menced business at St. Christophers, as a West India merchant. 
There he married. His beautiful and accomplished wife had 
before been married to a wealthy Dane, but the union was so 
infelicitous, that she obtained a divorce. The issue of her mar- 
riage with Hamilton, were several children, the youngest of which 
was Alexander, the subject of this sketch, who was born Janu- 
ary 11th, 1757. While very young, he lost his mother, and his 

* Dry den. ( 169 ) 



I'JQ ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

father's pecuniary circumstances being so straitened, he became 
dependent upon wealthier relatives. They paid due attention to 
their young charge. His education began at a very early age. 
He learned the ten commandments, in Hebrew, "when so small 
that in reciting he was placed standing on a table " beside his 
instructress. He had early partiality for books, and gave unusual 
evidences of aptitude in his studies. Dr. Knox, a Presbyterian 
minister of piety, took pride in looking to the expansion of his 
precocious mind. In his thirteenth year, he entered the counting- 
room of Nicholas Cruger, a wealthy Santa Cruz merchant. His 
duties were arduous and incessant, but he was " an industi'ious 
boy," and discharged them faithfully. At this tender age, with 
his keen eye and slender classic form, young Hamilton might 
have been seen, in Cruger's counting-room, posting books and 
filing bills. These duties were not congenial to his ardent rest- 
less soul. Young as he was, higher ideas, literary renown, had 
dazzled the day-dreams of his ductile mind. From his counting- 
room he wrote a young friend, expressing his dislike to his situa- 
tion, in which he says, with youthful fi-ankness and simplicity : 
"To confess the truth, Ked, my ambition is prevalent, so that I 
contemn the groveling condition of a clerk, or the like, to whicfi 
my fortune condemns me, and would willingly risk my life, 
though not my character, to exalt my station. I am confident, 
Ked, that my youth excludes me from any hopes of preferment ; 
nor do I desire it; hut I mean to p/rpare the vmy for futurity. 
I 'm no philosopher, you see, and may be justly said to build 
"castles in the air;" my folly makes me ashamed, and I beg you 
will conceal it. Yet, iJ^eddy, we have seen such schemes suc- 
cessful, when the projector is constant. I shall conclude by 
saying I wish there was a war." Herein is seen, in embryo, 
Hamilton's lofty ambition, and also an evident youthful prefer- 
ence for a military life. This, however, is not unusual, among 
boys who possess really no martial genius. Youthful fancy is 
easily inflamed, by the " soul-stirring drum," the waving plume, 
the prancing steed, and other "paraphernalia of glorious war." 

Hamilton's natural tastes were literary. Over the pages of 
Pope and Plutarch, he pored with delight. 

His first literary effort, was a "Description of a hurricane" 
that swept ruin over the Leeward Islands, which was published 
in a St. Christopher paper. Learning, it may be supposed, 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 171 

was not fostered much in that part of the conntrj then, and the 
fact of this production creating such a sensation, may be partly 
attributable to the crude state of letters, as well as to its own 
merits. At any rate, it was young Hamilton's starting point. 
Its author was ferreted out. On ascertaining it was HAMn^TOsr, 
it was resolved to send him to New York, for the purpose of his 
education. He reached that city in the fall of 1772, and imme- 
diately contracted the acquaintance of some distinguished men, 
among whom were Livingston and others. He soon after entered 
a grammar school, and distinguished himself from his fellows by 
his rapid advance. 

Early dawn found him, during warm weather, in the quiet 
seclusion of a neighboring burial ground, studying his books, 
while the midnight taper shone upon his classic brow bent over 
his favorite authors. Such was his close application. Youthful 
reader 1 if you are dazzled by the fame of Hamilton, and wish to 
emulate it, remember to commence when he did, nor waste the 
golden hours of your youth. Hamilton had quite a taste for 
poetry, and his earlier years were replete with indulgences with 
the muses ; some of his pieces, in fact, evince poetic talent. 

Quitting his grammar-school, he proposed entering Princeton 
College, under the charge of Dr. Witherspoon ; but not being per- 
mitted to progress faster than the regular classes, he became a 
student of King's (now Columbia) College, where, at his own 
request, he was allowed to advance as fast as application and 
attainment would justify. Here he became a member of a debat- 
ing club. 

In this he took a stand above his young friends, and evinced 
"extraordinary displays of richness of genius and energy of 
mind." Hamilton was religiously inclined, as inferred from his 
room-mate, who affirms that "he was in the habit of praying 
night and morning;" but his ardent temperament and high am- 
bition, in the miry bog of polities, checked, as is invariably the 
case, its genial manifestations. 

Hamilton, though inordinately ambitious, was not morose, but 
socially, was a lively, vivacious and polite companion. For his 
recreations, he mingled with zest in society, and indulged in 
rhyme. For a whig paper, published in the city by Joseph Holt, 
he frequently wrote verses, satires, and doggerel, showing great 
versatility of genius. 
12 



172 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

At college he was designated as the " Young "West Indiaman," 
and won an enviable reputation among his collegiate compan- 
ions. In the evening twilight, as well as at other times of the 
day, with arms folded and measured step, during his studentship, 
his graceful form might have been seen walking alone amid the 
deep shades of a neighboring grove, and heard talking to himself 
in an undcr-tonc. There, in his solitariness, he was developing 
those mighty ideas whose infusation were to adorn the fabric of 
American Republicanism. 

The stirring scenes of the Eevolution were now to call the 
young student from his books. 

Soon after the famous tea-destruction, he visited Boston, and 
became fired with the ardent zeal that so bestirred the people of 
that city. Impetuous and enthusiastic, he was eminently suscep- 
tible of the contagion. Returning to New York, the same indica- 
tions were manifest against British infraction. A large city- 
meeting was called, to take into consideration the condition of 
affairs . 

This is known historically as the " great meeting in the fields ;" 
the persons attending numbered thousands, who came to it, 
eagerly, sternly, solemnly. Hamilton, yet in his teens, was urged 
to address the meeting. His modesty was at first shocked at the 
idea, but as the other speakers concluded, his zeal took fire, and 
he consented. He arose, a graceful stripling, before the immense 
multitude who had just listened to veteran orators. All eyes 
were turned upon the youth, — perfect stillness reigned. He was 
at first embarrassed ; but, becoming animated at the review of his 
country's wrongs, he launched boldly into the regions of oratory, 
and enchained his hearers, in an address of impassioned eloquenc-e 
and analytic reasoning. He covered the entire ground. On his 
dose, the stillness of his spell-bound auditory broke forth in the 
exclamation, "he is a collegian! he is a collegian!!" 

The astonishment was great. This may be regarded as his 
dehut in the political world, before which he was destined to 
carve high a name illusti-ious. Boy as he was, he now became 
one of the Livingstons and Jays of Colonial right, and entered 
the contest with pen keen as a Saladin scimeter. 

Holt's paper now became the medium through which he vindi- 
cated the rights of his countrymen from the foul aspersions of 
foreign foe and domestic ti-aitor. 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 173 

Nor to this alone did he confine the diffusion of his patriotic 
eentiments ; pamphlets were written and industriously circulated, 
by the friends of loyalty, in opposition to the action of the colo- 
nists, and especially denunciatory of the American Congress. To 
these, able and elaborate replies were written ; one of them was a 
tract of seventy-eight pages, refuting the arguments of the min- 
isterial party, with Uie most cogent reasoning and decided ability. 
In this was a brief review of British aggression, and a vivid 
portraiture of our wrongs, particularly of the Boston blockade 
and Port Bill. Speaking of the assembling of Congress, and in 
its defense, he says: — "When the first principles of civil society 
are violated, and the rights of a whole people are invaded, the 
common forms of municipal law are not to be regarded. Men 
may then betake themselves to the law of nature, and if they 
but conform their actions to that standard, all cavils against them 
betray ignorance or dishonesty. There are some events in society 
to which human laws cannot extend, but when applied to them, 
lose all their force and efficacy. In short, when human laws con- 
tradict or discountenance the means which are necessary to pre- 
serve the essential riglits of any society, they defeat the proper 
end of all laws, and so become null and void. 

Going on to speak of America's resources, and her means of 
resistance, in which a successful result is confidently predicted, he 
says : " Those obstacles which, to the eye of timidity and appre- 
hension, appear like the Alps, to the hand of perseverance and 
resolution, become mere hillocks." His remarks were continued, 
ably touching upon all the features to be considered, in a war 
with Great Britain, and warmly appealing to his fellow-citizens 
in behalf of their jeopardized institutions. This ])amphlet was 
issued in the name of "A Sincere Friend to America," and had 
an effect upon the minds of the people, unsurpassed by any pro- 
duction, of similar purpose, tha't had been published. Who was 
its author? and who the sincere friend was? became universal 
queries. Some thought it was Livingston, others, John Jay; and 
the gentlemen became invested with additional honors in conse- 
quence. Investigation, however, soon found the author to be 
Hamilton, then in his nineteenth year. Admiration and aston- 
ishment succeeded the discovery, and the "young collegian" 
received the name of "Vindicator," and was looked upon as a 
future champion. "Sir!" exclaimed Willit, in conversation with 



174 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

a friend, "Sears was a warm man, but with little reflection; 
M'Dougal was strong-minded ; and Jay, appearing to fall in with 
the measures of Sears, tempered and controlled them ; but Hasi- 
ILTON, after these great writings, became our oracle." Nor did 
he, as is often the case with precocious beginners, disappoint 
public expectation by falling short of that eminence these early 
efibrts prefigured, but continued, as the sequel will show, to expand 
in mind as he matured in years, until he stood a proud colossus 
among the intellects of his day. 

During the excitement that followed, and prevailed in the !N"ew 
England States, after these acts of the British Parliament, Ham- 
ilton continued, by his pen, a defense of the colonies. His 
"remarks on the Quebec bill" succeeded the production before 
named, and breathed the same tone of denunciation and appeal. 
He joined, too, in the public meetings of the day, and impressed 
all with a sense of his talent and energy. Arising, on one occa- 
sion, to address an assemblage of his fellow-citizens, called together 
by the alarms of the times, some one, who was unacquainted with 
him, inquired : " What brings that lad here ? — the boy will dis- 
grace himself." But the eloquence, and analysis of the speech 
that followed, soon dispelled the illusion, and convinced him that 
the "boy" had an old man's head on a young man's shoulders. 
There is something pleasing, in contemplating the figure of young 
Haisiilton, turning thus aside from his college studies, and ap- 
pearing before these assemblies of patriots, to fill them with 
admiration of his powers, and animate them with a sense of right. 
Entering into the martial spirit of the times, he now resolved to 
turn his attention to military tactics, and became an active partici- 
pant in the field. He joined a volunteer company, under the 
command of Major Fleming, who, from prior experience in the 
British service, had become an accomplished martinet. The name 
of this corps was " Hearts of oak," — their motto, " Freedom or 
Death," both of which were in consonance with the nature and 
feelings of young Hamilton. 

While in this company, an irritated mob surrounded the house 
of a clergyman named Cooper, with a view of retaliating upon his 
person for his tory adherence to the loyalists. Hamilton rushed 
up the steps in front of the rabble, and commenced addressing 
them upon the illegality and impropriety of such conduct, for the 
purpose of giving the object of their vengeance a chance to escape. 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 175 

The clerical functionary, supposing him the leader of the mob, 
who was urging it to violence, looked from a window above, and 
said with vehemence: "Gentlemen, don't listen to him, he is 
crazy;" but seeing the real state of things, with different feelings 
he thought, rather than submit to the infliction of lynch punish- 
ment he had better avail himself of this timely aid, and make his 
escape, and fled to a ship anchored close by. Hamilton here 
showed, notwithstanding the impetuosity of his nature, in resist- 
ance to unjust encroachments, a love of order and legality not 
common, in times of such turbulence, with men of his age. 

Having sufficiently familiarized himself with the science of war 
to procure a certificate of capacity, he was, in January 1774, 
appointed captain of artillery. His love of order and regulation, 
combined with his ambition to succeed in any business to which 
he devoted himself, aided by a spark of martial fire, prompted 
attention to the discipline of his men, and resulted in his having 
one of the finest-looking companies in the service. He was at 
the battle of Long Island, and brought up the rear, in the retreat 
from that fatal field. He was also with Washington at Haerlem 
bights, when their intimacy commenced, that continued with fervor 
through life. Like the young officer who begged of Napoleon the 
permission to assault the ramparts of Acre, with assurances of 
success, young Hamilton asked his commander the privilege of 
storming Fort Washington, after it had fallen into the enemy's 
hands, with expressions of victory ; but, knowing the danger 
attending the enterprise, in the present dispirited condition of the 
troops, though appreciating the ardor that dictated it, the request 
was not granted. 

During the sad period of Washington's retreat through New 
Jersey, he was accompanied by Hamilton. " Well do I remem- 
ber," remarked an eye-witness, " when Hamilton's company 
marched into Princeton. It was a model of discipline. At their 
head was a boy, and I wondered at his youth ; but what was my 
surprise when, struck with his diminutive figure, he was pointed 
out to me as that Hamilton of whom we had all heard so much." 
As a soldier, Hamilton was firm, generous, and brave ; as an 
officer, chivalrous and polished, though military attributes, com- 
pared to others, form, in his character, points obscure and unes- 
sential. After the brilliant afiairs at Trenton and Princeton, and 
their good results, elated with the brightening prospects, Hamilton 



176 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

thus spolse of recent events : "After escaping the grasp of a disci- 
l>lined and victorious enemy, this little band of patriots were seen 
skillfully avoiding an engagement, until they could contend with 
advantage, and then, by these masterly enterprises, cutting them 
up in detachments, — rallying the scattered energies of the country, 
infusing terror into the breasts of their invaders, and changing 
tlie whole tide and fortune of the wary 

Not long after, so warm had the attachment of "Washington, 
whose unfailing eye, detected in him extraordinary talents, become 
for Hamilton, that he was made his "confidential aid ;" between 
which post and his future station, as his secretary of the treasury, 
many changes were to intervene. The other members of Wash- 
ington's staff among whom were Harrison and Meade, soon con- 
ceived for him the warmest affection, and gave him the name of 
"The Little Lion." Hamilton, in fact, by goodness of heart 
and gentleness of manners, had the means of making himself 
loved, and inspiring confidence on first acquaintance; then, he had 
the talent and power of retaining good opinions, when inspired. 

After his elevation to this position, the ofiicial correspondence 
of Washington devolved upon his young aid. As evidence of his 
fitness for the station, AVashington expressed to him his confi- 
dence, that he could write "good, quick, methodical, and dili- 
gent." In the long, and somewhat vexatious, correspondence in 
regard to the exchange of prisoners, elsewhere spoken of, he 
fully sustained his literary capacity. A distinguished man of that 
day afiirmed, that "the pen of the American army was held by 
Hamilton ; and for dignity of manner, and elegance of style, his 
letters were unrivaled in military annals." It must be remem- 
bered, that he had not yet reached his majority. 

Through the troublous scenes of 1777, he adhered to Washing- 
ton with almost filial affection, kept up important correspond- 
ence with Congress, and was intrusted with several delicate and 
perilous missions. One of these, and by no means the least 
important, was to Horatio Gates, then in command of the North- 
ern army. He was sent by Washington to that officer, with in- 
structions to urge upon him the necessity of detaching a reinforce- 
ment to the commander-in-chief. Gates was then in the hight of 
his successes, clothed with authority, arrogant, and assumptive, 
and was meditating means of availing himself of his growing 
fame, to supersede Washington. To procure the required aid, 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 177 

without the enforcement of a peremptory order, that might tend 
to create irritation, bnt by prevailing upon Gates through an 
exhibit of necessity, devolved on Hamilton. 

Gates, at first, consented to a small detachment^ excusing him- 
self from doing more, by the assignment of reasons wholly insuf- 
ficient ; after continued efforts, however, through his sagacity, 
Hamilton succeeded in getting the number augmented, and 
rendering Washington essential service. Tiirough the machin- 
ations of the *" Conway cabal," he remained to his commander the 
same staunch friend, and in the triumphant vindication of his 
name, took the greatest pride, while the withering replies of the 
general to Gates, and other members of the faction, received the 
polish of his intellect. When the failure of the faction resulted 
in the increased fame of his commander, and the futility of its 
efforts became apparent from the voice of the soldiers, who, mid 
firm protestations of " no Washington, — no army," clung to their 
chief, — no one was more exultant than Hamilton, Of the many 
men whose devotion to him, through all his trying labors, won 
the esteem and gratitude of Washington, Hamilton and Knox 
were those he absolutely loved ; abundant proofs of which are 
afforded by his letters to them, that breathed unbounded confidence 
and brotherly affection. For Hamilton, he entertained feelings 
amounting to fondness. His youth, devotion, gentleness and 
ingenuity, combined with the solid abilities of age and experience, 
and his varied attainments, rendered him peculiarly near to him. 
In his letters to him, he commences with, " Dear Hamilton ;" in 
business^ where promptness and talent were necessary, he would 
say, " the duty being of a delicate nature, I have selected you," 
etc.; and again, on the performance of such tasks, "I approve 
entirely of all the steps you have taken," etc. 

To the reactionary influence, in favor of Washington, after the 
attempts at his supercession, and the discomfiture of the factious 
malcontents who originated them, Hamilton contributed much, 
both by his popularity and his pen. In fiict, when disaffection 
was at its highest, with the Morrises, Duers, and others of New 
York, which, as a state, to its honor be it said, stood firmly by the 
commander when others seemed allured by the hero of Saratoga, 
Hamilton was his friend, and rendered services never forgotten. 

Hamilton, notwithstanding his warmth and zeal, tempered his 
actions and letters with due caution, which was, indeed, one trait 



178 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

of his character. On the French troops' amalgamation with the 
Americans, as the wisest men foresaw, distinctions and jealousies, 
M'ere at once created. In one of his communications to Congress, 
touching this subject, he says: "The bearer of this is Mr. 
Malmiai, a Frenchman of learning, abilities, and experience. I 
believe he thinks himself entitled to preferment and comes to 
Congress for that purpose." He goes on to say, that from recom- 
mendations of General Lee, and Governor Cook, that the bearer 
had " been led to believe he would be adopted by the Continent 
upon equal footing. But in this he will, no doubt, be mistaken," 
etc. He continues his letter in no strain of encouragement to the 
applicant, by saying that " Congress, in the beginning, went upon 
a very injudicious plan toward Frenchmen. To every adven- 
turer that came, without even the shadow of credentials, they gave 
the rank of field-officer. This circumstance seconding the aspir- 
ing disposition natural to those people, carried the expectations of 
those who really had pretensions, to such a length, as exceeded 
all the bounds of moderation." 

Again, his caution is seen predominating over the ardor of his 
friendship, in the following, on a somewhat similar subject, to 
the same individual : "• I take the liberty to trouble you with a 
few hints, on a matter of some importance. Baron Steuben, who 
will be the bearer of this, waits on Congress to have his office 
arranged upon some permanent footing. The Baron is a gentle- 
man for whom I have a particular esteem, and whose zeal, intelli- 
gence and success, the consequence of both, entitle him to the 
greatest credit. But I am apprehensive, with all his good quali- 
ties, a fondness for power and importance, natural to every man, 
may lead him to wish for more extensive prerogatives in his 
department, than it will be for the good of the service to grant. 
I should be sorry to excite any prejudice against him on this 
account; perhaps I may be mistaken in my conjectures. The 
caution I give will do no harm, if I am ; if not, it maybe useful." 

In his conjectures regarding this extraordinary Prussian disci- 
plinarian, subsequent events proved he tvas wrong. He was 
actuated by no sinister motives to the American service, to the 
officers of which he became greatly attached, and to none more 
so than Hamilton. Between them, so close was the intimacy 
that afterward existed, that Hamilton was made his trustee, 
and Steuben would often say, jocosely: "The Secretary of the 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 179 

Treasury is my banker, — my Hamilton takes care of me, when 
he can not take care of himself." Evidences of his bravery, 
also, are not wanting; perilous soever as any enterprise might 
be, if confided to him, he entered upon it. He was at the battle 
of Monmouth, and while the fortimes of the day came near being 
lost by the retreat of Lee, was by the side of Washington. In 
reply to his inquiry into the cause of the disorder, Major Og- 
den said, with an oath we shall not repeat: "We are flying 
from shadows, sir." Hamilton instantly rode up to Lee, and said 
with warmth: "I will stay with you, my dear general, and die 
with you, — let us all die here rather than retreat." 

Soon after the action, the following was, in a communication, 
issued from head-quarters : " I am happy to have it in my power 
to mention the merit of Colonel Hamilton. He was incessant in 
his endeavors during the whole day, in reconnoitering the enemy, 
and in rallying and charging ; but whether he or Colonel Laurens 
deserves the most of our commendation, is somewhat doubtful ; 
both had their horses killed under them, and both exhibited 
great proofs of bravery." 

It was about this time that an incident occurred which again 
called his vigorous pen into action. A plan had been devised by 
Washington, for the more effectual provisioning of the army, the 
success of which, depended in a measure upon its not being 
prematurely disclosed. Through the treachery of a member of 
Congress, in league with the factious party, it became known, and 
was prevented from being fully accomplished. Upon this subject, 
Hamilton wrote his first series of scathing " Publius " letters, of 
which a man of eminence said : " They struck me as the closest 
imitation of Junius which I had ever read." A higher compli- 
ment could not well be passed on literary effort. 

At the period of public bankruptcy, when the depreciation of 
national credit warped American energies in the meshes of one of 
the most distressing financial crises ever known, and created the 
necessity of negotiating a foreign loan, Hajsiilton, in a letter to 
Robert Morris, suggested the idea of a United States bank. Upon 
the principle, that " the only plan which can preserve the currency, 
is one that will make it the immediate interest of the moneyed men 
to co-operate with government in its support," he argued, at length, 
the manifest necessity of a national bank, to be called the "Bank 
of the United States." The institution was proposed to be estab- 



180 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

lislied upon a borrowed basis of two million pounds, the payment 
of subscription, to a much larger amount, to be secured by Congress 
by ten million dollars of specie, — the excise revenue forming a part 
of tlie stock. In this M^ay he insisted, at four per cent., Cungress 
would be enabled to borrow from the bank the amount of its cash 
basis yearly, for the purpose of prosecuting the war, without 
incurring heavier indebtedness tlian the interest accruiug, and 
that would be to her own institution. This certainly looks well 
in theory. lie goes on to amplify upon the advantages arising 
from the amalgamated interests of public and private credit, by 
saying : " I can not forbear feeling a degree of confidence in the 
plan, and at least hoping, that it is capable of being improved 
into something that will give relief to our finances." He further 
says" to Morris, after elaborating upon his })lan, that " Congress 
must establish the bank and set it a-going. I know of no man that 
has better pretensions than yourself, and shall be very happy to 
hear that Congress has said, 'Thou ai't the man.'" 

This letter and plan were submitted to Morris in 1779, when 
its author M'as but twenty-two years of age, yet it designates 
him as the originator of a measure, whose expediency, or im- 
policy, was for years after to blend with the rallying shouts of 
the two political parties,* — the one for, the other against, a 
United States bank. The Pennsylvania Bank was proposed in 
Congress in 1780, and that great revolutionary financier, Rob- 
ert Morris, reported the Bank of North America, the succeed- 
ing year. 

Than Hamilton, none possessed feelings more tender, or sensi- 
bilities more keen. On the capture of Andre, the pursuit of the 
traitorous Arnold devolved on him, speaking of which, he says : 
"I went in pursuit of him, but was much too late, and I could 
hardly regret the disappointment when, on my return, I saw an 
amiable woman frantic with distress for the loss of a husband she 
tenderly loved, — a traitor to his country and to liis fame, — -a dis- 
grace to his connections ; it was the most affecting scene I was 
ever witness to. She, for a considerable time, entirely lost her- 
self. The general went up to see her, and she upbraided him with 
being in a plot to murder her cliild. One moment she raved, 
another she melted into tears. Sometimes she pressed her infant 
to her bosom and lamented its fate, occasioned by the imprudence 
of its father, in a manner that would have pierced insensibility 



ALEXANDER -HAMILTON. 181 

itself. All the sweetness of beauty, — all the loveliness of inno- 
cence, — all the tenderness of a wife, and ail the fondness of a 
mother showed themselves in her conduct." 

Aside from the insight it affords of Hamilton's tenderness of 
feeling, how graphic a picture is the above, of the fruits of 
Arnold's treachery upon his unhappy wife, who was ignorant of 
tho whole transaction until hearing of Andre's capture, her 
husband rushed into the room and exclaimed: ''I must leave you 
forever," and as suddenly departed to make his escape. 

Hamilton also commiserated the fate of the unfortunate Andre, 
in whom he saw many attributes of the polished gentleman, 
and regretted the cruel necessity that doomed him to a felon's 
death. 

Just before his death, Andre wrote Washington, begging a 
revocation of his sentence, as to the manner iu which he was to be 
executed. After saying that life was dear, and expressing no 
cause of remorse, he proceeds: "Sympathy toward a soldier will 
surely indued your excellency and a military tribunal, to adopt 
the mode of my death to the feelings of a man of honor. Let me 
hope, sir, if aught in my character impresses you with esteem 
toward me ; if auglit in my misfortunes marks me as the victim 
of policy and not of resentment, I shall experience the operation 
of these feelings in your breast, by being informed that I am not 
to die on a gibbet." Appreciating the high impulse that dictated 
his preference to being shot, to swinging from the common con- 
vict's gallows, Hamilton labored earnestly to have the request 
complied with. But it was in vain. On tlie morning of his 
death, his soul stung with the thought, he wrote as follows: 
"Poor Andre suffers to-day; every thing that is amiable in 
virtue, in fortitude, accomplishments, in delicate sentiments, 
pleads for him ; but hard-hearted policy calls for a sacrifice. He 
must die. * * * j urged a compliance with Andre's 
request to be shot, and I do not think it would have had an ill 
effect, but some people are only sensible to motives of policy, 
and sometimes, from a morose disposition, mistake it. Wiieu 
Andre's tale comes to be told, and present resentment is over, the 
refusing him the privilege of choosing the manner of his death, 
will be branded with too much obstinacy." 

Andre died as became a brave man. Approaching the scaffold, 
he said: "And must I die thus?" but added, "the pang will be 



182 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

momentary," and was soon in eternity. Hamilton's sensibility 
was manifest throughout the whole tragic scene. 

Of the importance of a Federal goverimicnt, Hamilton became 
early convinced, and in a letter written about this time to Mr. 
Duane, are embodied many of the principles subsequently incor- 
porated into the national Constitution. From his position as aid 
to Washington, with his characteristic acuteness of perception, he 
was well capacitated to see the defects in the existing system, — by 
the workings of which the energies of the army had been so long 
crippled, and their suflerings augmented, — and to make sugges- 
tions remedial of their consequences. After introducing the sub- 
ject, he says : "The main defect is a want of power in Congress. 
It is hardly necessary to tell in what this consists, as it seems to 
be universally acknowledged, or to point out how it has happened, 
as the only question is, how to remedy it." Speaking of this 
defect, he attributes its cause mainly " to an excess of the spirit 
of liberty, which has made the particular States show a jealousy 
of all power not in their own hands ; and this jealousy has led 
them to exercise a right of judging, in the last resort, of the meas- 
ures recommended by Congress, and of acting according to their 
own opinions of their propriety or necessity; — a diffidence in 
Congress of their own, by which they have been timid and inde- 
cisive in their resolutions ; constantly making concessions to the 
States, till they have scarcely left themselves the shadow of 
power ; — a want of sufficient means at their disposal to answer the 
public exigencies, and of vigor to draw forth those means, which 
have occasioned them to depend on the States individually to fulfill 
their engagements with the army ; the consequence of which has 
been to ruin their influence and credit with the army, — to estab- 
lish its dependence on each State separately, rather than on them^ — 
that is, than on the whole collectively." 

Causes of the want of power in Congress. After an elucidation 
of these, — " an excess of the spirit of liberty on the part of the 
States, — a timidity on the part of Congress to exercise its powers, 
and a want of sufficient means at their disposal to meet the exi- 
gencies of the times," — with great analysis he proceeds to suggest 
the remedies. He continues by saying, " the confederation itself 
is defective, and requires to bo iiltered." These defects he enume- 
rates. "The idea," says he, "of an uncontrollable sovereignty in 
each State, over its internal police, will defeat the other powers 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 183 

given to Congress, and make our Union feeble and precarious." 
* * * " The coufederatiou gives the States, individually, 
too much influence in the affairs of the army ; they should have 
nothing to do with it, — it ought to belong entirely to Congress." 

The uext deticieucy to which he adverts is, that " the confede- 
ration also gives the power of the purse too entirely to the State 
legislatures. It should provide perpetual funds, at the disposal 
of Congress, by a land tax, poll tax, or the like. All imposts 
upon commerce ought to be laid by Congress, and appropriated to 
their use ; for without certain revenues, a government can have 
no power ; that power which holds the purse-strings absolutely, 
must rule. This is a medium which, without making Congress 
altogether independent, will tend to give reality to its authority." 

The next defect he notices, " is a want of method and energy in 
the administration, resulting, in a great degree, from prejudice, 
and the want of a proper executive head." The last two, he men- 
tions, "is the fluctuating constitution of the army," and "the 
imperfect and unequal provision made for the army." "Without 
a speedy change," he continues, "the army must dissolve: it is 
now a mob, rather than au army, — w^ithout clothing, without pro- 
vision, without pay, without morals, without discipline. We 
begin to hate the country for its neglect of us ; the country begins 
to hate us for our oppression of them. Congress have long been 
jealous of us ; we have now lost all confid^ce in them, and give 
the worst construction to all they do. Held together by the 
slenderest ties, we are ripening for dissolution." 

In his remarks upon these defects, he refers to the republics of 
antiquity, in proof that they are such; also, to the Swiss, and the 
Germanic confederation, and evinces throughout the closest rea- 
soning, and a mind fully matured to a comprehension of the most 
difiicult and minute branches of the science of government. lie 
continues by saying, " I shall now propose the remedies which 
appear to me applicable to our circumstances, and necessary to 
extricate our afitiirs from their present deplorable situation. The 
first step must be to give Congress powers competent to the public 
exigencies. They may happen in two ways ; one, by resuming 
and exercising the discretionary powers originally vested in them 
for the safety of the States, and resting their conduct on the candor 
of their countrymen and necessity of the conjuncture ; the other, 

BY CALLING IMMEDIATELY A CONVENTION of all the States, with fuU 



184 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

authority to conclude finally upon a general confederation." 
Thus, in the recommendation of the Federal Convention, he seems 
to have been among the foremost, the necessity of wliich he argues 
at length, and proceeds to notice some results it ought to efiect. 
"The confederation," he asserts, "in my opinion, should give 
Congress a complete sovereignty ; except as to that part of inter- 
nal police which relates to the rights of property and life among 
individuals, and to raising money by internal taxes. It is neces- 
sary that every thing belonging to this should be regulated by the 
State legislatures. Congress should have complete sovereignty 
in all that relates to war, peace, trade, finance, and to the man- 
agement of foreign afiairs ; the right of declaring war, of raising 
armies, ofiicering, paying them, directing their motions in every 
respect ; of equipping fleets, and doing the same with them ; of 
building fortifications, arsenals, etc. ; of making peace on such 
conditions as they think proper ; of regulating trade, granting 
indulgences, laying prohibitions on all the articles of export or 
import, imposing duties, granting bounties and premiums for 
raising, exporting or importing ; instituting admiralty courts ; of 
coining money, establishing banks, appi'opriatiug funds ; trans- 
acting every thing with foreign nations ; making alliances, ofien- 
sive and defensive, treaties of commerce, etc." "The confederation 
should also," he continues, "provide certain perpetual revenues 
productive and easy of collection ; a land tax, poll tax, or the like, 
which, together with the duties on trade and the unlocated lands, 
would give Congress a substantial existence and a stable founda- 
tion for their schemes of finance." 

"The second step," which he suggests, " is that Congress should 
instantly appoint the following great oflicers of State : a Secretary 
of Foreign Affairs ; a President of Trade ; a President of Marine ; 
a President of War ; and a Financier, to be selected from men of 
the first abilities." 

After a full discussion of the advantages he thought would 
arise from these appointments, he asserts that "anotiier step of 
immediate necessity is, to recruit the army for the war, or at least 
for three years." He extends his remarks by^ saying, "Congress 
should endeavor, both upon their credit in Europe, and by every 
possible exertion, in this country, to produce clothing for their 
officers, and should abolish the whole system of State supplies." 
" The providing of supplies," he adds, " is the pivot of every thing 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 185 

else : there are four ways, all of which must be united, — a foreign 
loan, — heavy pecuniary taxes, — a tax in kind, — a bank founded 
on public and private credit. As to a foreign loan, the most 
effectual way will be, to tell France that without it, we must make 
terras with Great Britain. This must be done with plainness and 
firmness, but with respect, and without petulance ; not as a menace, 
but as a candid declaration of our circumstances. We need not 
fear to be deserted by France ; her interest and honor are too 
deeply involved in our fate, and she can make no possible com- 
promise." Succeeding this suggestion upon a foreign loan, he 
speaks of the second method : "Concerning the necessity of heavy 
pecuniary taxes, it is a point in which everybody is agreed ; nor 
is there any danger that the product of any taxes raised in this 
way, will overburden the people or exceed the wants of the public." 
Proceeding to the third, he says : "As to a tax in kind, the neces- 
sity proceeds from this principle, that the money in circulation is 
not a sufficient representative of the productions of the country, 
and consequently, no revenues raised from it, as a medium, can 
be a competent representative of that part of the products of the 
counti-y, which it is bound to contribute to the support of the 
public. The public, therefore, to obtain its due, or satisfy its past 
demands and its wants, must call for a part of these products 
themselves." 

Proposing the means whereby these taxes were to be collected, 
he comes to his last method, and says: "The first step to estab- 
lish the bank, will be to engage a number of moneyed men of 
influence, to relish the project and make it a business." * * 
" The outlines of my plan would be, to open subscriptions in all 
the States for the stock, which we will suppose to be one million 
of pounds. Eeal property of every kind, as well as specie, should 
be deemed as good stock ; but at least a fourth part of the subscrip- 
tion should be in specie or plate. There should be one great 
company, in three divisions ; in Virginia, Philadelphia, and at 
Boston ; or, two, at Philadelphia and Boston. The bank should 
have a right to issue bank notes, bearing two per cent, interest 
for the whole of their stock ; but not to exceed it. These notes 
may be payable every three months, or oftener ; and the faith of 
tha government must be pledged for the support of the bank. It 
must, therefore, have a right, from time to time, to inspect its 
operations ; and must appoint inspectors for the purpose." He 



186 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

concludes hi* letter to his frieud Duaue, with lengthy and concise 
remarks npon the national advantages arising from the establish- 
ment of a bank npon some such principles as suggested. 

This communication, as a whole, embodied the maturest mental 
conception, deep research, correct fineness of composition, powers 
of close analogy, and strong comprehension ; with views of gov- 
ernmental polity, whose essence became, subsequently, a part of 
our institutions. Had its author met then, the fate to which he 
was doomed, the documents from which these extracts are taken, 
would have handed his name to distant posterity. In 1780, Ham- 
ilton married the beautiful daughter of General Schuyler, to 
whom he proved a fiiithful husband until his death. The gener- 
ous feelings of Hamilton could not have been more forcibly illus- 
trated than by an incident that occurred in the appointment of an 
envoy to France. To the consideration of Washington and Con- 
gress, he and Laurens presented themselves, and either could have 
got the station. Actuated by the interest that he felt could be 
better subserved by Hamilton than himself, Laurens insisted upon 
his accepting it. Hamilton, on the other hand, prompted by 
feelings of esteem and friendship for Laurens, urged him to accept 
it; which he accordingly did. Such instances of men advancing 
the claims of a friend, in preference to themselves, through purely 
disinterested motives, are very rare. 

In 1781, Hamilton's connection with Washington's staff ceased ; 
indeed, it was at the sacrifice of brighter prospects that he accepted 
it in the first place. It was brought to a close in the following 
manner, according to Hamilton's own words : "Two days ago, 
the General and I passed each other on the stairs : he told me he 
wanted to speak to me. I answered that I would wait upon him 
immediately, I went below and delivered Mr. Tilghman a letter 
for the commissary, containing an order of a pressing and inter- 
esting nature. Returning to the General, I was stopped on the 
way by the Marquis de Lafayette, and we conversed about a 
minute on business. He can testify, how impatient I was to get 
back, and that I left him in a manner which, but for our intimacy, 
would have been abrupt. Instead of finding the General, as is 
usual, in his room, I met him at the head of the stairs, where, 
accosting me in an angry tone, he said, ' Colonel Hamilton, you 
have kept me waiting at the head of the stairs these ten minutes. 
I must tell you, sir, you treat me with disrespect.' I replied, 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 187 

without petulancy, but with decision ; ' I am not conscious of it, 
sir; but since you have thought it necessary to tell me so, we 
part.' ' Yery well, sir,' said the General, ' if it be your choice,' 
or something to that effect ; and so we separated." Efforts were 
afterward made to induce Hamilton to revoke his conclusion, but 
without avail. This little piece of petulant umbrage was attended 
with no serious consequences or abatement of friendship on the 
part of either. Hamilton immediately announced his purpose to 
continue firmly in support of his measures ; a purpose which was 
faithfully redeemed. He afterward made application for a sepa- 
rate command, which, for satisfactory causes, could not be com- 
plied with. 

But it is not as a military man alone, we are to consider Alex- 
ander Hamilton. He was a statesman of civic capacities unsur- 
passed. Under date of April 30th, 1781, he wrote to Robert Mor- 
ris as follows : " I was among the first who were convinced that 
an administration by single men, was essential to the proper man- 
agement of the affairs of this country. I am persuaded it is the 
only resource we have, to extricate ourselves from the distresses 
which threaten the subversion of our cause." He proceeds to the 
investigation of the finances, and of their perplexing condition he 
says : " To surmount these obstacles, and give individuals ability 
and inclination to lend, a plan might be devised, which, by incor- 
poitiiiiig their means together, and uuiling them wltli those of the 
public, will on the foundation of that incorporation and union 
erect a mass of credit, that will supply the defect of moneyed cap- 
ital, and answer all the purposes of cash ; a plan which will 
advance the interests of the lenders, secure the independence of 
their country, and, in its progress, have the most beneficial influ- 
ence upon its future commerce, and be a source of national strength 
and wealth. I mean, the institution of a national bank. * * 

'•The tendency of a national bank, is to increase public and 
private credit ; the former gives power to the State, for the protec- 
tion of its rights and interests, and the latter facilitates and ex- 
tends the operations of commerce among individuals. Industry 
is increased, commodities are multiplied, agriculture and manu- 
factures flourish, and herein consist the true wealth and prosperity 
of a State. Most commercial nations have found it necessary to 
institute banks ; and they have proved to be the happiest engines 
ever invented for advancing trade. Venice, Genoa, Hamburgh, 
13 



288 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

Holland and England are examples of their utility." * * 

" The long, expensive wars of King William, had drained Eng- 
land of its specie ; its commerce began to droop, for want of a 
proper medium ; its taxes were unproductive, and its revenues 
declined. The administration wisely had recourse to the institu- 
tion of a bank, and it retrieved the national difficulties. Wo are 
in the same, and still greater, want of a sufficient medium. We 
have little specie ; the paper we have is of small value, and rap- 
idly declining to less. We are immersed in a war for our exist- 
ence as a nation, — for our liberty and happiness as a people. We 
have no revenues, nor any credit. A bank, if practicable, is the 
onl}'' thing that can give us either the one or the other." Meeting 
some of the objections against the measure, he continues : "■ No- 
thing is more common than for men to pass from the abuse of a 
good thing to the disuse of it. Some persons, disgusted by the 
depreciation of the money, are chimerical enough to imagine it 
would be beneficial to abolish all paper, and annihilate the whole 
of what is now in circulation, and depend altogether upon specie, 
both for commerce and finance. The scheme is altogether vision- 
ary, and the attempt would be fatal." * * u Xhe error 
of those who would explode paper money altogether, originates in 
not making proper distinctions. Our paper was, in its nature, 
liable to depreciation, because it had no funds for its support, and 
was not upheld by private credit. The emissions under the reso- 
lutions of March, 1780, have partly the former advantage, but are 
destitute of the latter, which is equally essential. No paper credit 
can be substantial or durable, which has not funds, and which 
does not unite immediately the interest and influence of the 
moneyed men, in its establishment and preservation. A credit 
begun on this basis will, in process of time, greatly exceed its 
funds ; but this requires time, and a well-settled opinion in its 
favor. "'TIS in a national hanh alone^ that we can find the i?i- 
gredient to constitute a wholesome^ solid, and 'beneficial j>aper 
credit.'''' 

After lengthy remarks upon the utility of this institution, he 
thus proceeds to investigate the medium of procuring funds, and 
overcoming other difficulties by Congress: "We must demand 
an instant, positive, and perpetual investiture of an impost on 
trade, — a land tax and poll tax, to be collected by their agents. 
This act, to become a part of the confederation. It has ever been 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 189 

my opinion that Congress onglit to have complete sovereignty in 
all but the mere municipal law of each State, and I wish to see a 
CONVENTION OF ALL THE States, witli full powcr to alter and amend 
finally and irrevocably the present futile and senseless confedera- 
tion." "There is," he subsequently says, "something noble and 
magnificent in the perspective of a great federative republic, 
closely linked in the pursuit of a common interest, tranquil and 
prosperous at home, respectable abroad ; there is something pro- 
portionably diminutive and contemptible in the prospect of a 
number of petty States, with the appearance only of union, — 
jarring, jealous and perverse, — without any determinate direc- 
tion, — fluctuating and unhappy at home, weak and insignificant 
by their dissensions, in the eyes of other nations. Happy America! 
if those to whom thou hast intrusted the guardianship of thy in- 
fancy, know how to provide for thy future repose, — but miserable 
and undone, if their negligence or ignorance permits the spirit of 
discord to erect their banners on the ruins of thy tranquillity !" 

His views in regard to the curtailment of the power of the 
States, and its sole vestment, except in municipal affairs, in the 
national sovereignty, insisted upon by Hamilton, were in great 
conflict with those of Jefferson, which were the most liberal, tend- 
ing to the most entire freedom, and formed the principle of several 
issues, dividing the early political parties. His views also of a 
United States bank, as we have seen, were opposed to Jefferson's. 
He had, in the meantime, in advocacy of his favorite measures, 
written the series of letters known as the " Contineiitalist^'' 
which evinced the same logic and vigor of style seen in his other 
productions. 

In 1781, he was advanced in the command, and dispatched to 
the southern field of operations. The warmth of his feelings, 
ever conspicuous, is shown in letters to his wife, written on the 
occasion of his departure ; they breathe conjugal devotion amount- 
ing to idolatry. He says : " I can not announce the fatal necessity, 
without feeling every thing that a fond husband can feel. I am 
unhappy, — I am unhappy beyond expression. I am unhappy 
because I am to be so remote from you, — because I am to hear 
from you less frequently than I am accustomed to do. I am miser- 
able, because I know you will be so, — 1 am wretched at the idea 
of flying so far from you, without a single hour's interview, to tell 
you all my pains and all my love. But I can not ask pei mission 



190 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

to visit you. It might be thought iuiproper to leave my corps, at 
such a time, and upon such an occasion. I must go without 
seeing you, — I must go without embracing you. Alas ! I must 
go. But, let no idea other than distance, — other than of the dis- 
tance we shall be asunder, disquiet you." The next day, he thus 
writes her: "Yesterday, my lovely wife, I wrote you; to-morrow 
the post sets out, and to-morrow we embark for Yorktown. I 
can not refuse myself the pleasure of writing you a few lines. 
Constantly uppermost in my thoughts and affections, I am happy 
only when my moments are devoted to some office that respects 
you. I would give the world to tell you all I feel and all I wish, 
but consult your own heart and you will know mine. "What a 
world will soon be between us ! To support the idea, all my 
fortitude is insufficient. What must be the case with you, who 
have the most female of female hearts? I sink at the perspective 
of your distress, and look to Heaven to be your guardian and 
support." Again, after the happy result of the expedition to 
Yorktown, he wrote her thus : " Two nights ago, my Eliza, my 
duty and my honor obliged me to take a step in which your 
happiness was too much risked. I commanded an attack upon 
one of the enemy's redoubts ; we earned it in an instant, and 
with little loss. There will certainly be nothing more of this 
kind ; all the rest will be by approaches, and if there should be 
another occasion, it will uot fall to my turn to execute it." 

How different are these heart expressions, from his keen pene- 
trative dashes at finance and constitutional law, and how pleasing 
to cull them, like flowers, from among the thorns of war. Ten- 
derly expressive of his manly feelings, they are blossoms of 
affection which can not wither, affording a correct estimate of 
his gentle nature. 

In the attack upon the redoubt referred to, he behaved with 
gallantry ; when masters of it, one of his men pointed a drawn 
sword to the breast of its commandant, Colonel Campbell, which 
Hamilton pushed aside, and the Colonel threw down his arms, 
saying: "I place myself under your protection." These things 
are mentioned, as unmistakable evidences of his traits of char- 
acter. Meantime, Hamilton was made continental receiver, 
which post he resigned not long after the siege of Yorktown. 

On the happy termination of those events, he returned to 
private life, and commenced the study of law. From the positions 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. igX 

he had filled and the service he had rendered, with the depth of 
intellect he had evinced, if we do not occasionally remind the 
reader of the contrary, he will conclude that we are following the 
steps of an old veteran statesman, and warrior. In intellect we 
are, — -otherwise not. Hamilton was now but twenty-five years of 
age. In the study of the law he made accustomed proficiency, and 
M'rute a manual upon its practice replete with genius and under- 
standing. "With his pen he continued the investigations of aflairs. 

To Morris, Meade, and other gentlemen, as well as to public 
bodies, he communicated his views upon government, especially 
the branches of finance, systems of taxation, banks, imposts, the 
national debt, etc., in a manner that elicited the highest consider- 
ation. Of a general convention of the States, for the elaboration 
of a federative system of government, he was an acknowledged 
champion, and prepared the resolutions for that purpose. In 
1783, he was selected a delegate to Congress, from the state of New 
York ; it was in view of his labors in this sphere that he resigned 
the post of Continental receiver. Though it would be difficult to 
imagine a greater exhibition of intellectual prowess than hitherto 
manifest, we are now to view Hamilton in an enlarged sphere of 
action, and one more suited to his talents than the field. 

On his entrance into Congress, we find him, as might have been 
expected, one of its most active, influential members, in correspon- 
dence with Laurens, Lafayette, Greene, and others, and ably devis- 
ing means and suggesting plans, to remedy the defects of the govern- 
ment. A member of a body composed of such men as Madison, 
Boudinot, Randolph, and others of equal talent, he was regarded 
as a leader, and ably maintained his enviable position. During 
the army discontents, incident to the anonymous communications 
elsewhere noticed, and the mutinous spirit manifest among the 
soldiers in not getting their pay, he was the advocate of order, the 
active agent of remedial pacification, and procured the passage of 
a resolution of renewed thanks to Washington for the manner in 
which he quelled the insubordination of the troops at head-quar- 
ters. To the establishment of a healthful national revenue, pro- 
vision for the liquidation of the debt, and the general improve- 
ment of the finance, he devoted himself with energy and talent. 
As essential to the perpetuity of the Union, he urged a solidification 
of government, with controlling powers vested in the federal 
sovereignty, "for," says he, " to borrow a figure from mechanics, 



192 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

the centrifugal, is mucii strouger than the centi-ipetal force in these 
States." On the indications of a final peace, adjusting the diffi- 
culties between the United States and Great Britain, he became a 
leading friend of negotiation, and insisted upon the consummation 
of independent national treaties with Russia and other foreign 
powers. On the conclusion of the ti'eaty with Great Britain, on 
account of France not being consulted in its arrangement, as 
before stated, considerable dissatisfaction became manifest in 
Congress, and a vote of censure was proposed against the Ameri- 
can envoys. This Hamilton opposed by the introduction of con- 
ciliatory substitutes, declarative of our confidence in France, of 
gratitude for her services, and a desire to maintain with her the 
most fraternal national relationships. He advocated the ratifi- 
cation of the treaty through all the excitements incident to its sub- 
mission, and penned the document, to whose agreement, resulted 
a final settlement. Like Jay and Adams, he opposed the in- 
structions given to them, as ministers, not to treat without consul- 
tation with the French ministers, — to be governed by their opin- 
ions, etc. He wrote to Jay, highly complimenting the treaty, and 
eulogizing him as one of its authors. Soon after, Hamilton in 
view of the disposition on the part of many, to lean toward the 
French people, wrote the following, which, as indicating his views 
upon the importance of managing our own concerns, should be 
inserted : 

" Upon my first going into Congress, I discovered symptoms 
of a party too well disposed, to subject the interests of the United 
States to the management of France. Though I felt in common 
with those who had participated in the revolution, a lively senti- 
ment of good-will toward a power whose co-operation, however, 
it was, and ought to have been dictated by its own interest, had 
been extremely useful to us, and had been afforded in a libei'al 
and handsome manner ; yet, tenacious of the real independence 
of our country, and dreading the appearance of foreign influence, 
as the natural disease of popular governments^ I was struck with 
disgust at the appearance, in the very cradle of our republic, of a 
party actuated by an undue complaisance to foreign power, and I 
resolved at once, to resist this bias in our afiairs ; a resolution 
which has been the chief cause of the persecution I have endured 
in the subsequent stages of my political life.'' This again con- 
flicted with the views of Jefierson. 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. jgg 

Hamilton continued a correspondence with Washington and 
other eminent men of the day, eliciting thus their views upon 
exciting topics of national consideration, and the independent 
elaboration of his own, with usual force and effect. His fertile 
mind, active with the elasticity of natural genius, and cultivated 
by industrious research, instead of growing weary under the 
pressure of effort in one sphere, seemed more invigorated for 
labors in another. The claims of the army, the regulation of the 
revenue, the systematization of the finances, the navy, the pro- 
tection of the frontier, treaties, Indian affairs, neutrality laws, and 
indeed, every national measure coming before Congress, was the 
object of his laborious solicitude. 

But what most engrossed his mind, as being more commen- 
surate with its capacity, was the general modification of the 
federal government. After the adjournment of Congress to 
Princeton, to this subject he mainly turned his attention. Strict 
neutrality with all nations, — the acquisition of aboriginal posses- 
sions by peaceful purchase, — a United States bank, — a mili- 
tary peace establishment, — a revenue upon imposts, — reciprocity 
treaties, — the assumption of the State debts by the general govern- 
ment, and the funding of the national debt, were measures form- 
ing a part of his political doctrine. The federal government, he 
wished to possess powers wholly untrammeled by State legislation, 
save when its exercise would interfere with municipal domestic 
afiairs. 

Impressed with this idea, he digested a plan for submission to 
Congress, which afforded an understanding of his sentiments, and 
the profundity of his mind. It begins : "Whereas, in the opinion 
of this Congress, the confederation of the United States is defec- 
tive in the following essential points : 

"First, and generally, in confining the federal government 
within too narrow limits, by withholding from it that efficacious 
authority and influence, in all matters of general concern, which 
are indispensable to the harmony and welfare of the whole ; 
embarrassing general provisions by unnecessary details and 
inconvenient exceptions, incompatible with their nature, tending 
only to create jealousies and disputes respecting the proper 
bounds of the authority of the United States, and of that of the 
particular States, and a mutual interference of the one with the 
other. 



194 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

"Second, In confounding legislative and executive powers in 
a single body; as that of determining on the number and quantity 
of force, land and naval, to be employed for the common defense 
and of directing their operations when raised and equipped ; with 
that of ascertaining and making requisitions for the necessary 
sums or quantities of money to be paid b}'^ the respective States 
into the common treasury, contrary to the most approved and 
well-founded maxims of free government, which require that the 
legislative, executive, and judiciary authorities, should be de- 
posited in distinct and separate hands. 

"Third. In the want of a federal judicature, having cognizance 
of all matters of general concern in the last resort, especially those 
in which foreign nations and their subjects are interested. 

" Fourth. In vesting the United States, in Congress assembled, 
with the jpoicer of general taxation, comprehended in that of 
ascertaining the necessary sums of money to be raised for the 
common defense, and of appropriating and applying the same for 
defraying the public expenses ; and yet, rendering that power, so 
essential to the existence of the Union, nugatory, by withholding 
from them all control over either the imposition, or the collection 
of the taxes for raising the sums required ; whence it happens 
that the inclinations, not the liabilities of the respective States, 
are, in fact, the criteria of their contributions to the common 
expense, and the public burden has fallen, and will continue to 
fall, with very unequal weight. 

"Fifth. In fixing a rule for determining the proportion of each 
State toward the common expense, which, if practicable at all, 
must, in the execution, be attended with great expense, inequality, 
uncertainty, and difficulty. 

" Sixth. In authorizing Congress 'to borrow money or emit bills 
on the credit of the United States; without the power of establish- 
ing funds for the repayment of the money, or the redemption of 
the bills emitted, from which must result one of these evils, — 
either a want of sufficient credit in the first instance, to borrow 
or to circulate the bills emitted, whereby in great national exi- 
gencies, the public safety may be endangered ; or, in the second 
instance, frequent infractions of the public engagements, disap- 
pointments to lenders, repetitions of the calamities of depreciating- 
paper, a continuance of the injustice and mischiefs of an un* 
funded debt, and first or last, the annihilation of public credit. 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 195 

" Seventh. In not making proper or competent provision for 
interior or exterior defense ; for interior defense, by leaving it to 
the individual States to appoint all regimental officers of the land 
forces, to raise the men in their own way, to clothe, arm, and equip 
them at the expense of the United States ; for exterior defense, in 
authorizing Congress to build and equip a navy, without provid- 
ing any means of manning it. 

" Eighth. In not vesting in the United States a general super- 
intendence OF trade, equally necessary in the views of revenue, 
and regulation. 

''Ninth. In defeating essential powers by provisoes and limi- 
tations, inconsistent with their nature, as the power of making 
treaties with foreign nations, provided that no treaty of commerce 
shall be made, whereby the legislative power of the respective 
States shall be restrained from imposing such imposts and duties 
on foreigners, as their own people are subjected to, or from pro- 
hibiting the importation or exportation of any species of goods or 
commodities, whatever; as also the power of regulating the trade, 
and managing all affairs with the Indians, not members of any 
States^ provided that the legislative right of any State, within its 
own limits, be not infringed, or violated ; and others of a like 
nature. 

"Tenth. In granting to the United States the sole power of 
' regulating the alloy and value of coin struck by their own author- 
ity or by that of their respective States,' without the power of 
regulating foreign coin in circulation. 

" Eleventh. In requiring the assent of nine States to matters 
of principal importance, and of seven to all others, except adjourn- 
ments from day to day ; a rule destructive of vigor, consistency 
or expedition in the administration of affairs, — tending to subject 
the sense of the majority to that of the minority, by putting it in 
the power of a small combination to retard and even to frustrate 
the most necessary measures, and to oblige the greater number, 
in cases which require speedy determinations, as happens in the 
most interesting concerns of the community, to come into the 
views of the smaller. 

" Twelfth. In vesting in the federal government the sole direc- 
tion of the interests of the United States, in their intercourse with 
foreign nations, without empowering it to pass all general laws 
in aid and support of the laws of nations ; for the want of which 



196 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

the ftiith of the United States may be broken, their reputation sul- 
lied, and their peace interrupted by the negligence or misconcep- 
tion of any particular State." 

After the enumeration of governmental defects, he continued, 
explaining their mischievous tendencies, and says : '* Therefore^ 
resolved^ That it be earnestly kecommended to the several 

States to appoint a convention to meet at , on the day 

of , with full powers to revise the confederation, and to adopt 

and propose such alterations as to them shall appear necessary, — 
to be finally approveil or rejected by the States respectively, — and 

that a committee of be appointed to prepare an address upon 

the subject." These reasons, as they may be termed, for the call 
of a convention, and the resolution following, he designed sub- 
mitting to Congress ; but seeing that body unprepared for it, he 
abandoned the idea, and soon after closed his Congressional 
career. 

The manner in wdiich this comparatively youthful politician 
scanned the surface of affairs, penetrated the national system, 
detected its cancerous ulcers, and prepared the remedy adapted 
to the part infected, shon-s clearh^ a vigor of mind, boldness of 
thought, acuteness of perception, and soundness of judgment un- 
surpassed by older heads. If the displays of mental power, as 
exhibited in his sphere of action, induced Ersklne to say of Mans- 
field, that he was born for the judgeship, the student of our legis- 
lative annals, as he follows the light of Hamilton's genius, — now 
silencing competition by its elegance, now illumining the confused 
darkness of chaotic confederacies with the beauty of its symmetry 
and proportion, — now by keen analysis disjoining the fractured 
pivot from the government structure, and placing a sound one in 
its place, and anon irradiating other spheres with its brilliancy, he 
must conclude he was born for the theater of American politics. 

Buoyed with a hope of domestic felicity, after the close of his 
labors in Congress, he thus wrote his wife : " I give you joy on 
the happy conclusion of this important work, in which our coun- 
try has been engaged, l^ow, in a very short time, I hope we 
shall be happily settled in New York. My love to your father. 
Kiss my boy a thousand times. A thousand loves to yourself." 
Reunited with those he loved, the correspondence of various dis- 
tinguished friends attested his valued services. " Were you ten 
years older," wrote M'Henry, " and twenty thousand pounds richer, 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 197 

there is no doubt but that you might obtaiu the suffrages of Con- 
gress for the highest office in their gift. * * In a word, 
if you were to spend a lifetime in dissecting a fly, you would be, 
in their opinion, one of the greatest men in the world. Bold 
designs, — measures calculated for their rapid execution, — a wis- 
dom that would convince from its own weight, — a project that 
would surprise the people into greater happiness without giving 
them an opportunity to view and reject it, are not adapted to a 
council composed of discordant materials, or to a people which 
have thirteen heads, each of which pays superstitious adoration 
to inferior divinities." " You were always of the number of those 
I esteemed, and your correspondence would be both interesting 
and agreeable," WTote Jay from Passy, France. 

He now retired to private life, and commenced the practice of 
law, in which, from the exhibitions of talent hitherto manifest, it 
is almost needless to say, he was eminently successful. In many 
cases of importance he was the advocate, and proved the efficiency 
of his power, at the bar, with equal conspicuity he had done else- 
where. As a lawyer, he possessed the main attributes to success. 
His arguments of cases evinced depth of thought, discriminating 
logic, and were based upon legal principles of which he was a 
master. Their delivery was marked with fluency of language, 
elegance of diction and clearness of style. His attitude was ora- 
torical, classic, and commanding ; upon the whole, his speeches 
were persuasively eloquent and very convincing. 

While in the pursuit of his vocation, an occurrence transpired 
that called his fearless pen into action. Never, perhaps, did 
politics assume a more turbulent aspect than in the State of New 
York, at this time. The wily Burr, the shrewd Clinton, the bold 
Hamilton, the popular Jay labored for the ascendency of their 
respective parties. The prescription of an oath upon electors, to 
the effect that they had perpetrated no former offenses, as a requi- 
site to their positions, was one measure incident to the excitement 
of the times. Hamilton regarded this as an interference with the 
freedom of conscience, and warmly opposed it : " for," said he, " a 
share in the sovereignty of the State, which is exercised by the 
citizens at large, and voting at elections, is one of the most impor- 
tant rights of the subject, and, in a republic, ought to stand fore- 
most in the estimation of the law." 

Under the much-abused name of liberty, other measures, for the 



198 ALEXANDER HAMILTON, 

subservience of party purposes, followed, no less repugnant to his 
feelings. To counteract their progress, and enlighten the people 
upon the motives originating these intolerant provisions, under 
the specious mask of freedom, Hamilton wrote his '-'- Pliocion'''' 
letters, which took the mask off and exposed, instead of liberty in 
its impartial purity, demagogism in its most hideous deformities. 
" How easy," says he, in one of these letters, written in reply to 
one against one of his former pieces, " is it for men to change their 
principles with their situations, — to be zealous advocates fur the 
rights of the citizens when they are invaded by others, and as soon 
as they have it in their power, to become the invaders them- 
selves, — to resist the encroachments of power when it is in the 
hands of others, and the moment they get it into their own to 
make bolder strides tl^an those they have resisted ! Are such 
men to be sanctified by the hallowed name of patriots ? Are they 
not rather to be branded as men who make their passions, preju- 
dices, and interests, the sole measure of their own, and others 
rights ? The history of mankind is too full of these melanchol}'' 
contradictions." * * " Those who are at present in- 
trusted with power, in all these infant republics, hold the most 
sacred deposit that was ever confided to human hands. It is with 
governments as with individuals, first impressions and early 
habits give a lasting bias to the temper and character. Our gov- 
ernment, hitherto, has had no habits. Huw important to the hap- 
piness, not of America alone, but of mankind, that they should 
acquire good ones! If we set out with justice, moderation and 
liberality, and a scrupulous regard to the Constitution, the govern- 
ment will acquire a spirit and tone productive of permanent bles- 
sings to the country. If, on the contrary, the public councils 
are guided by human passion and prejudice, — if from resentment 
to individuals or a dread of partial inconveniences the Constitu- 
tion is slighted or explained away upon every frivolous pretext, — 
the future spirit of the government will be feelile, distracted, and 
arbitrar3\ The rights of the subject will be the sport of every 
vicissitude. There will be no settled rule of conduct, but every 
thing will fluctuate with the alternate prevalency of contending 
factions. 

"The world has its eye upon America. The noble struggle we 
have made in the cause of liberty, has occasioned a kind of revo- 
lution in human sentiment. Tlie influence of our example has 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 199 

penetrated the gloomy regions of despotism, and has pointed the 
way to inquiry, which may shake its deepest foundations. * * 
To ripen inquiry into action, it remains for us to justify the Revo- 
lution by its fruits. If the consequences prove we have really 
asserted the cause of human happiness, what may not be expected 
from so illustrious an example ? In a greater or less degree, the 
world will bless and imitate. But if experience, in this instance, 
verifies the lesson long taught by the enemies of liberty, that the 
bulk of mankind are not capable of self-govenment, that they must 
Imve a uraster, and were only made for the rein and the spur, we 
shall then see the final triumph of despotism over liberty. The 
advocates of the latter must then acknowledge it to be an ignis 
fattms^ and abandon the pursuit. "With the greatest advantages 
for promoting it a people ever had, we shall have hetrayed the 
cause of human nature !^^ 

In this extract upon political subjects, is seen the boldness of 
his nature, equally conspicuous with its gentleness in the social 
relations of life, whence he always disjoined feelings of party 
rivalry. 

Soon after, we find him a member of a society whose purpose 
was the manumission of slaves, — selected chairman of a committee 
appointed for the furtherance of this object, — drawing up a reso- 
lution regulative of it, requiring each member to set the example 
by manumitting his ovrn. Individually, \ia owned none. 

Though unsuccessful in his aims at calling a general conven- 
tion, for the remodeling of the government, he never lost sight of 
its importance, and continued to urge it, hoping that the progress 
of events would ultimately convince his countrymen of its imper- 
ative necessity. In this hope he was not doomed to disappoint- 
ment. In 1786 he took his seat in the New York legislature. 
The vesting in Congress the power of establishing a national reve- 
nue by a levy upon imposts, was then the exciting question of 
State politics ; to effect a grant of this power by Now York, was 
one of the favorite measures of IlAinLTON, It came formally 
before the House, he its unflinching friend. Its policy was dis- 
cussed lengthily and ably, but by none more so than himself. 
The subject involved the delegation of general powers upon Con- 
gress ; for the concession of a right to levy an impost, would be 
equivalent to a grant of jurisdiction upon other measures of like 
national character. The enemies to such grants of power affirmed 



200 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

that it would be dangerous to the liberties of the States. Hamil- 
ton made an eloquent argumentative speech in its behalf. He 
said : " The subversion of the liberties of these States cannot be 
the business of a day. It would at least require time, premedi- 
tation and concert ; he supposed that the members of a body so 
constituted, would be unanimous in a scheme of usurpation. If 
they were not, would it not be discovered and disclosed ? If we 
even could suppose this unanimity among one set of men, can we 
believe that all the new members who are yearly sent from one 
State to another, would instantly enter into the same views ? 
"Would there not be one honest man found to warn his country of 
the danger ? Suppose the worst : suppose the combination entered 
into and continued; the execution would at least announce the 
design, and the means of defense be easy. Consider the separate 
power of several of these States, and the situation of them all. 
Consider the extent, populousness and resources of Massachusetts, 
Pennsjdvania, "Virginia, and, I might add, New York, Connecti- 
cut, and other States. "Where could Congress find means sufii- 
cient to subvert the government and liberties of either of these 
States ? or, rather, where find means sufiScicnt to efiect the con- 
quest of all ? If an attempt were made upon one, the others, fi*om 
a sense of common danger, would make common cause, and they 
could immediately unite and provide for their joint defense." * 
* * "The Romans, in their progress to universal dominion, 
when they conceived the project of subduing the refractory spirit 
of the Grecian republics which composed tlie famous Achean 
League, began by sowing dissensions among them, and instilling 
jealousies of each other, and of the common head ; and finished 
by making them a province of the Roman empire. The applica- 
tion is easy. If there are any foreign enemies, — if there are any 
domestic foes to this country, all their arts, all their artifices will 
be employed to effect a dissolution of the Union. This cannot be 
better done than by sowing jealousies of the federal head." 

Notwithstanding his able advocacy of this vestment of Congres- 
sional power, the bill recommending it was defeated. It came 
before the Assembly for final action, and was lost by a majority 
of fifteen against it on the first ballot. New York, from the out- 
set, though the members of the opposition failed to refute the clear 
reasonings of Hamilton, manifested a decided unwillingness, to 
vest Congress with which was then considered extraordinary 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON, 201 

powers, the exercise of which she averred might prove inimical to 
the union of the States, and subversive of the liberties of the 
people. This subject formed, at that time, one of the principal 
party dividing lines. The negation of this bill to levy an impost, 
accelerated the assemblage of the general convention. Virginia 
took the lead by the legislative appointment of delegates, and was 
immediately followed by Pennsylvania and New Jersey. Massa- 
-chusetts seemed reluctant, while in New York there existed a 
strong adverse party. Hamilton, it is needless to say, hailed 
with delight the favorable manifestations of Virginia and Penn- 
sylvania, to a convention, and labored zealously to create the same 
spirit in his own State : in these efforts he encountered stern 
opponents, foremost among whom was Clinton. 

In February 17, 1787, a motion was made in the Assembly to 
instruct that body to recommend the call of a convention for the 
purpose "of revising the articles of confederation and perpetual 
union, by such alterations and amendments as a majority of the 
representatives shall judge proper and necessary to render them 
adequate to the preservation and goi^ermnent of the union ;" 
which, after some modification, passed. It was opposed violently 
by Yates and Lansing, and advocated by General Schuyler. After 
considerable debate and wrangling, it passed by a majority of one 
vote. Hamilton, soon after, proposed to the Assembly the ap- 
pointment of five delegates to the proposed convention, with 
instructions similar to those before mentioned ; which was agreed 
to ; but on its submission to the Senate, the number of delegates 
was reduced to three, and a proviso placed upon it, to tlie efiect 
that no change in the government should be made by the conven- 
tion " repugnant to or inconsistent with the Constitution of this 
State." In this shape it passed. To the convention, as dele- 
gates, were appointed Hamilton, Yates, and Lansing; the views 
of the latter being antagonistic to his own, Hamilton insisted 
upon the appointment of two additional delegates, and recom- 
mended Livingston and Jay ; this would place his two colleagues 
in the same position he himself then was, in the minority, in case 
of a necessity to vote by States, a contingency against which he 
wished to provide. His proposition was defeated, after concur- 
rence by the House, by a vote of the Senate. 

In measures of reform, some political sage is always ready to say, 
they are against the Constitution, and appeal to its sacredness in 



202 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

support of conservatism, until others catch the solemn warning and 
unconstitutionality becomes the cry of demagogues and notoriety 
seekers over the land, who are wholly ignorant of constitutional 
law, in both letter and spirit. This was the argument against the 
call of a convention to revise the federal government. — ao:ainst 
the constitution to for77i a Constitution ! Heedless, however, of 
this consideration, upon a matter of such vital importance, many 
States, among which were Georgia, Carolina, and Delaware, fol- 
lowed the example set by Virginia, and appointed delegates. 

The New York Assembly, subsequently, increased the number 
of delegates from that State to five. Thus the preliminaries were 
arranged to another bold stride in the onward march of democracy. 
Feebly developing itself from its first foothold upon congenial 
soil, by progressive gradations it had risen from embryo incipi- 
ency, modeled and remodeled by master hands, as emergencies 
required, until, by the power of unchained intellect, it was ready 
to make a leap beyond all precedent, and plant its banners high 
over the grim battlements of tyranny and despotisms. Its retro- 
spect, though it developed a series of struggles, was replete with 
triumphs. These struggles, both civil and military, were a war 
of opinion, — an assertion of inherent right over might. Trans- 
ferred from a land of oppressive vassalage to the bleak crags of 
Plymouth, floated first the standard of religious freedom, vocal 
music of the wilderness for its peans, and the smoke of savage 
huts, curling to the heavens, for its incense. 

No interest but the common weal, the New England pioneers 
convened in 1743, and entered into a colonial league for mutual 
protection, each colony represented by two delegates, to a Congress 
whose enactments controlled the whole ; subject, however, to 
foreign prerogative. Again, in 1754, in view of French and 
Indian hostilities, ere a severance from the mother country had 
been thought of, they convened, insisted upon the political union 
of all the colonies, controlled by a general Congress, under the 
supervision of a general president appointed by England, with 
poM'ers to enact laws and provide for the common defense. In 
1765, to resist the tyrannous assertions of Parliamentary power, 
they met in general Congress, — adopted measures of defense, — 
prepared a bill of rights, — vested levying power in the colonial 
assemblies, and gave Congress power, though much restricted, to 
enlist troops, build fortifications, etc. In 1774, startled by the 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 203 

alarms of active warfare, and cut off from all hopes of maternal 
clemency, thej again convened, for the purpose of considering 
means of 5(?//'-protection, and finally declared the colonies free 
and independent; having declared themselves so, isolated them 
from the national brotherhood, upon their own tottering resources, 
and created the necessity of forcing its compliance and mainte- 
nance. Through a seven years' war, under a government, vested 
with no general powers, impelled by the unity of a common cause, 
they vindicated their declaration, and by the thunder-peal of their 
arms, upheaved the ministerial cabinet, and forced the signet from 
England's reluctant hand. United by a common tie, they had 
thus far acted in concert, without the firm establishment of the 
federal sovereignty ; the zeal of the States, through the Revo- 
lution, rendered its necessity less obvious, than in the inactivity of 
peace. The delicate points of all republican governments, — the 
proper arrangement of federal and State rights, — had now to be 
settled. America had conquered a peace. Upon the threshold 
of her civic temple, she stood without a government, the frag- 
ments of her day-formed regulations in the back ground, the 
broad arena of political destiny looming before her. Was an 
excessive spirit of State rights to check the power of the federal 
sovereignty, so as to prevent a national influence essential to 
advancement; or, were the assertions of federal power to infringe 
upon the rights of the States, to an extent, dangerous to their 
liberties ? Both of these questions were to be negatively answered, 
and the medium arrived at. This was the fearful strait through 
which our national pilots had to guide the ship of State, before 
launching upon the open sea of tranquillity. 

Happily for human destiny, virtue shone in America's political 
sky, and above the discordant elements of party faction, patriotism- 
kindled a vestal blaze. Happily too, that at this critical con- 
juncture, the exponents of unrestricted liberty, met a check in the 
champions of federal sovereignty. Jefferson and his friends 
threw their stern talents into the scale of the broadest democratic 
freedom. Hamilton and his bold coadjutors checked its too un- 
bounded manifestations, by maintaining the supremacy of the 
federal power, while Washington, unbiased, save by a love of 
country, stood between them, holding the balance with an even 
hand, curtailing the excesses of the one, and enlarging the policy 
of the other. Thus guarded, the government exhibited the patriot- 
ic 



204 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

ism of WashingtoD ; and as year after year has passed on, the 
republican principles of Jeflerson have deepened and widened, 
as we continue to develop the grandeur of unfettered democracy, 
while protected by the segis of national law, we approach continu- 
ously, Hamilton's idea of a perfect federal government. Under 
this mutual protection of federal and State rights, America has 
continued to progress, extending her potent influence over every 
land, until from her lofty hight, she shakes her banner in the face 
of nations, while despots cower down, and leave 

" Her name without a parallel." 

The convention met, — met, a second Amphictyonic council. 
Hamilton was placed on the committee to adopt rules of the con- 
vention, one of which was, that nothing said or done in the body 
should be made public without its consent. The first step of im- 
portance, was the submission of propositions relative to the 
government, by Randolph of Virginia ; next, Charles Pinckney 
presented a plan of confederacy. Much time was consumed in the 
discussion of Randolph's propositions, after which, the necessity 
of ''a national government, consisting of a supreme legislative 
judiciary and executive," was asserted by general vote, Hamilton 
voting affirmatively. Afterward came the New Jersey plan. 
Alike in but two points, were these several plans, with assur- 
ances to "guarantee to each State a republican constitution and 
its existing laws," and fixing the supreme judicial term, during 
good behavior. 

Randolph's plan insisted upon unbounded legislative powers, — 
a plural executive, — and a revisionary State council, with coercive 
powers. Pinckney's plan asserted a single executive, — gave the 
legislature the power of levying imposts, commercial superinten- 
dence, and military jurisdiction, — powers equal to those of Con- 
gress. The Jersey plan gave nearly all powers to the States, — 
advocated a plural executive, subject to a majority of State gover- 
nors, and left the judiciary, singularly enough, defective. One of 
the main questions of debate was, "whether the right of sufii'age 
in the national legislature ought to be proportioned to the quotas 
of contribution, or to the number of free inhabitants." Hamilton 
favored the latter. 

"While these plans were being submitted and discussed, Hamil- 
ton prepared a general plan, whose analysis exhibits neither an 
aristocratic, republican, nor a monarchical form of government. 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON 205 

but recognizing the right of popuhir suffrage, it indicates a ten- 
dency to blend the attributes of the two latter into the American 
Constitution. After its maturity, he submitted it in a set speech 
of six hours' length, and marked ability. His speech was highly 
eulogized. 

This plan was prepared by sections, ten in number, and though 
it was not adopted, it embodied many principles which were incor- 
porated into the Constitution. In that instrument, the reflex of no 
one man's mind is seen so prominently, as is that of Hamilton. 
The first section vested " the legislative power in an Assembly 
and Senate, — the executive in a President, with a negative power," 
and regulated a supreme judiciary. The second section regulated 
the franchise, declaring every free male citizen a legal voter at 
twenty-one years of age, the number of representatives to be dis- 
tributed according to the population of the several States. Sec- 
tion third, required that the Senate should be selected by district 
electors, who had to be land-hohiers, and provided farther Sena- 
torial regulation. The fourth section specified the election of 
President by electoral votes, — the people of each State to select 
as many electors as they had senators and representatives ; in 
relation to this too, was recommended a property qualification. 
This section also prescribed the executive oath, and specified his 
duties, but fixed his term during good behavior. He was to be 
commander-in-chief of the army, — have power to call the legis- 
latures at will, — empowered with a negative, — the right of ap- 
pointment, etc. Section fifth related to the judiciary. Judges of 
the supreme court were to hold oflSco during good behavior, — to 
have national jurisdiction, — to hear cases between States, or one 
State, and the United States ; it also guaranteed trial by jur}^, and 
recommended an impeachment court, to which all ofiicers, for a 
term of good behavior, were to be amenable. The sixth section 
created a kind of tribunal of arbitrament, composed of disinter- 
ested persons, to settle territorial disputes between States. The 
seventh section aflSrmed that " the legislature of the United 
States, should have power to pass all laws which they judged 
necessary to the common defense, and general welfere of the 
Union ; for, he said, " that a government ought to contain, imtMn 
itself ^ every power requisite to the full accomplishment of the 
objects committed to its care, and to the complete execution of 
the trusts for which it is responsible ; free from every other controlj 



206 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

but a regard for the public good, and to the sense of the people/'^ 
Again, he affirmed "that every power ought to be commensurate 
with its object ; that there ought to be no limitation of a power 
destined to effect a purpose which, is of itself, incapable of limi- 
tation. The eighth section declared that State executives should 
be appointed by the United States, and vested with a negative 
upon their respective legislatures. The ninth section required 
the President " to be then a citizen of one of the States, or here- 
after to be born a citizen of the United States," The tenth, and 
last section, provided the submission of the Constitution to subor- 
dinate conventions of the several States, for ratification. 

This is the principal substance of Hajsiilton's plan of a federa- 
tive government ; though it certainly guards the federal power, 
and is very jealous of state rights, we see nothing in it to justify 
the charge that he was a monarchist. 

On the submission of these several plans of government, much 
discussion ensued ; and though neither of them was adopted, the 
final arrangement partook more of Hamilton's genius, than of 
any other member of the convention. 

While he asserted that " real liberty was neither found in des- 
potism^ nor in the extremes of democracy^ hut in moderate gov- 
ernments^''^ and wished to combine the advantages of monarchy 
and republicanism, others, jealous of state rights, rejected the idea 
of supreme prerogative, and insisted upon the unrestricted exer- 
cise of popular rights. The difficulty was finally obviated by the 
introduction of a compromise by which the advocates of each 
principle were forced into some concessions, and the articles of 
confederation, though not entirely satisfactory, were agreed to, 

IIaisiilton signed the Constitution, and though not fully accord- 
ant with his views, as the best that could be procured, urged its 
general adoption. The Constitution being formed of compara- 
tively an infant republic, its efficiency remained to be tested ; its 
final establishment he regarded as " a prodigy," to whose full 
completion he " looked forward with trembling anxiety." A 
prodigy, truly, that Constitution! the proudest monument to the 
intellect and energy of man, it will last forever! "Like one 
of those wondrous rocking stones, reared by the Druids, which 
the finger of a child may vibrate to the center, yet the might of an 
army could not move from its place ; our Constitution is so nicely 
poised and balanced, that it seems to sway with every breath of 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 207 

opinion, yet so firmly rooted in the hearts and affections of the 
people, that the wildest storms of treason and fanaticism break 
over it in vain."* 

As a member of the New York subordinate convention, which 
met in 1788, Hamilton labored heroically in behalf of the federal 
Constitution, and aided much in securing its adoption by that 
State. The Constitution being adopted by the States, the first 
Presidential election took place in 1789. On his election, "Wash- 
ington, well knowing that at that time of embarrassed finances, 
and general derangement, the Secretary of tlie Treasury was the 
most important post in the government, with unerring judgment, 
characteristic of him, selected Hamilton to fill it. As secretary 
of a bankrupt treasury, he had to so form and arrange the avenues 
of prosperity, that it would become a reservoir of national wealth. 

The acknowledged head of the Federal party, he assisted Wash- 
ington in carrying out the measures of his administration, with a 
sternness of purpose, and devotion to principle, equaled only by 
the mighty powers of his mind, as displayed in their execution. 
Quite enough, it is presumed, has been said, at least, space will 
allow no more, upon the various causes of party division, that 
sprang up almost at the commencement of Washington's first 
administration. Further remarks upon the political measures of 
that time, will here be made historically, and, as being connected 
with our subject. 

Hamilton was thirty-two years of age, when he entered upon 
his duties as Secretary of the Treasury. Soon after the assem- 
blage of Congress, he made a report to that body, embracing a 
system for the promotion of public prosperity. He adverted to 
the debts contracted by foreign loan, and those existing in the 
States, insisting upon the equal necessity of prompt liquidation of 
both. He also said, that those who held originally the public 
securities, should be placed on the same footing with those who 
obtained them by subsequent purchase ; also, that those indebted 
to the Union, and those to any of the States, should be regarded in 
the same light. This report embodied his principle of assuming 
the State debts, by the federal head, that embroiled him and Jefier- 
son in antagonism ; also, the imposition of a tax on liquors, and 
other luxurious importations. The report was one of marked 

*Winthrop. 



208 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

ability, — some praised, others censured it. The finest commen- 
tary upon it, was the subsequent adoption of so much as was 
recommended. Just after this, an expedition was set on foot 
against the Indians on the western frontier. Additional expenses 
were to be incurred. Where were the funds to come from? Gov- 
ernment had none, — neither had the committee on finance. Ham- 
ilton made another report, suggesting higher duties. This was 
lost in the House by one vote. In 1790, the party bickerings 
between Hamilton and Jefierson, reached such a hight, as that 
reconciliation between them was despaired of. Both bold and 
iuti'epid, — each at the head of rival parties, — each ambitious, 
talented, and powerful, — envious too, doubtless, of the other's 
fame, — to harmonize them was impossible. 

Congress again assembled, November, 1790. Among the first 
measures of consideration was the reduction of the public debt. 
Hamilton suggested increased taxation, especially upon articles 
of luxury, to efiect this end. Shortly after, he elaborately gave 
his views to Congress upon a United States bank. No subject 
has cut a greater figure, or exerted wider influence upon the 
destinies of political parties in our country, than this ; yet, when 
remarks, deductions, and opinions, even of most sagacious states- 
men and political economists, are sifted thoroughly, it will be 
found that all they have said is substantially the same, in jn-in- 
ciple, as given by Hamilton at this time.* 

The opponents, chief among whom was Madison, held that the 
creation of a United States bank, was beyond the power of federal 
jurisdiction. The measure, however, finally passed. With a 
limitation of twenty years, and a basis of twenty millions of dol- 
lars, the United States bank went into operation. Its stock com- 
manded a high premium. The parent institution at Philadelphia, 
with various branches at other important points, it proved a valu- 
able medium for the promotion of general wealth and national 
advancement. Heated discussions arose upon this measure, and 
party divisions were widened. As leaders of two rival parties, 
Hamilton and Jefferson wrote their opinions to Washington on 
the subject. Never, perhaps, upon any measure, did two great 

* Hitherto, extracts have been given from Hamilton's writings to show his views 
upon the several great questions of his day. Having thus given, it is hoped, pretty 
clearly, his principles in regard to the most important issues, an analysis of what he 
did, and thought of various measures, henceforth, will be all we shall attempt. 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 209 

statesmen differ more widely. Tlie President, in his views upon 
its constitutionality, coincided with Hamilton. Here again, the 
great national wrestlers, — Federal and State sovereignty, came 
afresh to combat. Indeed, the hostile organization of parties was 
now effectually consummated. The provision for the payment of 
the interest of the national debt had, to many, been very advan- 
tageous ; these opposed the bank measures, while those who had 
not been immediate recipients of the funding benefits were 
strongly opposed. The stern advocate of the bank and the fund- 
ing system, Hamilton's antagonism to Jefferson, who was equally 
stern in his opposition, was deep-rooted and inflexible. 

On the re-assemblage of Congress, in 1791, the apportionment 
measure afforded fresh source of party strife, and each day 
added to its fierceness. The provisions for liquidating the national 
debt, it was argued by some, tended to make the rich richer, and 
the poor poorer, by the imposition of onerous taxation. Men 
then, as now, seemed to forget the fact that, in paying taxes, the 
burden falls on the rich, — not the poor. It was also alleged that 
each State should pay the amount of its individual indebtedness. 
It is true, however, that in the various measures proposed at this 
time, there often existed two extremes, — to steer clear of each, 
required the abilities of profound minds. In the elaboration of 
national projects, close soever as may be the adherence to political 
correctness, and well calculated as they may be to give potency to 
government, the wishes, opinions, and judgment of the hardy com- 
moners, whose condition, though not servile, precludes the possi- 
bility of familiarity with political science and abstractions, should 
be respected with paternal solicitude. The sentiments of the 
opposition to these measures, are so clearly expressed by Chief 
Justice Marshall, at this time, that we insert his remarks in lieu 
of comment. 

Of the opposition, he says: they affirmed that "the banishment 
of coin would be completed by ten millions of paper money in 
the form of hank bills, which were then issuing into circulation. 
Nor would this be the only mischief resulting from the institution 
of the bank. The ten or twelve per cent, annual profit paid to 
the lenders of this paper medium, would be taken out of the 
pockets of the people, who would have had, without interest, the 
coin it was banishing; that all the capital employed in paper 
circulation is barren and useless, producing like that on a gam- 



210 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

Ming taMe^ no accession to itself, and is withdrawn from comiuerce 
and agriculture, where it would have produced addition to the 
common mass. The wealth, therefore, heaped upon individuals 
by the funding and banking systems would be productive of general 
poverty and distress ; and that, in addition to the encouragement 
these measures gave to vice and idleness, they had furnished 
eflectual means of corrupting such a portion of the legislature as 
turned the balance between the honest voters. This corrupt 
squadron deciding the voice of the legislature, had manifested 
their dispositions to get rid of the limitations by the Constitution ; 
limitations on the faith of which the States acceded to that instru- 
ment. They were proceeding rapidly in their plan of absorbing 
all power, invading the rights of the States, and converting the 
federal, into a consolidated, government. 

"That the ultimate object of all this was to prepare the way for 
a change from the present republican form of government to that 
of a monarchy, of which the English constitution was to be the 
model. So many of the friends of monarchy were in the legis- 
lature, that, aided by the corrupt squad oi paper dealers who were 
at their devotion, they had a majority in both Houses. The 
RepiibliGan party ^ even when united with the Anti-federalists^ 
continued a minority." 

Hamilton, of course, was the main object against whom the 
foregoing was directed. 

The variance of his secretaries was very mortifying to Wash- 
ington, who wrote about this time an able letter upon the subject 
of external and internal difficulties, — regretting that " external 
dissensions should be harrowing and tearing our vitals." The 
success of the United States Bank was for a time beyond example. 
Poor himself, Hamilton was accused of patronizing the rich and 
the aristocratic. As the leader of one party, never was man more 
beloved by a party, — as the opponent of another, never was man 
more abused, — extremes could not have been wider. 

By Congressional enactment, Washington was empowered to 
negotiate a loan, not exceeding fifteen millions of dollars, to liqui- 
date State and national debts. The duty devolved on Hamilton, 
'Two loans were accordingly eflected, and applied as indicated. 
The manner and appliance of these negotiations became, afterward, 
.matters of Congressional consideration. It was averred in Con- 
gress, that a part of the funds were not satisfactorily invested. 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 211 

Hamilton was called on for information in regard to the subject. 
He gave such a clear and triumphant vindication of his course in 
the premises, that his accusers were ashamed of themselves. 
On Washington's re-election, Hamilton was re-appointed Secretary 
of the Treasury, the duties of which office he continued to exer- 
cise as none but he, in this country, could have done. 

In the fall of 1787, Hamilton began the publication of the 
Federalist. No publication of this country has ever exerted 
wider influence, or become more lastingly identified with our 
national literature. Though Madison and Jay contributed some 
to it, the real merits attaching to it are the ofispring of Hamilton. 
The powerful speeches of more recent great men, in Constitutional 
defense, are frequently but elaborations of Hamilton's Federal- 
ist. ^Profound in logic, elastic, bold and concise in finish, and 
harmonious in design and arrangement, it attracted the attention 
of all parties, and did much toward the adoption of the Consti- 
tution. At its commencement, he tells in the following words, the 
objects in view: "I propose to discuss the following interesting 
particulars: The utility of the Union to your political prosperity: 
the insufficiency of the present confederation to preserve tliat 
Union : the necessity of a government at least equally energetic 
with the one proposed, to the attainment of this object: the con- 
formity of the proposed Constitution to the true principles of re- 
publican government: its analogy to j'our own State constitution: 
and lastly, the additional security which its adoption will aflbrd 
to the preservation of that species of government, to liberty. and 
to prosperity." 

The above was the range and scope of the Federalist. Never 
were " particulars " more ably, clearly, and analytically discussed. 
As a writer, Hamilton combined chasteness of diction with bold 
originality, — the beauties of a finished classic, with powers of con- 
densation, and with profound reasoning, the most lucid clearness. 
Let any one read the twenty-first number of the Federalist; where 
will he find a happier blending of the essential attributes of a 
writer? It commences thus: "In disquisitions of every kind, 
there are certain primary truths, or first principles, upon which 
all subsequent reasonings must depend. These contain an in- 
ternal evidence, which, antecedent to all reflection or combination, 
commands the assent of the mind. "Where it produces not this 
efiect, it must proceed either from some disorder in the organs of 



212 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

perception, or from the influence of some strong interest, or pas- 
^sion, or prejudice. Of this nature are the maxims in geometry, 
that the whole is greater than its parts ; that things equal to the 
same, are equal to one another ; that two straight lines can not 
inclose a space ; and that all right angles are equal to each other. 
Of the same nature are these other maxims in ethics and politics, 
that there can not be an effect without a cause ; that the means 
ought to be proportioned to the end ; that every power ought to bo 
commensurate with its object ; that there ought to be no limitation 
of a power destined to effect a purpose which is itself incapable of 
limitation. And there are other truths in the two latter sciences, 
which, if they can not pretend to rank in tlie class of axioms, are 
such direct inferences from them and so obvious in themselves, 
and so agreeable to the natural and unsophisticated dictates of 
common sense, that they challenge the assent of a sound and 
unbiased mind, with a degree of force and conviction almost 
equally irresistible." 

The influence exerted by the Federalist, in moulding the minds 
of men, and giving shape to conflicting opinions, has not been 
confined to the land of liis nativity. In the capitals of France, 
through the cities of England, among the glaciers of Switzerland, — ■ 
wdierever, indeed, language is known or ability apjireciatcd, its 
doctrines have found way to honored consideration. In regard to 
his sentiments as embodied in the Federalist, and the principles 
he wished to incorporate into the Constitution, Hamilton has 
been charged with inconsistency. While the Federalist is, doubt- 
less, the best mirror of his mind, wherein is reflected more clearly 
its power and aims, than in any other portion of his writings, we 
give place to the following letter to a friend, as a refutation of 
the charge that he favored an American monarchy, and as afford- 
ing additional insight to his position upon some of the great 
questions of the day : 

New York, Sept 16, 1803. 

"My dear Sir: — 

"I will make no apology for my delay in answering your inquiry, 
some time since made, because I could ofier none which would 
satisfy myself. I pray you only to believe that it proceeded from 
any thing rather than from want of respect or regard. I shall 
now comply with your request. 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 213 

" The highest toned propositions which I made in the con- 
vention, were for a President, Senate, and judges, during good 
behavior ; a House of Representatives for three years. Though 
I would have enlarged the legislative power of the general govern- 
ment, yet I never contemplated the abolition of the State govern- 
ment; but, on the contrary, they were, in some particulars, 
constituent parts of my plan. 

" This plan was, in my conception, conformable with the strict 
theory of a government purely republican ; the essential criteria 
of which are, that the principal organs of the executive and legis- 
lative departments be elected by the people, and hold the office by 
a responsible and temporary or defeasible nature. 

"A vote was taken on the proposition respecting the executive. 
Five States were in favor of it, — among these Virginia ; and 
though, from the manner of voting by delegations, individuals 
were not distinguished, it was morally certain, from the known 
situation of the Virginia members (six in number, two of them, 
Mason and Randolph, professing popular doctrines), that Madison 
must have concurred in the vote of Virginia. Thus, if I sinned 
against republicanism, Mr. Madison is not less guilty. 

"I may truly, then, say, that I never proposed either a President 
or Senate for life ; and that I neither recommended nor meditated 
the annihilation of the State governments. 

" And I may add that, in a course of the discussions in the 
convention, neither the propositions thrown out for debate, nor 
even those who voted in the earlier stages of deliberation, were 
considered as evidence of a definitive opinion in the proposer or 
voter. It appeared to be in some sort understood that, with a 
view to free investigation, experimental propositions might be 
made, which were to be received merely as suggestions for con- 
sideration. Accordingly, it is a fact that my final opinion was 
against an executive during good lehavior^ on account of the 
increased danger to the public tranquillity incident to the election 
of a magistrate of his degree of permanency. In the plan of a 
Constitution which I drew up while the convention was sitting, 
and which I communicated to Mr. Madison about the close of it, 
perhaps a day or two after, the ofiice of President has no longer 
duration than for three years. 

"This plan was predicated upon these bases; 1. That the 
political principles of the people of this country, would endure 



214 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

nothing but a republican government, 2. Tliat in the actual 
situation of the country it was itself right and proper that the 
republican theory should have a full and fair trial. 3. That to 
such a trial it was essential that the government should be so 
constructed as to give it all the energy and the stability recon- 
cilal)le with the principles of that theory. These were the genu- 
ine sentiments of my heart, and upon them I then acted. 

" I sincerely hope that it may not hereafter be discovered that, 
through want of sufficient attention to the last idea, the experi- 
ment of republican government, even in this country, has not 
been as complete, as satisfactory, and as decisive as could be 
wished. 

" Very truly, dear sir, your friend and servant, 

"Alexander Hamilton." 

In 1793, Genet, the French minister, arrived in this countiy. 
In testimony of services rendered by his country through the 
Revolution, the American people extended to him every con- 
sideration of regard. Hot-headed, inflated and ambitious, he 
drank the cup of adulation till his brain grew dizzy. In his 
overzealous efibrts to enlist our people in the cause of his coun- 
try, he stultified himself; widened the breach between political 
parties ; came near bringing about a rupture between the two 
nations, and finally subjected himself to the disgrace of a recall. 
To the neutrality proclamation issued by Washington, Hamilton 
was a stern and devoted friend. "When Genet refused to detain 
a vessel bound on a privateering cruise in the Philadelphia harbor, 
till difficulties were settled, Hamilton insisted upon its forcible 
detention. He also wrote his famous " Pacificus " letter, in de- 
fense of neutrality, which was an able and masterly defense of the 
administration. 

The liquidation, or at least the diminution of the public debt 
was with Hamilton a favorite measure. Among his last acts, as 
Secretary of the Treasury, was the elaboration of a scheme for 
this purpose, and a general report to Congress upon the subject 
of finance. The history of financial operations, through their 
development and progress from Genoa, Hamburgh and Amster- 
dam, to the present time, affords no better evidences of a complete 
master of the subject than does this report of Hamilton. It is 
somewhat lengthy, but vigorous, deep and clear. It will be found 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 215 

in the third volume of his posthumous works. He also in a 
report, of characteristic ability to Congress, recommended the 
establishment of a mint. Several reports upon subjects of vital 
interest followed ; among others, was one on manufactures, made 
in 1791 ; one on excise, made 1792, and another on loans, made 
in 1793. In spirit, power, profundity, style and research, these 
several reports were purely Hamiltonian. They will each be 
found in the volume of his works before referred to. These labors, 
closed his connection with the administration. To pay off the 
national debt, he was very anxious so to fix the sinking fund that 
it would be sufficient for that purpose ; indeed, he was desirous of 
establishing that fund upon such a basis, as precluded the possi- 
bility of its diversion from the legitimate object of its creation. 

In closing Hamilton's connection with the administration of 
Washington, a few words in regard to that relationship may not 
be amiss. "While too high an appreciation of Hamilton's virtue, 
patriotism and talents, could not well be entertained, we discard 
utterly, and in toto, the idea that he was, in any sense, the dictator 
of the first President. The idea that he, great as he was, could 
sway George Washington, is preposterous in the extreme. That 
the intimacy between Washington and himself was warm and 
disinterested, — that each had unlimited confidence in the other, 
no one will pretend to deny ; but, that he was the motive power 
of the first two administrations of this government, — that he, so 
to speak, was the entire legislativ^e, and Washington the executive 
power of the country, is most emphatically untrue. True, he was 
the ''confidential friend and adviser" of that great man, but, 
neither his, nor any other man's friendship or advice swayed him 
in the least, unless his own judgment approved. Recreant, indeed, 
to the memory, talent and genius of his mighty father, is the course 
of J. C Hamilton, when he attempts, through the Revolution, and 
afterward, to make the leader of the subordinate. The attempt 
will be, and should be, futile. Washington, is our man^ — all 
efforts to build a statue higher than his, for other men, only detract 
from the merits of those, to the perpetuity of whose fame such 
efibrts are directed, and show a want of discrimination and 
judgment on the part of those who make the attempt. 

Having retired from the arena of political affairs, he devoted 
himself to the practice of law. It is almost needless to say, that 
he was eminently successful. He at once entered upon a legal 



216 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

career, dazzlingly splendid and lucrative. Soon after, however, 
as vindicator of Washington's fame, he again became involved in 
the conti'oversial excitements of the times. So heated had be- 
come party animosities, that even "Washington was an object of 
abuse and detraction. As chief supporter of both his adminis- 
trations, Hamilton boldly and triumphantly vindicated him from 
the aspersions of malignant faction. 

It was during "Washington's second administration, that Hamil- 
ton was charged with fraud and improper use of the public funds. 
Soon after he left the Cabinet, the same charges were preferred 
with renewed force and vehemence. No doubt, they were false. 
The vindication of Hamilton himself, from the charges, was 
complete and satisfactory. Here, however, great and deserved as 
may, and should be, our admiration of Hamilton, he committed 
an error, a fault of which no extenuation will be attempted. 

In 1791, he became involved in an intrigue with Maria Rey- 
nolds of Philadelphia. Such an occurrence may be called unfortu- 
nate, — may be called a weakness, — that, however, would be to pass 
it by without censure ; fortune is too apt to be laden, pack-horso 
like, with the sins of men. Young men are already too prone, as 
they ponder the careers of the illustrious, — of those who, like 
Hamilton, justly identify their names with greatness through all 
time, — to regard departures from moral principle as peculiarities 
incident to great minds. But actions, great or small, perpetrated 
by whomsoever, partake of the same virtues, the same vices, and 
should be praised or condemned alike in the high and the low. 
Hamilton, it must be remembered, had a lovely loife^ — a heaute- 
ous boy ; notwithstanding he was the leader of a great party, the 
occupant of exalted position, high in the world's good-will, these 
relations condemn the act, as not comporting with that stern vir- 
tue, high principle, and true nobility, exemplifications of which 
should be expected in such men as Hamilton. Men, to be truly 
great, must be good. 

The intrigue originated in this way. Maria Reynolds, who, no 
doubt, was nothing more than a fascinating courtesan, obtruded 
herself upon Hamilton. She represented that she was the wife 
of a James Reynolds, by whom she had been abandoned and left 
in destitution. She said she wished to go to her home in New 
York, but had no means. Hamilton filled her purse. He after- 
ward visited her lodgings : an intimacy sprang up between them. 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 217 

His visits were continued until the appearance of the reputed hus- 
band, James Reynolds. It was now clear that Hamilton had 
been duped by an artful woman. The woman, it has been said, 
and no doubt, with truth, was not the wife of Reynolds. The 
whole scheme was concocted between the two, for the purpose 
of extorting funds from Hamilton. To avoid their persecution 
and exposure, Hamilton paid, in all, over a thousand dollars. 
Reynolds, in fact, became so impudent, that he applied to Hamil- 
ton for an important place in the Treasury department. Here the 
great sun of Hamllton's nobility shone brightly enough : that was 
public business. ISTotwithstandiug the threatened exposure, the 
secretary refused promptly any accession to his request. Unpleas- 
ant difficulties grew out of this affair. Having done all they 
could in the way of extortion, Reynolds and his wife turned their 
efforts to the defamation of his character. Finally, Congress 
heard of the matter : exaggerated reports of the amount of money 
spent to clear it up, had reached that body. Like a true man as 
he was, he explained fully and clearly the whole thing, and gave 
such satisfactory assurances and proofs that it was an individual 
affair, having nothing whatever to do with his public functions, 
that they regretted having made the application. Though the 
transaction passed generally from memory, it afforded ever after 
pretexts for Hamilton's enemies to attack him. It was, indeed, 
the first pretext used by Aaron Burr against him. Seemingly 
trifling as it may appear, in a general view, this affair should 
point to all young men, in solemn warning, the danger of one 
false step. To establish a character without influential prompt- 
ings, is hard indeed, but for one to stain his own reputation, how 



very easy 



This regretful afiair, though it paved the way to a series of 
charges against him, by his enemies, terminated, finally, without 
serious injury to his high character. The manliness with which 
he met each charge, — the bold manner in which he insisted upon 
a full investigation of the whole, proved, at least, that he possessed 
the soul of a lofty gentleman. 

On the submission of the Jay treaty, as already stated, great 
excitement ensued. The severest party prejudices and divisions 
were produced by it ; the administration was vigorously assailed. 
It was in defense of that treaty that Hamilton wrote his famous 
" Camillus'''' letters ; which will be found in his works, and worthy 



218 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

the careful study of every political student. These letters, and 
the influence of their author, did much to quell the excitements 
incident to the ratification of the treaty. On the dismissal of our 
ministers from the court of Versailles, and the assumption of so 
warlike an attitude by the French nation toward us, after the 
departure of Genet, Washington was called to the command. It 
is no small eulogy upon Haiviilton, that, on Washington's accept- 
ance, he was called to the post of Inspector-General. This ac- 
counts for his being called General Hamilton. He indicated no 
desire to turn from duties the discharge of which his country 
deemed incumbent upon him. He accepted the position ; and 
while hostile signs were pending strongest, wrote his " Titus 
Manliu8 " letters. He also wrote some pieces over the signature 
of " Tlie Standi'' for the purpose of stirring up the people to a 
point of resistance and maintenance of the national dignity. He 
held his appointment until after the death of Washington and the 
formal disband ment of the soldiers. 

Before Washington's retirement, he delivered that immortal 
farewell address, which is so well known. In the preparation of 
this work, the smallest departure from truth has been carefully 
guarded against: to do every one justice^ is our main object. 
When we deny the agency ascribed to Hamilton by his admirers, 
in the farewell address of Washington, no injustice is felt to have 
been done. While Washington was contemplating the perform- 
ance of that crowning duty of his mighty life, " Distrusting^ 
says one, " his own abilities as a writer^ impaired as they were 
by age and infirmity, to do full justice to his ovjn thoughts (the 
italics are ours) and feelings^ he looked around him for a coadju- 
tor among the statesmen of the land, to whose talents, prudence, 
and patriotism he could intrust the first draft of so important an 
instrument." George Washington " distrusting his own abili- 
ties '' to give "his own thoughts" or even his '•''feelings !"'' An 
intelligent school-boy would not believe it. The result of his 
having " looked around " for one competent to write his own fiire- 
well address, was, it is said, the selection of Hamilton. No man's 
admiration of Hamilton transcends our own, hut he never ivrote 
Wasldngton'' s farewell address — never. That document is Wash- 
ington in style, Washington in thought, conception and feeling ; 
there is nothing Hamiltonian about it. It reads like Washing- 
ton's other writings, evincing the same chaste, clear style, the 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 219 

same love of country, the same devotion to, and solicitude for, the 
people. On the conti'ary, compare it with the writings of Hamil- 
ton, and a direct departure, in every sense, from the elements of 
composition characteristic of that distinguished writer and states- 
man, is clearly visible. The truth is, Washington always advised 
with confidential friends, upon matters of importance, not through 
any " distrust of his own ability," but from a high sense of his 
obligations to the country, and a just appreciation of the judgment 
of others. When he wrote his farewell address, he submitted it 
as a friend., to the inspection of Hamilton and Jay. They pe- 
rused, and approved it, but returned it to him without altera- 
tion. That address could have been written by no man but 
Washington ; Hamilton, great as were his powers of composition, 
ingenious and dextrous as was his diamond pen, was not suffi- 
ciently adroit to effect a disguise of himself, so perfect and com- 
plete as seen in the farewell address. Hamilton could not, we 
think, improve on him, in whose creation. Divinity seemed to have 
placed, in every part, elements of perfection beyond the reach of 
further improvement. 

We now commence a new era in the life of Hamilton. On the 
death of Washington, and the elevation of the elder Adams to the 
presidency, the Federal party experienced a visible decline. The 
Democratic party, also, split to pieces. Three factions, led by the 
Livingstons, Clintons, and Aaron Burr, struggled each for ascen- 
dency. Burr, in 1800, conceived the idea of harmonizing them, 
into a consolidated party. He partially succeeded, and for the 
Assembly elections, in the spring of 1800, had united them upon; 
a ticket composed of some of the ablest men of New York. Never 
was political contest more heated. Hamilton, as the leader of 
the Federal party, battled manfully against his talented and wily 
antagonist, Aaron Burr. They came frequently in contact in 
warm discussion. At the election, the Federalists were beaten. 
This led to the efforts, elsewhere mentioned, to induce Jay, then 
governor of the State, to convene the legislature, to so alter the 
manner of electoral choice, that it would be done by districts, the 
Federalists then having legislative majorities. Jay refused to 
lend sanction to such a measure. Adams' administration closed 
in 1801. A new president and vice-president were to be elected : 
party heat ran high. Jefferson and Burr were the Republican 
candidates, Adams and Pinckney were the Federal. The canvass 
15 



220 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

was intensely exciting. Hamilton entered the strife with usual 
zeal and effect. He wrote several letters on the Adams' adminis- 
tration ; it was said, to secure more votes for Piuckney than 
Adams, — the rule then being that he who got the highest number 
of votes, was president, and the one who received the next highest 
number was vice-president. Burr seized upon these letters, and 
with a dextrous sagacity unsurpassed by any American statesman, 
published those portions of them reflecting somewhat upon Adams, 
to produce a breach in the Federal party. This course had the 
desired effect. The Federal party were shattered to pieces ; the 
democratic candidates, Jefierson and Burr, were elected by tre- 
mendous majorities. The two having received the same number 
of votes, produced the famous and excited election in the House, 
that created such a profound sensation. Jefferson and Burr were 
each accused of impropriety, during this contest. Burr, it was 
said, courted the favor of the Federal party. To this Hamilton, 
notwithstanding the hostility engendered between the two by re- 
cent developments, with characteristic magnanimity wrote a reply, 
fully exonerating Burr from any charge of that sort. 

From this contest may be dated the waning fortunes of Aaron 
Burr. Hamilton became, on the defeat of the Federal party, the 
subject of severe animadversions. The old charge, that he favored 
monarchy, was revived. It is sad to think that, at this time, some 
of his former friends failed to stand by him. The charge of mon- 
archy was made in the public prints, and was repeated publicly 
by a man named Backer. This led to a challenge from Hamil- 
ton's eldest son, Philip. The challenge was accepted. The parties 
met. Philip Hamilton fell, his blood staining the same ground 
which was soon to drink that of his illustrious father. The Federal 
party was now in the minority. Party excitements reached a 
pitch beyond all precedent. Burr thought he could be elected 
governor of New York. He ran for that office in 1804. Every 
effort was made to defeat him. His opponent, though a Demo- 
crat, drew to him the larger number of Federal votes. Burr was 
abused and traduced. The papers of the State came from the 
press reeking with slanders against both his public and private 
character ; and before the ink had dried that blazoned them to the 
world, others were originated. In this Hamilton had no hand, 
though his opposition to Burr, in the canvass, was strong, influen- 
tial, and incessant. The election was held and Burr was beaten ; 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 221 

Hamilton was mainly instrumental in his defeat ; but for him 
Burr, no doubt, would have been elected. 

During the heated canvass, though Hamilton exerted all his 
powers, he did nothing that would bring a blush to the true man's 
cheek. That he disliked Burr, is evident ; but that he departed 
from the legitimate course of political electioneering, is untrue. 
He labored with all the zeal and ability of his ardent soul, fired 
fully up to the important necessity of putting forth every effort. 
The hostility between Hamilton and Burr now assumed a despe- 
rate shape. On his defeat for governor. Burr knew that his poli- 
tical star had gone down. Chafing under the lash of disappointed 
ambition, and smarting at the idea of the ascendency the result 
gave Hamilton over himself, it was not singular that feelings of 
enmity should be entertained toward one whom he looked upon 
as the chief author of his fallen fortunes. Hamilton, during the 
canvass, had, no doubt, imbibed some of the sentiments so pro- 
fusely circulated prejudicial to Burr ; but that he said or did any 
thing worthy of provoking a challenge from the latter, cannot be 
asserted. Among others who had figured in the political excite- 
ments of the times, was a Dr. Cooper. That gentleman published 
a lengthy letter in which, after dwelling upon Hamilton's course 
toward Burr, in the canvass, he says : " I could detail to you a 
still more despicable opinion^ which General Hamilton has 
expressed of Mr. Butt?'' In the summer of 1804, Burr called the 
attention of his friend, Judge Yan Ness, to this particular clause, 
informing him, at the same time, that he intended demanding 
satisfaction of Hamilton for its utterance. According to request 
Van Ness carried the following note to Hamilton from Burr: 

" You must perceive, sir, the necessity of a prompt and an un- 
qualified acknowledgment or denial of the use of any expressions 
which would warrant the assertions of Dr. Cooper. 

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, etc. 

Aakon Buee. 

He means here, by " assertions of Dr. Cooper," the same objec- 
tionable clause before named. Hamilton read the note, and ex- 
amined closely the clause to which it had reference. He then 

wrote the following reply : 

"New York, June 20, 1804. 

" SiE : — I have maturely reflected on the subject of your letter 
of the 18th inst., and the more I have reflected, the moro I have 



222 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

become convinced that I could not, without manifest impropriety, 
make the avowal or disavowal which you seem to think necessary. 
Tiie clause pointed out by Mr. Van Ness is in these terms : ' I 
could detail to you a still more desj>icahle opinion which General 
Hamilton has expressed of Mr, Burr.' To endeavor to discover 
the meaning of this declaration, I was obliged to seek, in the ante- 
cedent part of this letter, for the opinion to which it referred as 
having been already disclosed. I found it in these words : ' Gen- 
eral Hamilton and Judge Kent have declared,' in substance^ that 
they looked upon Mr. Burr to be a dangerous man^ and one 
who ought not to he trusted with the reins of government.'' 

"The language of Doctor Cooper plainly implies that he con- 
sidered this opinion of you, which he attributes to me, as a despi- 
cable one ; but he affirms that I have expressed some other more 
despicable., without, however, mentioning to whom, when, or 
where. 'Tis evident that the phrase 'still more despicable' admits 
of infinite shades, from very light to very dark. How am I to 
judge of the degree intended ? or how shall I annex any pre- 
cise idea to language so indefinite ? 

"Between gentlemen, despicable and more despicable are not 
worth the pains of distinction ; when, therefore, you do not inter- 
rogate me as to the opinion which is specifically ascribed to me, I 
must conclude that you view it as within the limits to which the 
animadversions of political opponents upon each other may justi- 
fiably extend, and, consequently, as not warranting the idea wdiich 
Doctor Cooper appears to entertain. If so, what precise inference 
could you draw as a guide for your conduct, were I to acknowl- 
edge that I had expressed an opinion of you still more despicable 
than the one which is particularized ? How could you be sure 
that even this opinion had exceeded the bounds which you would 
yourself deem admissible between political opponents ? 

" But I forbear further comment on the embarrassment to which 
the requisition you have made naturally leads. The occasion 
forbids a more ample illustration, though nothing could be more 
easy than to pursue it. 

"Kepeating that I can not reconcile it with propriety to make 
the acknowledgment or denial you desire, I will add that I deem 
it inadmissible, on principle, to consent to be interrogated as to 
the justice of the inferences which may be drawn by others from 
whatever I have said of a political opponent in the course of 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 223 

fifteen years' competition. If there were no other objection to it, 
this is sufficient, that it would tend to expose my sincerity and 
delicacy to injurious imputations from every person who may at 
any time have conceived the import of my expressions differently 
from what I may then have intended or may afterward recollect. 
I stand ready to avow or disavow promptly and explicitly any 
precise or definite opinion which I may be charged with having 
declai-ed of any gentleman. More than this can not fitly be ex- 
pected from me ; and, especially, it can not be reasonably expected 
that I shall enter into any explanation upon a basis so vague as 
that you have adopted. I trust, on more reflection, you will see 
the matter in the same light with me. If not, I can only regret 
the circumstance, and must abide the consequences. 

"The publication of Doctor Cooper was never seen by me till 
after the receipt of your letter. I have the honor to be, etc. 

" Alex. Hamilton." 

To this reply, which it seems should have been satisfactory, 
Burr rejoined, saying that " the common sense of mankind affixed 
to the epithets adopted by Dr. Cooper, the idea of dishonor," that 
the reply contained nothing desired, and still insisted upon satis- 
faction. 

On the reception of Burr's second note, Hamilton told Yan 
Ness, that the charge was not sufficiently specific to admit of 
defense or acknowledgment, and that the last note from his I'riend 
was too ofieusive to allow further correspondence. He also told 
him, that he might withdraw Burr's second note, to pave the way 
to pacification, but until it was withdrawn, no further communi- 
cation could be had. The next day Van Ness was the bearer of 
another note to Hamilton; this, however, was not delivered at the 
time in consequence of his absence from home. Hamilton sent 
Yan Ness a note, informing him that he would be at home the 
next Monday morning. 

On the 22d of June, Hamilton had an interview with his 
friend, Mr. Pendleton, upon the subject, telling him that a duel 
would perhaps be the result ; that he could have no further com- 
munication with Burr, until the second ofiensive letter was with- 
drawn ; which he refused to do. Still manifesting a desire to 
adjust the matter, he gave Mr. Pendleton the following note for 
Yan Ness : 



224 ALEXANDEK HAMILTON. 

"New Yoek, June 22, 1804. 

"Sik: — Your first letter, in a style too peremptory, made a 
demand, in my opinion, unprecedented and unwarrantable. My 
answer, pointing out the embarrassment, gave you an opportunity 
to take a less exceptionable course. You have not chosen to do 
it ; but, by your last letter, received this day, containing expres- 
sions indecorous and improper, you have increased the difiiculties 
to an explanation intrinsically incident to the nature of your 
application. 

"If by a 'definite reply' you mean the direct avowal or dis- 
avowal required in your first letter, I have no other answer to 
give than that which has already been given. If you mean any 
thing difierent, admitting of greater latitude, it is requisite you 
should explain. 

"I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, 

" Alex. Hamilton." 

The next Monday, Yan Ness called on Hamilton according to 
appointment, intending to deliver a formal challenge. Hamilton 
told him that he had given a note to Pendleton for Burr, that 
might open the way to reconciliation. Yan Ness remarked, that 
he had understood that no further correspondence would be had, 
unless the objectionable note was withdrawn, but that, if such 
were not the case, he would gladly await further results. Yan 
Isess immediately called on Pendleton, and took the note just 
referred to, to Burr. The seconds soon after met again. The 
note had no eflect upon the haughty Burr. Yan Ness gave 
Pendleton to understand, that nothing short of an unquali- 
fied disavowal by Hamilton, of ever having said or intended to 
say, any thing disreputable of Burr, at any time or place, or under 
any circumstances, would be satisfactory. This, Hamilton de- 
clined peremptorily. Hamilton, however, disavowed ever hav- 
ing made remarks against Burr as a private man ; that what he 
had said had reference to his political opinions and views entirely. 
Burr certainly was determined to bully Hamilton into disgrace, 
or fight him on the field. To his honorable concessions and dis- 
avowal. Burr gave no heed. He seemed, indeed, to become more 
insolent in each message. Hamilton received another note, 
through his friend Pendleton, which reafiirmed that nothing but 
the unequivocal denial alluded to, would be satisfactory. That a 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 225 

meeting could not be avoided, — that Burr was determined that it 
should not, became now clearly manifest. Other communications 
passed between the seconds, substantially a reiteration of the pre- 
ceding ones. Soon after their last interview, Yan Ness formally 
delivered to Pendleton the challenge of Burr ; which was accepted. 
Hard fate, — young, gifted and great, he goes to meet a death, 
whose pangs are not even soothed with Cliristiau consolation, — a 
sacrifice to the demon of disappointed ambition. On the accept- 
a^ ce of the challenge, Pendleton oflered to give Yan Ness Ham- 
ilton's written views upon the subject and his reasons for agree- 
ing to the meeting. Yan Ness said, that its acceptance precluded 
further communication, and would not receive them. The Circuit 
Court was then in session ; Hamilton was counsel in several 
weighty and highly important cases. For this reason, Pendle- 
ton requested that the meeting should be put off until the court 
adjourned, to enable Hamilton to complete his cases. Tliis was 
agreed to, and Pendleton stipulated that as soon as leisure 
would justify, his friend would meet Burr on the field. Nothing 
now remained but to fight. During the session of court, Hamil- 
ton discharged the duties of counsel in several very important 
and difiicult cases, with the same energy, talent and method, that 
always characterized him. He also made his will, and wrote a 
letter to his wife. These transactions being completed, on the 6th 
of July, the seconds had an interview and arranged for the final 
meeting. The meeting took place on the morning of the 11th of 
July, at Weehawken on the Jersey side. Burr was first on the 
ground, — Hamilton arrived soon after. They bowed to each other, 
and concluded the arrangements. They fought at ten paces ; 
the choice of position, and the right to give the word, fell, by lot, on 
Hamilton. The parties took their stands, — ten paces between 
Hamilton and death ! Burr was a man of powerful nerve, and an 
expert in the use of the pistol. Hamilton lacked not nerve, when 
aroused to effort by great actions ; but, no doubt, he felt on this 
occasion with the sensbility of true honor, that his position was 
unworthy of him. He was not as expert in the use of weapons 
as Burr. It was so arranged, that the second who gave the word, 
should ask if each were ready. If they were, he then said Pre- 
sent^ and the parties were to fire at their own discretion. Pendle- 
ton asked, "Are you ready?" being aflirmatively answered, he said, 
Pkesent! Burr fired in an instant, and Hamilton fell. Pendle 



226 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

ton always averred that Hamilton did not fire at his opponent. 
Van Ness said, however, that he did fire, and that he fired first. 
Hamilton, it is contended made a statement, prior to the meeting, 
to the efiect that he would not fire at Burr. It is presumed, how- 
ever, that he would hardly have placed himself within ten paces 
of such a pistol shot as Aaron Burr, without intention of defend- 
ing himself. Such a course would have been suicidal. Burr 
was not hurt, at all events. When Hamilton fell. Burr started 
hastily toward him, in a manner that indicated a desire of speaking. 
This interview, however, was unhappily prevented by the interpo- 
sition of "Van Ness. It is a source of regret. The world can 
never know what he would have said to the dying statesman on 
that occasion. 

A few words in regard to Aaron Burr, and he will be dismissed 
altogether. Few men, especially active political leaders, ever 
receive from the people the exact meed of praise or censure to 
which their merits or demerits entitle them. There is a certain 
position in the world's esteem, which, when attained, creates a 
disposition to elevate the occupant far above the mark of his true 
deserts. You may get almost to that position, but a failure to 
attain it, produces a proneness to sink you below the mark of 
merits really possessed. We do not intend to become eulogist of 
Aaron Burr ; he was, no doubt, in some respects, a bad man, — 
Washington regarded him as such, and he never failed to judge 
correctly. If any thing can be more unjust or untrue, than the 
assertion that he was worse than Benedict Arnold, it is the recent 
attempt to make him " a greater man and a better man " than 
Hamilton. Neither is true. Burr commenced his career with 
the most splendid prospects. Descended from ancestry of the first 
eminence, and on terms of intimacy with the most influential 
counselors , with a mind of great strength and depth, cultivated 
at the first schools, ambitious and ardent, he entered the list in 
the struggle for fame with a zeal and enthusiasm that seemed to 
insure success. He went into the Revolution with a bold and 
fearless determination to share its hardships with the patriots. 
He was connected with Arnold's Kennebec expedition, and was 
sent as messenger to General Montgomery. Disguised as a priest, 
with the greatest address, bravery, and fortitude, after many dan- 
gers he discharged that duty. Montgomery was won by his cour- 
age and fascinating qualities, and gave him a place in his stafi". 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 227 

He was with the general wheu he fell at Quebec, and always said 
that, if the soldiers had pushed ahead, they would have carried 
the place. Washington thought, at one time, after this, of placing 
him on his staff; but, on investigating some traits of his charac- 
ter, refused to do so, on the grounds that he wanted good men for 
officers. After the close of the war, by his superior address and 
powers as a politician, he rose rapidly to the highest honors. He 
was a Senator from New York, and was also attorney-general. 
He finally reached the second office in the gift of the people, and 
was, at one time, the most popular aspirant in the Republican 
party for the first. The protracted contest in the House, between 
Jefierson and himself, changed the tide of his aflTairs. His efforts 
to supplant Jefferson, drew against him the weight of his ponder- 
ous influence. He saw now the first honors of the nation, to 
procure which he doubtless made all else subordinate, fade from 
his too eager grasp. So far as his intentions against Mexico were 
concerned, or his aims at dismembering the confederacy, for which 
he was tried, the best evidences that the whole proceeding was 
more the result of ill-will, than the existence of any real causes 
of alarm, was his acquittal, in an ably conducted trial in the Su- 
preme Court, over which presided the venerable Chief Justice 
Marshall. 

As regards the causes resulting in the unfortunate duel with 
Hamu^ton, it is difficult to arrive at the exact state of the case. 
Hamilton had, no doubt, animadverted with severity upon him 
during the heated canvass in which he was beaten for governor. 
A knowledge of this, coupled with the smart of defeat, in which 
Hamilton had been chiefly instrumental, in a soul like his, of 
daring ambition, proud, haughty, uncompromising, produced an 
enmity against his rival, which, though wholly injustifiable, can- 
not be denounced as that of a murderer or an assassin. On the 
death of Hamilton, Burr became overwhelmed with torrents of 
popular odium. All his faults and wrongs were exaggerated in a 
thousand forms. After breasting the abuse for a while, — wrecked 
in prospects, — crushed in hope and fortune, he went to Europe a 
ruined man. Never was the fall of man from lofty position to 
abject poverty, more complete. 

While in Paris, the following entries in his diary show his state 
of utter destitution : 

"November 23d, 1810. Nothing from America, and really I 



228 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

shall starve. Borrowed three francs to-day. Four or five little 
debts keep me in constant alarm ; altogether about two louis. 

"December 1st, 1810. Mr. came in upon me this morn- 
ing, just as I was out of bed, for twenty-seven livres. Paid him, 
which took literally my last sous. When at Damon's, thought I 
miglit as well go to Pelasgie; set off, but recollected that I owed 
the woman who sits in the passage two sous for a cigar, so turned 
about to pursue my way by the Pont des Arts, which was fifteen 
paces ; remembered I had not wherewith to pay the toll, being 
one sous ; had to go all the way round by Pont Royal, more than 
^ half a mile." 

The death of his idolized and lovely daughter, Theodosia, 
that occurred afterward, hightened the pains of his situation. 
"Whatever may be said of Aaron Burr, his love and affection for 
his family, form a bright spot in his character, that prejudice can 
never dim, nor the finger of time efiace. There was no kinder 
husband, — a more devoted parent. " I would rather not live than 
not be the daughter of such a father," wrote Theodosia to him 
before her death. Burr, on his return to the land he left in mourn- 
ing, for the ornament he had snatched from her councils, was 
compelled to resume his profession for a support. Thirty long 
gloomy years rolled over him, like unfriendly night, with few stars 
to light his cheerless path. 

He reached his 81st year, and finally died in New York, on the 
13th of September, 1836. The following letter having reference 
to his death-bed scene, from Rev. Doctor Yanpelt, gives account 
of his last moments, and aflbrds some knowledge of his religious 
sentiments : 

" KewYork, Hammond St., Thursday, December 13, 1855. 

" In the summer, about the 20th of June, 1836, Colonel A. Burr 
came to Port Richmond Hotel, Staten Island, wlierehe took board, 
near which I then resided, as also did the relative and friend of 
Colonel Burr, Judge Ogden Edwards. The Colonel (Burr) being 
a valetudinarian, in feeble health, Judge Edwards solicited me, 
as often as I conveniently could, to visit him, and administer the 
consolation of religion to him, which, he said, was desired by 
Colonel Burr, and would be agreeable to him. 

"Accordingly, from that time till the 13th of September, 1836, 
the day on which he died at the said Port Richmond House, I 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 229 

visited him as a minister of the Gospel, once or twice a week. 
At these consecntive interviews I was uniformly received by him 
with his accustomed politeness and urbanity of manner. The 
time spent with him at each interview, — which was an hour, more 
or less, — was chiefly employed in religious conversations, adapt- 
ing to his declining health, his feeble state of body, and his ad- 
vanced age, concluding by prayer to Almighty God for the exer- 
cise of his great mercy, the influence of his Holy Spirit and divine 
blessing. In all M'hich he appeared to take an interest and be 
pleased, and particularly would thank me for the prayers I ofiered 
up in his behalf, for my kind offices, and the interest I took in his 
spiritual welfare, saying it gave him pleasure to see me and hear 
my voice. And when I reminded him of the advantages he had 
enjoyed, of his honored and pious ancestry, viz: his father a 
minister of the Gospel, and president of the college at Princeton, 
New Jersey, and his mother a descendant of the celebrated divine, 
Jonathan Edwards ; and that doubtless many prayers had gone up 
to Heaven from the hearts of his parents for his well-being and 
happiness, it seemed to affect him. And when I asked him as to 
his views of the Holy Scriptures, he responded. — ' They are the 
most perfect system of truth the world has ever seen.' So that 
judging from his own declaration and behavior to me, as his 
spiritual adviser, he was not an atheist nor a deist. 

"I did not administer the holy sacrament to him, nor did he 
suggest and request me to do it. 

"In regard to other topics, in the course of repeated conver- 
sations, he remarked he was near General Montgomery when he 
fell at Quebec ; and that notwithstanding that disaster, if the army 
had pushed on, they would have succeeded. In reference to the 
afiair and death of General Hamilton but little was said. He 
intimated, however, that he was provoked to that encounter. 

"At my last interview with him, about 12 o'clock at noon, the 
day he departed this life, about 2 o'clock, p. m., as aforesaid, 
September 13, 1836, I found him as usual, pleased to see me, 
tranquil in mind, and not disturbed by bodily pain. 

" Observing a paleness and change in his countenance, and his 
pulse tremulous, fluttering and erratic, I asked him how he felt. 
He replied, not so well as when I saw him last. I then said, 
' Colonel, I do not wish to alarm you, but judging from the state 
of your pulse, your time with us is short.' He replied, 'lam 



230 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

aware of it.' It was then near 1 o'clock, p. m., and his mind and 
memory seemed perfect. I said to him, 'In this solemn hour of 
your apparent dissolution, believing as you do, in the sacred 
Scriptures, your accountability to God, let me ask you how you 
feel in view of approaching eternity ; whether you have good 
hope, through grace, that all your sins will be pardoned, and God 
will, in mercy, pardon you, for the sake of the merits and righte- 
ousness of his beloved son, our Lord Jesus Christ, who in love 
sufiered and died for us the agonizing, bitter death of the cross, 
by whom alone we can have the only sure hope of salvation V To 
which he said, with deep and evident emotion, ' On that subject 
I am coy ;' by which I understood him to mean, that on a subject 
of much magnitude and momentous interest, touching the assur- 
ance of his salvation, he felt coy, cautious (as the word denotes) 
to express himself in full confidence. 

" With his usual cordial concurrence and manifest desire we 
kneeled in prayer before the throne of heavenly grace, — implor- 
ing God's mercy and blessing. He turned in his bed, and put 
himself in an humble devotional posture, and seemed deeply 
engaged in the religious service, thanking me, as usual, for the 
prayer made for him. 

" Calm and composed, I recommended him to the mercy of God 
and to the word of his grace, with a last farewell. At about two 
o'clock, p. M , without a groan or a struggle, he breathed his last. 
His death was easy and gentle as a taper in the socket, and as the 
summer's wave that dies upon the shore. Thus died Colonel 
Aaron Burr. 

"His first funeral service was performed by me in the Port 
Richmond House, where he died. Thence we took his remains 
to the chapel of Princeton College, New Jersey, where Dr. Carna- 
han, the president, and myself, performed his last funeral service 
before the students, the faculty, the military, and a numerous 
assemblage, and he was buried, as he requested, in the sepulchel 
of his ancestors. 

" With respect, P. J. Yanpelt." 

Thus died Aaron Burr. With a powerful and vigorous intel- 
lect, he combined the most dextrous skill in furthering his 
measures, and was among the ablest politicians of his day. Pos- 
Bessing an iron will, and a sanguine temperament, with acutest 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 231 

perception he formed his schemes and devoted himself to their 
execution with indomitable energy. Bold and intrepid, wily and 
artful as a Talleyrand, he prosecuted his designs with vigilance, 
method and system, and was at one time feared even by Jefferson 
himself. Courteous, bland and affable, fascinating in conversation, 
he was welcome in the social circle, and drew men toward him by 
the suavity of his manners. He was ambitious, — but, whether his 
ambition was of that lofty mold that looked to the amelioration of 
his country and his kind, or of that sordid cast of selfishness that 
aimed at his own exclusive elevation, and made principle subser- 
vient to policy, is a question that would seem easy of solution. 
It was evidently of the latter nature. His career forms a fruitful 
source of study for the student and the statesman. Youth can 
look to his rise and fall, and see, at least, an example of the 
futility of talent, genius, energy and ambition, when not sustained 
by the basis of high principle and moral worth. 

We now return to Hamilton, where we left him bleeding to 
death at Weehawken. Burr's ball broke one of his ribs, pene- 
trated the liver, and lodged in the vertebrse. As he fell, he re- 
marked to his surgeon, that the wound would prove fatal. He 
was immediately overcome with a stupor, that indicated speedy 
death. On reaching the boat, he slowly opened his eyes exclaim- 
ing : " My vision is indistinct." He then looked at his pistols, 
saying : " Pendleton knows I did not intend to fire." Hamilton 
did say, before going to the field, that he should not fire. On being 
hit by Burr, with a spasmodic effort, he raised himself up, and 
simultaneous with the movement, his pistol fired. After launching 
the boat, his limbs became paralyzed. On reaching the shore, he 
requested that his wife should be sent for immediately. He was 
now conveyed to the residence of Mr. Bayard. He continued to 
sink through the day, enduring the intensest pain with great forti- 
tude and equanimity. During the day, he requested that the 
Lord's supper should be administered to him. Prayer was had 
in his room, and every comfort given him that circumstances 
would permit. Hamilton gave, before his death, an unqualified 
disapproval of the infamous practice of dueling. A little before 
he died, Rev. Bishop Moore asked him these questions : " Do 
you sincerely repent of your sins ? Have you a lively faith in 
God's mercy through Christ, with a thankful remembrance of the 
death of Christ ? Are you disposed to live in love and charity 



232 ALEXANDEE HAMILTON. 

with all men ?" To which, Hamilton thus faintly but clearly re- 
plied: "With utmost sincerity of heart, I can answer those 
questions in the affirmative. I have no ill-will against Colonel 
Burr. I met him with a fixed resolution to do him no harm. I 
forgive all that happened." A solemn scene was that death- 
chamber. Weeping friends gathered round, while heart-throbs of 
woe filled every bosom. The agony of his lovely wife knew no 
bounds. She was almost crushed under the weight of misery. 
Hamilton turned to her, and exclaimed : " You must remember, 
my Eliza, you are a Christian." Having folded her to his bosom 
for the last time, and given her a look of deepest tenderness, he 
fell back and expired. He died, July 12th, 1804, about two 
o'clock p. M., the day after he received his wound. He was 
buried Saturday, July 14th, with all the respect due to so 
honored a man. All day the bells tolled mournful peals. He 
was accompanied to the grave by an immense concourse of mourn- 
ing citizens, — including the order of the Cincinnati, the military, 
members of the bar, and students. All, by common consent, 
joined in sad homage to the illustrious dead ; Governeur Morris 
delivered a solemn and appropriate address on the occasion. 
Thus closed the mortal career of Alexander Hamilton. Well 
might Mason exclaim : " Washington died, but left us Hamilton ; 
Hamilton fell, but left us no Washington. Bereaved America!" 




JOHN" ADAMS. 



JOHN ADAMS. 



It was said of the great Athenian, Aristides, that 

To be, and not to seem, is this man's maxim ; 
His mind reposes on its proper wisdom. 
And wants no other pi-aise.* 

The application of these lines to the second President of the United 
States, whatever may have been his faults, is certainly not very 
unjust. The firmness, wisdom, and patriotism of John Adams, 
taken in connection with his labors at an early period of the Re- 
public, and protracted through a long life of usefulness and honor, 
entitle him to a place in the first ranks of our illustrious men. 
The pain incident to a conscious inability to do full justice to this 
great man, is somewhat relieved by the pleasure derived from an 
attempt to delineate those high moral and virtuous qualities, that 
will forever remain identified with his name, and adorn his- 
career. 

JoEN Adams was born October 19, 1735. His mother's name,, 
before marriage, was Boylston, daughter of Peter Boylston of" 
Brookline. His father's name, as was also that of his grandfather,, 
was John Adams. His ancestry can be traced back, it is claimed,, 
to 1629, the year in which the first Charles granted the Massa- 
chusetts charter. Among those, indeed, to whom the charter 
was given, svas a John Adams, from whom, it is asserted, our 
subject sprang. His forefathers were not very wealthy, but had 
means enough for purposes of comfort and convenience. His 
father received a collegiate education, and, in turn, conferred on 

* ^schylus. 
16 (233) 



234 JOHN ADAMS. 

his son the beDefits of Harvard College. His graDcIfather, in 
fact, it is said, had twelve children, to each of whom he gave, as 
unfailing legacies, collegiate educations. The whole stock seems 
to have had a correct appreciation of learning, and strong de- 
sires of reaping its advantages. Hence, John Adams, who was 
placed at college when quite a boy, bent himself with alacrity to 
his studies, and soon ranked among the best scholars in his class. 
In his class were several students who afterward reached distinc- 
tion in various spheres. His career, at college, was marked by 
habits of stnd}^, strict sobriety, punctuality, and kind and afiable 
manners. His amusements and recreations were more of that 
quiet sortjindicative of a meditative mind, than of the rollicking, 
gay diversions, characteristic of a restless, adventurous spirit. 
After having graduated, which he did with much credit, in 1755, 
he opened a grammar school in the town of "Worcester, Massa- 
chusetts. Teaching was not, to him, a very congenial voca- 
tion, yet it afforded excellent avenues for training his mind, and 
giving him some experience of men and things about him. Its 
irksomeness tended also to produce a desire to rise to a position in 
which he would not be necessitated to resort to the " rule and rod " 
for his maintenance. 

Much of his spare time was occupied in writing letters to his 
friends. Some of these were preserved, and reappeared nearly a 
half century afterward. We shall insert but one of these, as 
showing the turn of his mind when in his twentieth year. It was 
written to a young friend, as follows : 

"Worcester, October 12, 1755. 

" All that part of creation which lies within our observation, is 
liable to change. Even mighty states and kingdoms are not 
exempted. If we look into history, we shall find some nations 
rising from contemptible beginnings, and spreading their influ- 
ence till the whole globe is subjected to their sway. When they 
have reached the summit of grandeur, some minute and unsus- 
pected cause commonly effects their ruin, and the empire of the 
world is transferred to some other place. Immortal Rome was, 
at first, but an insignificant village, inhabited only by a few aban- 
doned ruffians ; but, by degrees, it rose to a stupendous bight, and 
excelled in arts and arms, all the nations that preceded her. But 
the demolition of Carthage (what one should think would have 



JOHN ADAMS. 235 

established her in supreme dominion), by removing all danger, 
suffered her to sink into debauchery, and made her, at length, an 
easy prey to barbarians. England, immediately upon this, began 
to increase (the particular and minute causes of which I am not 
historian enough to trace) in power and magnificence, and is now 
the greatest power upon the globe. Soon after the Eeformation, 
a few people came over into this New "World for conscience' sake. 
Perhaps this apparently trivial incident may transfer the seat of 
empire into America. 

" It looks likely to me ; for if we can remove the turbulent Gal- 
lics, our people, according to the exactest computations, will, 
in another century, become more numerous than England itself. 
Sliould this be the case, since we have, I may say, all the naval 
stores in the nation in our hands, it will be easy to obtain mastery 
of the seas ; and then the united forces of all Europe will not be 
able to subdue us. The only way to keep us from setting up for 
ourselves, is to disunite us. Divide et impera. Keep us in 
distinct colonies, and then some great men in each colony, desir- 
ing the monarchy of the whole, they will destroy each other's 
influence, and keep the country in equilihrio. 

*'Be not surprised that I am turned politician. This whole 
town is immersed in politics. The interests of nations, and all the 
dirceo^ war, make the subject of every conversation. I sit and 
hear, and after having been led through a maze of sage observa- 
tions, I sometimes retire, and, by laying things together, form 
some pleasing reflections to myself. The produce of one of these 
reveries you have read above. Different thoughts and different 
objects may have drawn your thoughts other ways. I shall think 
myself happy if, in your turn, you communicate your lucubrations 
to me. I wrote you some time since, and have waited with im- 
patience for an answer, but have been disappointed. I hope 
that the lady at Barnstable has not made you forget your friend. 
Friendship, I take it, is one of the distinguishing glories of man, 
and the creature that is insensible of its charms, though he may 
wear the shape of man, is unworthy of the character. In this, 
perhaps, we bear a nearer resemblance to unembodied intelli- 
gences than in any thing else. From this I expect to receive the 
chief happiness of my future life ; and am sorry that fortune has 
thrown me at such a distance from those of my friends who have 
the highest place in my affections. But thus it is. and I must 



23G . JOHN ADAMS. 

submit. But I hope erelong to return, and live in that familiarity 
that has, from earliest infancy, subsisted between yourself and 
affectionate friend, ^^J . „ 

It is pleasing to peruse these letters, written during the youth 
of our great men ; besides, they form an index to qualities, capa- 
cities, and the early bent of dispositions and aspirations that were 
to make them distinguished. 

Fruitful themes there were then, for political discussion. It waa 
the year of Braddock's defeat, and in the midst of hostilities be- 
tween England and France. No wonder the future statesman 
" turned politician," and from the various speeches and assemblies 
directed his mind to the formation of " reflections pleasing to 
himself." The conclusions to which he came, in regard to future 
American greatness, were exceedingly just. Though as a literary 
effort there is nothing extraordinary in it, its penetration into the 
depths of the future evinces a strong meditative capacity. He 
saw unmistakable signs, in the convulsions which were tearing 
Europe to pieces, of the mighty spirit of popular will, that, from 
the fragments of broken kingdoms and despotisms was to take its 
chosen abode in America, as the seat of empire. Up to the time 
this letter was written, he had not settled upon what profession 
he would embark in. Some of his friends urged him to the clergy. 
For this vocation he had no decided taste. He shortly after wrote 
his friend Cranch the following, which shows a dislike to his situ- 
ation as a village schoolmaster. * * * " When the nim- 
ble hours have tackled Apollo's coursers, and the gay deity mounts 
the eastern sky, the gloomy pedagogue arises frowning and lower- 
ing like a black cloud begrimed with uncommon wrath, to blast 
a devoted land. "When the destined time arrives, he enters upon 
action, and, as a haughty monarch ascends his throne, the peda- 
gogue mounts his awful great chair, and dispenses right and 
justice through his whole empire. His obsequious subjects exe- 
cute the imperial mandates with cheerfulness, and think it their 
high happiness to be employed in the service of the emperor, 
k^ometimes paper, sometimes penknife, now birch, now arithme- 
tic, now a ferule, the a, b, c, then scolding, then flattering, then 
tliwacking, calls for the pedagogue's attention. At length, his 
spirits all exhausted, down comes pedagogue from his throne, and 
walks out in awful solemnity through a cringing multitude. In 



JOHN ADAMS. 237 

the afternoon, he passes through the same dreadful scenes, smokes 
his pipe and goes to bed." * * * 

It was October, 1756, before lie had decided upon his future 
course of life. The intermediate time had been chiefly devoted to 
the duties of his village school. His prospects were rather gloomy 
and uncertain. Master of no profession, without means or friends, 
except what he had contracted at college or during his school, he 
had to look about him for the stepping-stone to that fame for 
which he thirsted. When did energy and perseverance, backed 
by medium talents and correct principle, fail to overcome every 
obstruction ? Never ! He at length determined to study law, a 
profession for which a vigorous physical constitution, strong vocal 
organs, ready perceptive faculties, industry, and more than ordi- 
nary attainments, eminently qualified him. After he concluded 
to read law, he devoted himself to it with unwearied application. 
He had to maintain himself, however, in the meantime ; six hours 
of each day were devoted to teaching, and the residue with com- 
mentators and writers on jurisprudence. He made a practice 
during this time, of keeping a diary, in which he entered the 
various occurrences and incidents of the day, observations on the 
weather, the manner in which he passed the day, etc. 

Adams was fond of reading, and read with as candid and un- 
prejudiced spirit as man ever did. He took a strong dislike to 
Calvin, "• frigid Calvin," as he termed him. It has been said that 
the bigotry and intolerance ascribed to Calvin was the main thing 
tliat induced in Adams a repugnance to the ministry. He read 
Bolingbroke, and though it had no influence, in an infidel point 
of view, he became one of his favorite authors, whom he reperused, 
long years after, with great pleasure. Though he denounces 
Boliugbruke's religion as ''pompous folly," he says "his style is 
original and inimitable, resembling more the oratory of the 
ancients, than any writings or speeches I ever read in English." 
He also confesses, notwithstanding "Burke once asked, who ever 
read him through ?" to have perused his entire works no less than 
three times. 

In 1758, he obtained license and commenced industriously the 
prosecution of his profession. For sometime after he obtained 
his license, he lived with his father in the town of Braintree. 
Many things tended to cast a gloom over his feelings. He was 
poor and in comparative obscurity. Whether his efforts in his 



238 JOHN ADAMS. 

profession would be a failure, was a consideration of deepest 
solicitude. When not engaged in legal matters or studies, he 
prepared some rules for practicable compliance. The following 
are examples of this species of his labors : 

" Which, dear youth, will you prefer, — a life of efieminacy, 
indolence and obscurity, or a life of industry, temperance and 
honor ? Take my advice ; rise and mount your horse by the 
morning's dawn, and shake away, amidst the great and beautiful 
scenes of nature that appear at that time of the day, all the cru- 
dities that are left in your stomach, and all the obstructions that 
are left in your brain. Then return to your studies and bend 
your whole soul to the institutes of the law and the reports of 
cases that have been adjusted by the rules in the institutes. Let 
no trifling diversions, or amusement, or company, decoy you from 
your books: i. e., no girl, no gun, no cards, no dress, no flutes, no 
violins, no tobacco, no laziness. 

" Labor to get distinct ideas of law, right, wrong, justice, 
equity ; search for them in your own mind, in Koman, Grecian, 
French and English treatises of natural, civil, common and 
statute law. Aim at an exact knowledge of the nature, end, and 
means of civil government. Study Seneca, Cicero, and all other 
good moral writers. Study Montesquieu, Bolingbroke, Viunius, 
and all other good civil writers." Immediately after this, comes 
the following: * * * " I have insensibly fallen into the 
habit of aflecting wit and humor, of shrugging my shoulders, and 
moving, distorting the muscles of my face. My motions are 
stifi' and uneasy, ungraceful, and my attention is unsteady and 
irregular. 

" These are reflections on myself that I make. They are faults, 
defects, fopperies, follies and disadvantages. Can I mend these 
faults, and supply these defects?" 

The disagreeable feelings incident to his position, while teach- 
ing at Worcester, were sometimes gladdened by the companion- 
ship of Mr. Sewell, who had resolved also to read law, and who 
eventually attained some popularity. Between them, quite an inti- 
macy sprang up. When they were separated, quite a lengthy cor- 
respondence ensued, of a very interesting nature, as exhibiting, 
not only their qualities of heart, but their views confidentially given 
to each other upon matters of importance, then claiming public 
attention. 



JOHN ADAMS. 239 

By the statutes of Charles the 2d, and William the 3d, the 
governors of the Court of Exchequer, in England, passed the 
f ower to issue " writs of assistance," granting the right of search- 
ing trunks, boxes and chests, for concealed and smuggled valu- 
ables. Governor Shirley undertook to apply the same process in 
this country; but, instead of deriving his writs from the proper 
source, he issued them himself. He was remonstrated with, upon 
their illegality. Application was made to the Superior Court, 
for its sanction to process. Adams had just begun to practice in 
the Superior Court ; but, as yet, had but few cases. The principle 
embodied in the application was contrary to the spirit of the times, 
and was, in one sense, similar to those which brought about the 
Kevolution. Among the able and eloquent barristers attending 
court at that time, was James Otis. He managed the case against 
the application. Seldom has orator been more thoroughly worked 
up to his theme. He made one of those thrilling and rousing 
eflbrts, characteristic of the provincial speakers of the time, that 
had such telling effect in urging the colonies to revolution. 
Adams listened to the speech with profound attention. From 
that day, his love for his country and opposition to foreign usur- 
pation, was ardent and deep. 

During the first few years of Adams' legal career, he got but 
little business to attend to ; he was careful, however, to devote his 
hours of leisure to acquirement of some knowledge that would be 
useful to him. He was a close and attentive reader, and obtained 
a vast amount of information. In 1761, he lost his father, who 
died of a fever. The first office to which Adams was ever elected, 
was that of surveyor of the highway, — ^a post which had been 
filled by his father, grandfather, and great grandfather. He de- 
voted himself now to the study of law with a zeal and ardor that 
evinced a determination to make himself thoroughly master of the 
profession. In 1764, Adams married Abigail Smith, of the town 
of Weymouth, a lady of beauty and accomplishment. This mar- 
riage was very happy. Adams was immediately placed in 
relationship with influential personages, and in the midst of a 
good practice. About this time, he was made overseer of the 
poor, and town assessor. An intimacy, at this time, sprang up' 
between Adams and Dr. Joseph Warren. Warren was, indeed, 
his family physician, up to the time his martyr blood flowed at 
Bunker Hill. Adams continued the discharge of his various 



240 JOHN ADAMS. f 

duties as attorney, etc., with devotion and fidelity, without how- 
ever, gaining any great reputation, until the commencement of 
troublous excitements growing out of the Stamp Act. That 
odious measure had just fairly been originated, when he appealed 
to the citizens, through a petition, to maintain their true principles 
in resistance to it. He drafted the instructions to their represen- 
tative, which were approved by tlie citizens, and were afterward 
adopted by many other places for similar objects. Adajsis became 
a member of a law club, — a species of legal association formed 
for the mutual improvement of the members. Of this society, he 
was long a member, and communicated to it some able and elab- 
orately written dissertations upon law and jurisprudence. From 
the time of the final passage of the Stamp Act, by the British 
Parliament, in 1765, Adams became closely allied with the friends 
of colonial right, and intimately identified with the history of his 
country. The Stamps designed for the colony of Massachusetts, 
reached Boston in September ; the Act was to be in full force on 
the 1st of November. We doubt whether there ever existed 
greater excitements, or more justifying causes for them. Boston 
seemed to be the central point of the colonial outbursts. A large 
meeting was held in the city, composed of the first citizens, fired 
by the harangues of most popular speakers. This meeting 
decided upon immediate presentation of memorials to the gover- 
nor, denouncing his course in the interdiction of their courts, 
which had been done, because the judges refused the use of the 
Stamps. 

The day after this meeting, Adams, in connection with Otis and 
Gridley, was selected to urge the memorials. He was gloomy 
enough under the influence of surrounding prospects. The very 
state of things that was to bring him upon the proper theater for 
the display of his powers, and lift him into fame, he deplored, as 
prefiguring the destruction of all his hopes of honor and distinc- 
tion in the legal profession. 

Tlie following entry was made in his diary at this time, showing 
how he felt: 

"December 18th, I was but just getting into my gears, — just 
getting under sail, and an embargo is laid upon the ship. Thirty 
years of my life have passed in preparation for business. I have 
had poverty to struggle with ; envy and jealousy, and malice of 
enemies to encounter ; no friends, or but few to assist me ; so 



JOHN ADAMS. 241 

that I have groped in dark obscurity, till of late, and had but just 
become known ; and gained a small degree of reputation, when 
this execrable project was set on foot for my ruin, as well as that of 
America in general, and of Great Britain." 

On learning his selection to present the memorial, he lost much 
of his despondency. He seemed roused to a new species of 
ambition and duty, and resolved to plant himself firmly against 
tyranny and exactions. No time was lost in preparation and 
soliloquy. They presented the petition in council, that sat with 
doors closed. Adams opened the argument in a very clear, able, 
and elaborate manner. Though his remarks did not partake of 
the fire and zeal of an Otis, or a Henry, they were of more 
methodical depth, and were of perfect clearness. These efforts, 
however, efiected nothing of importance. Upon the ground that 
it was a judicial matter, it was decided that the council had 
nothing to do w^ith it. After considerable interruption, the courts 
gradually recommenced transactions, while the repeal of the Stamp 
Act followed. 

In those times of turbulent excitements, men frequently forgot 
their nobler attributes and natures, and gave way to the worst 
passions. Adams, ever meditative, as at his Worcester school, 
had ample opportunity of studying men and things, and forming 
conclusions and " reflections pleasing to himself." In view of the 
social disorder, incident to the disturbed condition of the country, 
he made, during his argument in a law case of some importance, 
the following remarks : '' Party strife seemed to have wrought an 
entire metamorphosis of the human character ; it destroyed all 
sense and understanding ; all equity and humanity ; all memory 
and regard to truth ; all virtue, honor, decorum and veracity." 

Upon the failure to accomplish any thing with the council and 
governor, upon the subject of the courts being closed, Adams and 
his associates made to a town meeting, a report of their proceedings. 
Adams also delivered a brief address, in which judicious hints 
were thrown out, in reference to prompt and vigorous measures. 
The vote of the meeting, upon the unsatisfactory reception of their 
committee, was entirely unanimous. The unbounded joy that pre ■ 
vailed throughout the colonies, on the repeal of the Stamp Act, 
was of short duration. The other measures embodying the same 
principles, that immediately followed, were no less intolerable. 

During all contests that attended the development of a series 



242 JOHN ADAMS. 

of oppressions toward the colonists, Adams sided with the resist^ 
ing party. Most of his time was devoted to his profession and 
the duties of a heavy and increasing practice; though, wdien 
called upon to take part in political matters he complied. In 
1768, he removed to Boston, his home being hitherto at Brain- 
tree. On his arrival in Boston, the office of Advocate-General in 
the Admiralty Court, was tendered him by Governor Bernard. 
This he declined accepting. He soon became immersed in lucra- 
tive business. During attendance to his professional duties, the 
revolutionary spirit of the colonies, was being fanned by perse- 
cution into a blaze that was soon to burst over the whole Conti- 
nent. While the venerable Chatham was endeavoring to quell the 
war spirit in Parliament, Adams was preparing himself to act a 
great civic part through the approaching period of storm. Adams' 
business of a legal nature, called him to points at some distance. 
His practice embraced a circuit of many miles. During his 
absence on a professional tour, great clianges were going on in 
Boston. Governor and council were clamorous against each 
other ; resistance was loudly called for ; a convention met, and 
tdok steps to resist further aggressions. He returned to see his 
adopted city menaced by warrior Britons, while revolution was 
opening its first red page of blood. To Adams, this quartering 
of hostile troops in the city of his adoption, was intensely mortify- 
ing. In all the controversies between the governor and council, 
the people and the courts, he had warndy espoused tlie cause of 
tlie latter. We have seen that, in the first instruction from his 
native town, to their representative, he expressed himself unequiv- 
ocally on the side of the people. To Governor Hutchinson, who 
had created, all the time, great difficulties, he became an object 
of considerable antipathy ; with the people, he was now among 
the most prominent men in Boston, — he and Josiah Quincy being 
regarded somewhat as leaders in the popular movement. In the 
Boston riots, that occurred just previous, several persons were 
killed, otliers dangerously wounded. Men, against whom the 
allegation of being the perpetrators, were taken prisoners, and 
subjected to trial. Adams and Quincy were employed as counsel 
in their defense. 

On the 6th of June, only a short time after the riots, Adams 
was elected to the House of Bepresentatives, from Boston. This is 
tlie true starting-point of his rising fortunes. He felt grateful 



JOHN ADAMS. 243 

at the manifestation of confidence, on the part of the people, con- 
veyed in his selection. He had, thus far, fought his way through 
cloud and gloom, through poverty and hardship, from obscurity 
to respectable station ; he now enjoyed a good business, and pos- 
sessed the confidence of his fellow-citizens. His star was evidently 
in the ascendant. On the convention of the next General Court, 
ceaseless causes of irritation immediately sprang up. Most of 
these were intrinsically of no interest in themselves, further than 
that they tended to accelerate the great event every one foresaw 
must take place. Adams, whose ambition had hitherto been to 
succeed in his profession, though for the first time a member, had 
posted himself fully upon the history and subjects of the times. 
He participated largel}'' in the various discussions. His firmness, 
prudence and caution, gave him great weight in the House. He 
was placed on several important committees, among others, one 
for the promotion of arts, manufactures, agriculture and commerce. 
He was also made one of the committee on correspondence, insti- 
tuted for the purpose of mutual protection and defense. 

Adams now left the House to defend Captain Preston, one of 
the principal men accused of bringing on the Boston riot. The 
defense was ably conducted upon strictly legitimate and correct 
principles. As a lawyer, Adams' strength did not consist in 
powers of speech. As a speaker, he was never gifted in any 
sense. Nor did it consist in a shrewd, penetrative acuteness, that 
drew out every fact, and turned it to advantage. He had great 
weight of character, that threw influence upon his side of cases. 
He also had a plain, clear, and very dignified matter-of-fact 
manner of doing business and arguing cases, that gave him much 
force in all trials. This case he conducted with considerable 
ability, and contrary to general expectation, procured a verdict of 
acquittal for his client. Considerable odium attached to Preston, 
for the part alleged against him in the riots, and Adams' friends 
urged him not to undertake the case at first, lest such a course 
would detract from his rising reputation. Adams promptly told 
them that, as a lawyer, he felt at liberty to enter upon the defense 
of any man, who, under the circumstances, as a client, might wish 
to avail himself of his services. 

At the close of these legal and representative labors, his health 
becoming somewhat impaired, he resolved to return to his old 
town, Braintree, and divert his mind from politics. He had, 



244 JOHN ADAMS. 

however, so endeared himself to the people, during the brief period 
he had been their public servant, that though to him, it was a 
matter of no small personal regret, to withdraw from them, was a 
matter of weighty consideration. The succeeding two years of 
his life, devoted to private pursuits, were full of painful anxieties 
in regard to the troublous state of afiairs. 

John Hancock and Samuel Adams were now at variance, 
produced by the obstinacy of Hutchinson, in the di#[)utes in regard 
to changing the place of holding the General Court sessions at 
Cambridge. Diflerences between these two leaders produced feel- 
ings of discord among their respective friends. While the gover- 
nor was rejoicing at this breach, through which he expected eventu- 
ally to push all his schemes, Adams was confident in their ultimate 
failure. He was right. The mask fell at length from Hutchinson, 
disclosing him in his true light. His secret and confidential letters 
were found. They showed plainly that he was scheming for the 
destruction and transfer of all colonial right to the crown.* 

Hutchinson's machinations, it would seem, were now at an end. 
Not quite so, however. Many persons began to talk of placing 
the judges of the courts under the control of the king. This 
would be a virtual surrender of the patriotic side of the question. 
Some men of note, indeed, advocated it. A man by the name 
of Brattle, made himself particularly conspicuous in the part 
he took ; he also favored the Stamp Act. He advocated it finally, 
in a manner of great publicity, concluding with a challenge to 
John Adams to take up the other side. Adams did take up the 
other side. In a series of excellent articles, abounding with 
patriotism, research and depth, published in the Boston Gazette, 
1773, he refuted every argument of Brattle, and hushed him up 
efiectually. On the perusal of this reply, Hutchinson, exasperated 
by the boldness of Samuel and John Adams, went in person to the 
General Court of representatives, and advocated English authority 
to regulate colonial matters. This argument was conceded to be 
one of ability, and vastly superior to any thing the governor liad 
ever before accomplished. In fact, answers to it were attempted by 
able whigs, in England, which were pronounced almost failures. 
It was a general review of the whole excitements, going back to 
the grants of charters, with seemingly plausible proofs to show that, 



*See Life and works of John Adams. 



JOHN ADAMS. 245 

from the very charters, the mother coimtry had the exclusive right 
to control her offspring, even tliough it be with a rod of iron. 

It is said that Lord Campbell confessed his inability to reply to 
this famous document. On its issue, the governor thinking it 
unanswerable, conceived that the contended authority was forever 
and firmly established. Joim Adams now entered upon the task 
of penning an answer to his assertions. No man in the colony was 
better calculated than he. He refuted every argument, and came 
off more victorious in the last, than in the first discussion. He 
too went back to the origin of the colonies, — traced their history, 
rise and progress, through untold difficulties, neglect and oppres- 
sion. He showed clearly that the very rights guaranteed by the 
charters were infringed. Historically, he proved the colonies had 
risen to consideration through their own tremendous eflbrts. 
Constitutionally, he proved that from the charters to the grantees, 
colonization through its diflerent and delicate stages, should have 
been protected by their provisions, and that under those very pro- 
visions, could be claimed the aid of those who were first to attack 
and trample upon chartered rights ; legally, he demonstrated that 
from all law, divine, natural, or civil, home, or international, 
the assertions of the crown, backed by Hutchinson, were an in- 
fringement of colonial rights, and a violation of every obligation 
expressed or implied in the charters. 

The following is the close of this able and searching production : 
. "The question appears to us to be no other than, whether we 
are the subjects of absolute unlimited power, or of a free govern- 
ment, formed on the principles of the English constitution. If 
your excellency's doctrine be true, the people of this province hold 
their lands of the crown and the people of England ; and their 
lives, liberties and properties, are at their disposal, and that even 
by compact and their own consent, they were subject to the 
king, as the head, alterms populi^ of another people, in whose 
legislature they have no voice or interest. They are, indeed, said 
to have a constitution and a legislature of their own ; but your 
excellency has explained it into a mere phantom, limited, controlled, 
superseded and nullified, at the will of another. Is this the 
constitution which so charmed our ancestors, that, as your excel- 
lency has informed us, they kept a day of solemn thanksgiving to 
Almighty God, when they received it? And were they men of 
so little discernment, such children in understanding, as to please 



24G JOHN ADAMS. 

themselves with the imagination that they were blessed with the 
same rights and liberties which natural born subjects in England 
enjoyed, when, at the same time, they had fully consented to be 
ruled and ordered by a legislature a thousand leagues from them, 
?\'hicli can not be supposed to be sufficiently acquainted with their 
circumstances, if concerned for their interests, and in which they 
can not be in any sense represented?" 

This was a most excellent expose of Hutchinson's fallacious 
reasoning in support of the crown, which attracted great attention, 
especially from the patriotic party. Samuel Adams and Mr. 
Ilawley, were said to have been concerned in the preparation of 
the document, — but its merits have been ascribed, and we think 
justly, to JouN Adams. Hutchinson, who had vaunted himself 
highly on his argument, now saw his ephemeral honors crumble 
from his brow, before the superior wisdom, sagacity and powers 
of his antagonist. Hutchinson's prospects failed, and all his 
schemes toppled to pieces a short time after this. Through the 
agency of Franhlin, a package of letters, — secret, mischievous 
letters, was sent from England to John Adams. Among these 
were some from Hutchinson, placing, beyond all doubt or cavil, 
that though colonial governor, he was, and had long been con- 
niving to reduce the provinces to entire British prei'ogative. This 
stroke stretched him low, and forever, to the scorn and contempt 
of the people. Adams, at the time, noted it thus, in his diary: 
"These cool projectors and speculators in politics, will ruin this 
country. Bone of our bone, born and educated among us ; Mr. 
Hancock is deeply affected ; is determined, in conjunction with 
Major Hawley, to watch the wily serpent, and his deputy serpent, 
Brattle. The subtlety of this serpent is equal to that of the old 
one." 

The strong grounds taken by Adams, for the people, and 
triumphant maintenance of their rights, now determined them to 
place him in a legislative capacity. Just before the election, 
which took place. May 25th, 1773, he made the following entry 
in his diary, which shows, at least, a heart above the dictates of 
selfish motives, and a patriotism beyond the reach of faction : 

"May 24, 1773. To-morrow is our general election. The 
plots, plans, schemes and machinations of this evening and night, 
will be very numerous. By the number of ministerial, govern- 
mental people returned, and by the secrecy of the friends of 



JOHN ADAMS. 247 

liberty, relating to the grand discovery of the complete evidence 
of the whole mystery of iniquity. I much fear the election will 
go unhappily. For myself, I own I tremble at the thought of an 
election. What will be expected of me ? "What will be required 
of me ? What duties and obligations will result to me from an 
election? What duties to my God, my king, my country, my 
family, my friends, myself? What perplexities, intricacies and 
difficulties shall I be exposed to ? What snares and temptations 
will be thrown in my way? What self-denials and mortifications 
shall I be obliged to bear ? 

" If I should be called, in the course of Providence, to take a 
part in public life, I shall take a fearless, intrepid, undaunted part 
at all hazards ; though it shall be my endeavor, likewise, to act a 
prudent, cautious, and considerate part. But, if I should be ex- 
cused by a non-election, or by the exertions of prerogative, from 
engaging in public business, I shall enjoy a sweet tranquillity in 
the pursuit of my private business, in the education of my chil- 
dren, and in a constant attention to the preservation of my health. 
This last is the most selfish and pleasant system ; the first, the 
more generous, though arduous and disagreeable." 

The exertions of prerogative did interfere with the performance 
of these public cares, from which he expressed a more than willing- 
ness to be exempt. The secret letters, before-named, of Hutchin- 
son, were made the instrument of his final removal from a position, 
his occupancy of which, had brought innumerable difficulties 
to the province. Being made generally known, the king and 
Parliament were petitioned for his removal. He went to England 
to vindicate himself, thinking, no doubt, to return again and 
re-establish his unpopular authority. He never returned, nor did 
the province lose much by his absence. His withdrawal, however, 
did not settle the difficulties between the judges, courts, and 
people: not long after his departure, one of the judges, it was 
ascertained, had accepted agreements from the crown, regulative 
of his office. This created quite a sensation, and produced great 
dissatisfaction on the part of the people. Nothing now but a bold 
movement could put a stop to the growing disposition on the part 
of public functionaries, to root out the last remains of cherished 
rights ; no man was better calculated to take initiatory steps to 
that movement than John Adams. On his own responsibility, 
he suggested the impeachment of the judge, who had thus set 



248 JOHN ADAMS. 

colonial regulations at defiance. The idea struck even the patriots 
with surprise, — they had not thought of an expedient so high- 
handed as that. After being thoroughly canvassed, and all the cir- 
cumstances duly weighed, it was acted upon. The chief justice 
of the Superior Court, Oliver, was impeached for crimes against 
the colonies. On submission to the representatives, it was sus- 
tained almost with unanimity. Oliver saw nothing could turn 
the tide that was washing his foundation aM'ay in fragments. He 
convened the court, but no business could be transacted. Every- 
body said that his authority was at an end until an investigation 
of the charges. No further attempts were made by him to open 
a court, nor was it opened for some time. This was among the 
boldest steps yet taken in the march to revolution. It ended 
effectually, and forever, the career and influence of Hutchinson 
and his coadjutors in the province of Massachusetts. 

These events were followed by still greater excitements. Gen-^- 
eral Gage was placed in higher authority, — his jurisdiction was 
extended, and his army increased. Next came more overt acts 
of hostility, — and then the famous Boston Tea Party. We were 
now precipitated into an actual war, — a national life or death 
grapple. Adams had now for some time been in a state of depres- 
sion. Out of business, because the courts were closed, — warmly 
devoted to a profession he could not follow, because barred from its 
pursuits by the turbulence of the times, and not being over-confi- 
dent of success in the contest, which had in reality commenced, 
he sometimes gave way to forebodings, which, if they were not 
gloomy, were certainly not hopeful or buoyant. He had, all along, 
sided with the people in every instance where their rights came to 
be disputed, or assailed by the prerogative, — and there he was 
certain to remain. A letter written from Boston about this time, 
to his wife, shows the state of his feelings : 

"Boston, Ma?/ 12, 1774. 

" My own infirmities, the account of the return of yours, and 
the public news, coming all together, have put my philosopy to 
the test. We live, my dear soul, in an age of trial. What will 
be the consequence I know not. The town of Boston, for aught 
I can see, must suffer martyrdom. It must expire. And our 
principal consolation is, that it dies in a noble cause, — the cause 
of truth, of virtue, of liberty and of humanity, and that it will 



JOHN ADAMS. 249 

probably have a glorious resurrection to greater wealth, splendor 
and power than ever. 

" Let me know what is best for us to do. It is expensive keep- 
ing a family here, and there is no prospect of any business in my 
way in this town all summer. I don't receive a shilling a week. 
We must contrive as many ways as we can to save expenses ; for 
we may have urgent calls to contribute, in proportion to our cir- 
cumstances, to prevent other very honest people from suflering for 
want, beside our own, in point of business and profit. 

" Don't imagine from all this, that I am in the dumps ; I can 
truly say, that I have felt more spirits and activity since the 
arrival of this news, than I have done for years. I look upon 
this as the last effort of Lord North's despair, and he will as 
surely be defeated in it, as he was in the project of the tea." 

Though this note does not indicate that fire, zeal, and enthusi- 
asm, that emanated from most of the revolutionary patriots at 
this time, it conveys a perfect idea of that calm collectedness of 
mind, and clearness of judgment, that marked Adams through 
life. 

Here commences the influential part of Adams' political career. 
Hitherto, wedded to his profession and private pm'suits, he had 
shunned, rather than courted, the suffrages of the people. A little 
after the tea destruction, the representatives met, and with doors 
locked, resolved to recommend the assemblage at Philadelphia, 
of delegates from each colony, to take matters into their own 
hands. Notwithstanding eflbrts were made to silence their delibe- 
rations, and dissolve the meeting, the resolution was carried. 
Nor did they stop here ; they proceeded to select those regarded) 
as best calculated to protect their interest in that important con- 
ference. 

Among those selected was John Adams. He was now unex- 
pectedly thrown forward to a responsible position. These move- 
ments virtually abolished foreign supremacy, and ended the 
haughty reign of provincial governors in the Bay State. Adams, 
though he had firmly determined to stand by the cause, had his 
doubts in regard to the result of a Congressional convention. His 
timidity, however, was purely patriotic. He wrote the following 
to his wife, while absent on a professional tour: " I must prepare 
for a journey to Philadelphia. A long journey indeed ; but if the 
length of the journey were all, it would be no burden ; but the 
17 



^50 JOHN ADAMS. 

consideration of" what is to be done, is of great weight. Great 
things are wanted to be done, and little things only, I fear, can be 
done. I dread the thought of the Congress falling short of the 
expectations of the Continent, but especially of the people of the 
province. Yapors avaunt! I will do nay duty, and leave the 
event. If I want the approbation of my own mind, whether 
applauded or censured, blessed or cursed by the world, I will not 
be unhappy. I must entreat you, my dear partner, in all the joys 
and sorrows prosperity and adversity of my life, to take a part 
with me in the struggle. I pray God for your health, and entreat 
you to rouse your wdiole attention to the family, the stock, the 
farm, and the dairy. Let every article of expense which can. pos- 
sibly be spared be retrenched. Keep the hands attentive to their 
business, and let the most prudent measures of every kind, be 
adopted and pursued with alacrity and spirit." 

On the 10th of August the delegates from Massachusetts started 
for Philadelphia, to participate in the proceedings of that grand 
old Continental Congress, the joyful precursor of freedom, peace, 
and o-reatness. Here Adams was thrown in contact with the 
ablest men of those mighty times, nor suffered from the contrast. 
Going to meet a Congress composed of men from all the colonies, 
as delegates seeking assistance for the protection of 07ie, placed 
the Massachusetts members in a situation different from most of 
the others. Their business was to make the outrages committed 
against her cities, trade, and commerce, a general cause. Could 
they do it ? "Would the other colonies enter into the contest with 
ardor and enthusiasm ? These were questions on which, in the 
mind of Adams, remained some doubt. All fears, however, were 
soon dissipated. Immediately on the convention of Congress, he 
said the following words: "This day (September 17) convinced 
me, that America will support Massachusetts, or perish with her." 

That first Congress was composed of a remarkable body of men, 
in some respects the most remarkable that ever convened in this 
country. Fired by the zeal and impetuosity of the Rutledges 
and Harrisons from the south, — sustained by the tornado-like 
appeals of Patrick Henry and Richard Henry Lee from Yirginia, — 
purified by the virtue of Jay, — tempered by the wisdom and pru- 
dence of Samuel and John Adams, it was a body heterogeneous 
in opinion, yet not in feeling. Three opinions prevailed with 
their respective advocates; some wished things pushed to an 



JOHN ADAMS. 251 

immediate crisis ; others thought that no active steps should be 
taken, — still harboring the idea of peace ; while a third party 
advocated the non-importation and exportation agreements, be- 
lieviug that such a course would change the ministerial tone. 
Adams says of this body: "Fifty gentlemen meetiug together, all 
strangers, are not acquainted with each other's language, ideas, 
views, and designs. They are therefore jealous of each other, 
fearful, timid, skittish. The art and address of embassadors from 
a dozen belligerent powers of Europe, nay, of a conclave of car- 
dinals at the election of a pope, or of the princes in Germany at 
the choice of an emperor, would not exceed the specimens we 
have seen. Yet the Congress all profess the same political prin- 
ciples. They all profess to consider our province as suffering 
in the common cause ; and, indeed, they seem to feel for us as if 
for themselves." He goes on to say : "We have had numberless 
prejudices to remove here. We have been obliged to act with 
great delicacy and caution. We have been obliged to keep our- 
selves out of sight, and to feel pulses and to sound the depths ; to 
insinuate our sentiments, designs, and desires, by means of other 
persons ; sometimes of one province and sometimes of another. 
Patience, forbearance, long-suffering are the lessons taught here 
for our province, and at the same time open an absolute resistance 
to the new government. * * * * X may venture to tell 
you that I believe we shall agree to the non-importation, non- 
consumption, and non-exportation agreements, but not to com- 
mence as soon as I could wish." 

Adams was one of the committee that prepared the celebrated 
Bill of Rights, elsewhere spoken of. While on this committee, 
he took the opportunity of departing from the restrictive circum- 
ference of human liberty, and asserted the broad principles of 
natural freedom, as embodied in our subsequent Declaration. 
His ideas were not incorporated into the report of the committee, 
being opposed by the conservative members as tending to retard 
negotiations with England, hopes of which were still entertained. 

Next came a subject for consideration more difficult than all. 
Parliamentary power over the colonies was to be specified. What 
were those powers to be, and for how long ? Samuel Adams 
denied the existence of any power. John Adams agreed with 
him, but urged " consent " to just enough for pacific objects. 
Adams, in view of this state of feeling, advocated the sentiments 



252 JOHN ADAMS. 

embraced in the following resolution : " Resolved^ That the fonn- 
dation of English liberty, and of all free government, is a right in 
the people to participate in their legislative councils ; and as the 
English colonies are not represented, apd from their local, and 
other circumstances, cannot be properly represented in the British 
Parliament, they are entitled to a free and exclusive power of 
legislation in their several provincial legislatures, where theii 
right of representation can alone be preserved, in all cases of taxa- 
tion and internal polity, subject only to the negative of their sove- 
reign, in such manner as has been heretofore used and accustomed. 
But, from the necessity of the case^ and a regard to the mutual 
interests of both countries, we cheerfully consent to the operation 
of such acts of Parliament as are hona fide restrained to the regu- 
lation of our external commerce, for the purpose of securing the 
commercial advantages of the whole empire to the mother country 
and the commercial benefits of its respective members; excluding 
QYQxy idea of taxation, internal or external, for raising a revenue 
on the subjects in America without their consent." 

This resolution was not satisfactory. Parliamentary control of 
trade was next insisted upon. Adams opposed. This power, 
however, was finally conceded. Congress adjourned, after delibe- 
rating about two months. The most important business trans- 
acted, was the adoption of the "agreements." Its convention, 
however, produced good results. It showed greater unanimity 
of feeling than could have been expected, in regard to a struggle 
upon the threshold of which we stood without sword, spear, shield 
or helmet. The wisdom of tlie American people was first called 
out in an aggregate body. It shone most conspicuously, — so 
much so that Chatham, himself, though he said he had read 
Thucydides, and studied the ablest masters, he had never seen it 
excelled. We know not, — will never know, — how much we owe 
to that Continental Congress. Adams, who had gone into its 
deliberations right from the seat of highest agitation, was firm 
and unflinching in his opposition to any measures in the least 
favorable to a recognition of English power to control the colonies 
A> ithout representation. Though he favored the non -importation 
a:id non-exportation agreements, he did not attach the efficacious 
influences to their operation entertained by many other members. 
Enough had been done, at least, to show to the world that, in 
the contingency of war, America stood ready to fight, and fight 



JOHN ADAMS. 253 

to the death. Enough, too, had been done to show clearly, that 
the cause of Massachusetts would be made that of the whole 
country. To these results Adams had contributed very much. 
He took no neutral ground, unless to conciliate some members 
sufficientl}' to get their support upon measures vitally important. 
He could return to the people, whose interests he was deputed to 
subserve, with a clear consciousness of having done what was 
required, and helped to relieve their fears of besieged isolation. 

To Adams, that convention proved just the kind of school he 
needed, to prepare himself for the high positions he was destined 
to fill. His knowledge of the great concerns of the country had 
before been chiefly confined to Boston, and his circuit. He had 
now enjoyed friendly communion with the best men of the coun- 
try, and measured strength, in political discussions, with the ablest 
intellects. Everywhere he formed acquaintances and attachments 
esteemed, valuable, and lasting. He left that body with a higher 
degree of hope, a more exalted idea of duty, and a juster concep- 
tion of his capacity to serve his country, "Whetted against the 
other great intellects that moved around him, he left Philadelphia 
with his own sharpened to keener edge and more elastic appli- 
cation, 

Adams, however, was always inclined to view things on the 
darkest side. His experience in the convention did not do away 
with this inclination. On his way home, he perceived that oppo- 
sition to the " agreements " was ripe. This spirit had been stirred 
by a set of newspaper scribblers and getters up of documents 
boding the ruin of the country, and appealing to men most inter- 
ested, for resistance. 

On his return home he was elected to the provincial Congress, 
and served with accustomed fidelity until its adjournment. During 
the winter of 1774, he published, in the Boston Gazette, a series 
of articles over the signature of " Novanglus," which, for the his- 
torical knowledge they contained of the colonial difficulties, were 
subsequently several times republished. They are now to be 
found in the works of Adams, They were written in reply to 
some very able letters published in behalf of the loyalists. He 
bestowed no pains upon their finish, further than was necessary 
to truth and argument. As literary productions, they possess no 
very great merit, Adams, indeed, was not a writer of elegance 
or grace ; yet he was clear and forcible. He was again appointed 



254 JOHN ADAMS. 

to the Continental Congress, which met in the spring of 1775. 
The whole aspect of afiairs, in the meantime, underwent a great 
change. A change of ministry, anxious for hostilities, had taken 
place in England. The colonies too, goaded on by continued. 
oppression, were not so averse, and ceased to expect conciliation. 
In New York, the excitement ran high. Congress had not con- 
vened, when the clash of arms at Concord announced the first 
active scene in the great war drama. In view of events, Adams 
wrote thus, while on his way to Congress, just after having viewed 
the scene of skirmish: "Lord North will certainly be disappointed 
in his expectation of seducing New York.* Dr. Cooper has fled 
on board a man-of-war, and the tories are humbled in the dust." 
On reaching Philadelphia, he thus wrote : " It would take sheets 
of paper to give a description of the reception the delegates have 
met here. The militia were all in arms, and the whole city out 
to meet them. * * * Our business is more extensive 
and complicated, — more affecting and hazardous, — hut our una- 
nliniiy will not he less.'''' 

Soon after Congress had convened, he wrote thus : " No assem- 
bly ever had a greater number of greater objects before them. 
Provinces, nations, empires are small things before us. I wish 
we were good architects." To all further pacific overtures, in the 
shape of petition, etc., of which it will be remembered Dickinson 
was a strong advocate, Adams was strongly opposed, and main- 
tained his opposition with clear and forcible argumentation. His 
arguments, and the efibrts of those who acted with him, did some 
good. Though petition was agreed to, vigorous measures of de- 
fense were entered upon, in case of their failure to efiect any good 
results. 

Throughout the deliberations of that Congress, Adams was a 
consistent advocate of resistance to the measures of England, and 
a resort to arms. He did all in his power to secure the selection 
of Washington for the post of commander-in-chief of the armies. 
On the accomplishment of that desire, he thus wrote: " I can now 
inform you, that the Congress have made choice of the modest, 
generous, the amiable, the virtuous, and brave George Washing- 
ton, Esq., to be general of the American army, and that he is to 
repair as soon as possible to the camp before Boston. This 

* Great efforts had been made to keep her out of the union. 



JOHN ADAMS. 255 

appointment will have a great effect in cementing and securing 
the union of these coloniesP 

Just after the battle of Buuker Hill, he imprudently wrote the 
following letters to friends at home, which he dispatched by a 
courier, without thinking they might never reach their destination. 
The one to his wife runs thus: "It is now almost three mouths 
since I left you ; in every part of which my anxiety about you and 
the children, as well as ouv country, has been extreme. The busi- 
ness I have had on my mind has been as great and important as 
can be intrusted to man, and the difficulty and intricacy of it 
prodigious. When fifty or sixty men have a constitution to form 
for a great empire, at the same time that they have a country of 
fifteen hundred miles' extent to fortify, — millions to arm and 
train, — a naval power to begin, — an extensive commerce to regu- 
late, — numerous tribes of Indians to negotiate with, — a standing 
army of tw^enty thousand men to raise, — pay ofiicers and victual 
troops, I really shall pity those fifty or sixty men. I wish I had 
given you a complete history, from the beginning to the end, of 
the behavior of my compatriots. No mortal tale can equal it. I 
will tell you, in future, but you must keep it secret. The fidgets, 
the whims, the caprice, the vanity, the superstition, the irritability 
of some of us, is enough to — ." His letter to General Warren 
was still worse : — 

" July 24th. I am determined to write freely to you, this time. 
A certain great fortune and piddling genius, whose fame has been 
trumpeted so loudly, has given a silly cast to our whole doings. 
We are between hawk and buzzard. We ought to have had in 
our hands, a month ago, the whole legislature, executive and judi- 
cial, of the whole Continent, and have completely modeled a Con- 
stitution ; to have raised a naval power, and opened all our ports 
wide ; to have arrested every fi-iend on the Continent, and held 
them as hostages for the poor victims in Boston ; and then opened 
the door as wide as possible for peace and reconciliation. After 
this, they might have petitioned, negotiated, addressed, etc., if 
they would. Is all this extravagant ? Is it wild ? Is it not the 
soundest policy ? 

" One piece of new^s. Seven thousand pounds of powder arrived 
last night. We shall send you some of it as soon as we can, but 
you must be patient and frugal. We are lost in the exteusiveuess 
of our field of business. We have a continental treasury to estab 



256 JOHN ADAMS. 

lish, a paymaster to choose, aud a committee of correspondence, 
safety, or accounts, or something, I know not what, that has con- 
founded us all this day." 

"Shall 1 hail you speaker of the House, or counselor, or what? 
What kind of an election had 3-ou ? What sort of magistrates do 
you intend to make ? Will your new legislature or executive feel 
bold or irresolute ? Will your judicial hang, and fine, and im- 
prison without scruple? I want to see our distressed country 
very much, once more, yet I dread the sight of devastation. You 
observe, in your letter, the oddity of a great man. He is a queer 
creature ; but you must love his dogs, if you love him, and forgive 
a thousand whims for the sake of the soldier and the scholar." 

The British intercepted these letters, just as the bearer was 
approaching Boston. They were published by order of General 
Gage, and cut quite a figure for a time. They were ridiculed, 
paraphrased, satirized, and the writer jeered in every conceivable 
shape. They tended, for a while, to make Adams unpopular. 
He, in fact, was often shunned in the street, and regarded by many, 
who were not as npe for extreme measures as himself, as proving 
recreant to the best interests of his country. Circumstances proved 
that he was right. The petitions and remonstrances forwarded to 
England, at the instance of those who had less nerve than himself, 
were treated with perfect and silent contempt. Dickinson, who 
had, heretofore, been the advocate of these pacific overtures, was 
even himself astounded at the bold, imperious tone of the British 
ministry. Congress did much to carry out the spirit, so vividly 
manifest, of resorting to arms ; they organized and equipped an 
army, aud appointed its officers from the highest grade to the 
lowest. 

Notwithstanding Congress had made considerable preparation, 
enough had not been done to satisfy Adams. When the question 
of adjournment came to be considered, he opposed it with energy. 
Contrary, however, to his wishes, the house adjourned. 

Adams now had, as he thought, a brief respite from public 
cares, and returned to the bosom of his family for its enjoyment. 
His time was trenched upon, however, by calls from his friends, 
and the necessities of his country. The provincial council of 
Massachusetts, a very deficient form of State government, was in 
session at the adjournment of Congress. Thither he was called, 
for the purpose of giving his influence and powers in behalf of its 



JOHX ADAMS. 257 

iuterests. Having completed these labors, he started again to 
Philadelphia as a member of Congress. Soon after his arrival in 
that city, he thus wrote to his wife : 

" I arrived here in good health, after an agreeable journey, last 
Wednesday. There had not been members enough to make a 
House, several colonies being absent, so that I was just in time. 
The next day an adequate number appeared, and Congress have 
sat ever since. Georgia is now fully represented, and united to 
the other twelve. Their delegates are Zubly, a clergyman of the 
Independent persuasion, who has a parish in that colony, and a 
good deal of property. He is a native of Switzerland, is a man 
of learning and ingenuity. It is said, he is master of several 
languages, Greek, Latin, French, Dutch and English. In the 
latter, it is said, he writes tolerably. He is a man of zeal and 
spirit, as we have already seen upon several occasions. 

" Mr, Bullock is another of the Georgian delegates ; a sensible 
man, a planter, I suppose. Mr. Houston is the third ; a young 
lawyer of modesty, spirit, and sense ; which, you will say, is uncom- 
mon. Mr. Jones and Dr. Hall are not yet arrived. 

" Mr. Henry is made a general in Virginia, and therefore could 
not come. Mr. Pendleton and Colonel Bland, excused themselves 
on account of age and ill health. Messrs. Nelson, Wythe, and 
Lee, are chosen, and are here in the stead of the other three. 
Wythe and Lee are inoculated: you shall hear more about them. 
Although they came in the room of very good men, we have lost 
nothing I believe." 

By his favoring such active measures of hostility, Adams had 
rendered himself odious to a large number of old friends, who, 
though equally patriotic, differed so widely from him on questions 
of policy, that they regarded him as departing from the correct 
course, and creating a barrier to a peaceful adjustment of diffi- 
culties. 

It seems strange that, after the days of Lexington and Bunker 
Hill, people should be so blind, as to hope for other than a peace 
conquered at the point of the bayonet. Dickinson, through whose 
agency the last petition had been drawn and presented, was par- 
ticularly severe in his hostile feelings toward Adams. They met 
in the street one day, and Dickinson refused to recognize him. 
Adams was rather an independent man, but in some respects, 
possessed a sensitiveness amounting almost to timidity. 



258 JOHN ADAMS. 

. Insignificant as was this trifling afiair, he made an entry of it 
in his diarj. 

The letters which had fallen into the hands of the British, 
indeed, afforded grounds to some, for heaping upon Adams all 
sorts of abuse and denunciation. Forgetful of the fact, that they 
were confidential, — written to bosom friends, — his enemies availed 
themselves of them, to stigmatize the author. Johk and Samuel 
Adams, those bold, intrepid spirits of right, now began openly to 
advocate independence. They were seconded by the Lees, and 
others of no less renown for their eloquence, power, and patriotism. 
Tlie measure had its opponents too, chief among whom, figured 
Dickinson. Never in any country, or on the floor of any house, 
did a legislative assembly discuss with greater force or fervor, the 
bearings of a measure. Never did political deliberations present 
a sublimer spectacle, or one more worthy a great nation. 

About this time, also, two other projects, in which Adams felt 
deep interest, received consideration. These were steps to the 
establishment of a navy, and the formation of State governments. 
In this latter measure, Adams figured as one of the committee, 
and aided in the several plans presented. The institution of State 
governments, was an independent assumption, and received strong 
opposition. S[)eaking of this opposition, and the variance of 
members, Adams said: "Our councils have been hitherto too 
fluctuating ; one day, measures for carrying on the war were 
adopted ; the next, nothing must be done that would widen the 
unhappy breach between Great Britain and the colonies. As 
these different ideas have prevailed, our conduct has been directed 
accordingly. * * * Thank God, the happy day which I 
have long wished for, is at length arrived ; the southern colonies 
no longer entertain jealousies of the northern ; they no longer 
look back to Great Britain ; they are convinced that they have 
been pursuing a phantom, and that their only course is a vigorous 
and determined defense. One of the gentlemen, who has been 
most sanguine for pacific measures, and very jeaUms of the New 
England colonics, addressing me in the style of Brother Rehel^ 
told me he was now ready to join us heartily: 'We have got,' 
says he, ' a suflScient answer to" our petitions ; I want nothing 
more; but, am ready to declare ourselves independent, send 
embassadors,' etc., and much more, which prudence forbids me to 
commit to paper. 



JOHN ADAMS. 259 

" Our resolutions will henceforth be spirited, clear, and deci- 
sive. May the supreme Ruler of the universe direct and prosper 
them." 

While amid these labors, Adams was made, by his constituents, 
Chief Justice of the Superior Court, which was re-established 
during that session of Congress. lie was called to this post with 
a high degree of unanimity on the part of the people. He, there- 
fore, withdrew from Congress before the close of the session, 
for the purpose of conferring with the council in regard to his 
new duties. In this position he came fully up to the expectations 
of his friends. He gave dignity and stability to the council, and 
maintained strictly the supremacy of the law. His advice and 
opinions were souglit after by men of prominence, upon vital and 
important matters, and always received great weight. On the 
9th of February, 1775, he resumed his labors in Congress ; Gerry, 
Paine, Hancock and Samuel Adams were among his colleagues. 
It is needless, from what has been said, to repeat that Adams was 
in favor of independence. Soon after Congress met, a motion was 
made upon the direct question. The motion met a second ; but, 
for the time, failed. Adams made the following remark at the 
time: 

" After all our argumentation, however, we could not carry our 
motion ; but, after twenty subtle projects to get rid of it, the 
whole terminated in a committee of secret correspondence." 

The object of this secret committee, was " to correspond with 
friends in Great Britain, Ireland, and other parts of the world." 
It was made up mostly of men of great prudence ; but, who were 
adverse to making too bold steps. Franklin, perhaps, was among 
the most decided upon it. Adams, on account of his known and 
avowed favor to the measure, and his boldness in advocating 
his views, was not placed on the committee. The southern 
members of Congress, after getting worked up to the proper point 
of resistance, stood firmly forth, advocates of independence. 
The mature consideration of that measure, led them to an examin- 
ation of their internal regulations. Their institutions, in some 
essential features, were defective enough. To remove these de- 
fects, was a matter of serious moment and consideration. The 
state of things tended to produce a unanimity of feeling among 
the members. The southern members conferred with their more 
experienced, — but not more patriotic brethren of the north. 



260 JOHN ADAMS. 

Adams, ou acconut of his high position, wisdom and integrity, 
was consulted mucli, and profitably in these conferences. Ex- 
planatory of his views upon internal regulations, and various sub- 
jects, the following letter to Horatio Gates is inserted. It was 
called forth by the restraining act, and was written in the spring 
of 1776: 

" I agree with you, that in politics, the middle way is none at 
all. If we finally fail in this great and glorious contest, it will 
be by bewildering ourselves in groping after this middle way. 
We have hitherto conducted half a war; acted upon the line of 
defense, etc.; but you will see by to-morrow's paper, that for the 
future, we are likely to wage three quarters of a war. The 
continental ships of war, and provincial ships of war, and letters 
of marque, and privateers are permitted to cruise on British 
property, wherever found ou the ocean. This is not independency, 
you know. Nothing like it. If a port or two more, should bring 
you unlimited latitude of trade to all nations, and a polite invi- 
tation to all nations to trade with you, take care that you do not 
call it or think it independency. No such matter. Independency 
is a hobgoblin of such frightful mien, that it would throw a delicate 
person into fits to look it in the face. 

"I know not whether you have seen the act of Parliament, 
called the restraining act, or piratical act, or plundering act, or 
act of independency ; for, by all these titles it is called. I think 
that the most apposite is the act of independency. For kings, 
lords, and commons have united in sundering this country from 
that, I think, forever. It is a complete dismemberment of the 
British empire. It throws thirteen colonies out of the royal pro- 
tection, levels all distinctions, and makes us independent in spite 
of our supplications and entreaties. It may be fortunate that the 
act of independency should come from the British Parliament, 
rather than the American Congress ; but is very odd that Ameri- 
cans should hesitate at accepting such a gift from them. 

"However, my dear friend Gates, all our misfortunes arise 
from a single source ; the reluctance of the southern colonies to 
republican government. The success of this war depends on a 
skillful steerage of the political vessel. The difficulty lies in form- 
ing particular constitutions for particular colonies, and a conti- 
nental constitution for the whole. Each colony should establish 
its own government, and then a league should be formed between 



JOHN ADAMS. 261 

them all. This can be clone only on popular principles and 
axioms, which are so al)horreut to the inclinations of the barons 
of the south, and the proprietary interests in the middle States, 
as well as to that avarice of land, which has made on this Conti- 
nent so mauy votaries to mammon, that I sometimes dread the 
consequences. However, patience, fortitude and perseverance, 
M'ith the help of time, will get us over these obstructions. Thirteen 
colonies, under such a form of government as Connecticut, or one 
not quite so popular, leagued together in a faithful confederacy, 
might bid defiance against all the potentates of Europe, if united 
against them." 

So strongly were the sentiments embodied in the foregoing 
urged upon the people, and so influential in their efiects, that they 
were republished and extensively circulated. This was followed 
by his "Thoughts on Government," applicable to the present state 
of the American colonies. This last production created an exten- 
sive sensation all over the country, and was highly eulogized iu 
England by friends to the cause. No writings had hitherto been 
issued that contained so complete a history of the two sides of the 
question. It was thought that this document would prove inimical 
to their interests, by the peace party, and a reply was prepared to 
counteract such a result. Adams' advice and writings assisted 
very much in the formation of State governments, particularly in 
North Carolina and Virginia, both of which were then contem- 
plating a reorganization of their State institutions. Marked 
analogy is seen, in his suggestions, to the old colonial chartered 
forms of goverimieut, long adhered to in New England. His 
remarks were made after a plain, unpolished fashion, that partook 
to no great extent of literary merit or political ingenuity ; but they 
show good sound sense, correct views of government, and a strong 
and well-informed mind that was capable of imparting in true 
principles and practical correctness, what they lacked in finish of 
style and polish of composition. 

It has been said of him that " he read Milton, and Locke, and 
Phito, as much to avoid their errors, as to profit by their counsels." 
He was successful in both these designs, particularly so in the 
first ; in point of composition, there are certainly very few Mil- 
tonic "6r/W5 " to be found in his writings ; though they do evince 
the workings of a mind well read and essentially practical. It 
must be said here, that the recommendations of Adams were 



2G2 ' JOHN ADAMS. 

widely different, at this time, from those that were subsequently 
adopted, and different from ideas he himself afterward entertained. 
The idea of making each State independent of the others, con- 
trolled by but a single legislature, and that vested with scarcely 
any sovereign power, would not be very efficacious in securing 
strength and union necessary for such trying times as were then 
impending. His counsels, however, were considered, had their 
due weight, and exerted no small influence in the various organi- 
zations of State governments. Labors in this department, and his 
strong desire to push forward the Declaration of Independence, 
engrossed most of his time and thoughts. 

Strong men, men of talent, were still opposed to taking that 
step. Of those who favored it, Adams stood among the most 
steady and unflinching. Pleased at the growing popularity of 
the idea, he thus wrote, about this time: " The ports are opened 
wide enough at last, and privateers are allowed to j)rey upon 
British trade. This is not independence. What is ? Why a 

GOVERNMENT IN EVERY COLONY, A CONFEDERATION AMONG TIIEM, 

AND TREATIES WITH FOREIGN NATIONS, to acknowledge US a Sove- 
reign State, and all that : when these things will be, or any of 
them, time must discover. Perhaps the time is near, perhaps a 
great way off." 

From this time until independence was declared, Adams was 
found with the boldest advocates of the measure. Indeed he pre- 
sented many resolutions, originated, or was accessory to the ap- 
pointment of committees, whose reports, drafts, etc., bore strong 
analogy to the immortal document soon to be signed, that severed 
us forever from all relations, national, political and social, from 
Great Britain. Quite a change had taken place in the public 
mind, since Adams first planted himself squarely in favor of such 
a step ; so great, that by the 1st of July of the year of which we 
are speaking, 1776, the measure became very popular. In the 
latter part of June, a committee had been appointed whose report, 
recommending the principles subsequently embodied in the Decla- 
ration, was unanimously adopted. Thus the event was gradually, 
but slowly, ripening to glorious consummation. On the 1st of 
July, renewed discussion arose upon the subject, which resulted 
in its strengthened interests. Adams was pitted, in its favor, 
against Dickinson, the ablest man, perhaps, of the opposition. 
He made quite a lengthy and able speech in its behalf, with all 



JOHN ADAMS. 263 

the earnestness, feeling, and clearness characteristic of him. Elo- 
quent he never was, in speech; as a writer, he had some talent. 
No one will pretend to deny, however, the great weight and influ- 
ence he exerted in favor of the Declaration. Among the first who 
dared espouse it, tliough he knew it would draw upon him the 
execrations of numerous men of talent and ability, he continued 
firm and consistent to his avowal until the triumphant completion 
of the event. 

Lee, it will be recollected, had moved, on the 17th of June, the 
entire and absolute independence of the colonies. It was this 
motion that called forth the animated discussions that followed, 
and afibrded occasion for outbursts of colonial oratory that, though 
not so refined and classic, were scarce excelled, in fervor and true 
attributes of eloquence, in Greek or Roman forums, even in their 
palmiest states of glory. 

On the 2d of July the final vote was taken, which resulted 
afiirmatively. No patriot, in that assembly of patriots, was more 
highly pleased than John Adams. Through all the stages of its 
rise, development, and adoption, he had stood by the measure, — 
equally firm in a minority as when it became so popular. The 
day after the grand result, he thus wrote his wife : 

" Yesterday, the greatest question was decided which was ever 
debated in America, and a greater, perhaps, never was, nor will 
be decided among men. A resolution was passed, without one 
dissenting colony, ' that these united colonies are, and of right 
ought to be, free and independent States ; and as such they have, 
and of right ought to have, full power to make war, conclude 
peace, establish commerce, and to do all othe'r acts and things 
which other states may rightfully do.' You will see, in a few 
days, a Declaration, setting forth the causes which have impelled 
us to this mighty revolution, and the reasons which will justify it, 
in the sight of God and man. A plan of confederation will be 
taken up in a few days. 

"When I look back to the year 1761, and recollect the argu- 
ments concerning writs of assistance, in the superior courts, which 
I liave hitherto considered as the commencement of the contro- 
versy between Great Britain and America, and run through the 
wdiole period, from that time to this, and recollect the series of 
political events, the chain of causes and effects, I am surprised at 
the suddenness, as well as the greatness of this Revolution. Bri- 



264 JOHN ADAMS. 

tain lias been filled with folly and America with wisdom ; at least, 
this is my judgment. Time must determine. It is the will of 
Heaven that the two countries shall be sundered forever. It may 
be the will of Heaven that America shall suffer calamities still 
more wasting, and distresses yet more dreadful. If this is to be 
the case, it will have this good effect, at least; it will inspire us 
with many virtues which we have not, and correct many vices and 
errors which threaten to disturb, dishonor, and destroy us. The 
furnace of affliction produces refinement in states, as M^ell as in 
individuals ; and the new governments we are assuming, in every 
part will require a purification from our vices, and an augmenta- 
tion of our virtues, or they will be no blessings. The people wdll 
have unbounded power, and the people are extremely addicted to 
corruption and venality, as well as the great. But I must submit 
all my hopes and fears to an overruling Providence, in which, 
unfashionable as the fiiith may be, I firmly believe. Had a Decla- 
ration been made seven months ago, it would have been attended 
with many great and glorious effects. We might, before this hour, 
have formed alliances with foreign states ; we should have mas- 
tered Quebec, and been in possession of Canada." 

" You will, perhaps, wonder how such a Declaration could have 
affected our affairs in Canada ; but if I could v-rite with freedom, 
I could easily convince you that it would, and explain to you the 
manner how. Many gentlemen in high stations, and of great 
influence, have been duped by the ministerial babble of commis- 
sioners, to treat ; and in real sincere expectation of this event, 
which they so fondly wished, they have been slow and languid in 
promoting measures for the reduction of that province. Others 
there are in the colonies who really wished our afiairs in Canada 
to be defeated, that the colonies might be in danger and distress, — 
between two fires, — and be thus induced to submit. Others really 
wished to defeat the expedition to Canada, lest the conquest of it 
should elevate the minds of the people too much to hearken to 
those terms of reconciliation which they believed would be ofiered 
us. Those jarring views, wishes and designs, occasioned an 
opposition to manj' salutary measures which were proposed for 
the support of that expedition, and caused obstructions, embar- 
rassments and studied delays which have, finally, lost us the pro- 
vince. All these causes, however, in conjunction, would not have 
disappointed us if it had not been for a misfortune that could not 



JOHN ADAMS. 2G5 

bave been prevented ; I mean the prevalence of small-pox amono- 
cm- troops. This fatal pestilence completed our destruction. It 
is a frown of Providence upon us which we ought to lay to heart. 
But on the other hand, the delay of this Declaration to this time, 
has many advantages attending it. The hopes of reconciliation, 
which were fondly entertained by multitudes of honest, well- 
meaning, though weak and mistaken people, have been gradually, 
and at last totally extinguished. Time has been given for the 
whole people maturely to consider the great question of indepen- 
dence, and to ripen their judgments, dissipate their fears, and 
allure their hopes by discussing it in newspapers and pamphlets ; 
by debating it in assemblies, conventions, and committees of 
safety and inspection in town and county meetings, as well as in 
private conversations ; so that the whole people in every colony, 
of the thirteen, have now adopted it as their own act. This will 
cement the Union, and avoid those heats, and perhaps convul- 
sions, which might have been occasioned by such a Declaration 
six months ago." 

" But the day is past. The second day of July, 1776, will be 
the most remarkable epoch in the history of America. I am apt 
to believe that it will be celebrated by succeeding generations as 
the great anniversary festival. It ouajht to be commemorated as 
the day of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion to God 
jtiuiiiglity. XL uugui, tu be boieuiuIzeJ with pomp and parade, 
with shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires and illuminations, 
from one end of this Continent to the other, from this time forward, 
forevermore." 

" You will think me transported with enthusiasm, but I am not.. 
I am well aware of the toil, and blood, and treasure that it will 
cost us to maintain this Declaration, and support and defend these 
States. Yet through all the gloom, I can see that the end is more 
than worth all the means ; and that posterity will triumph in that 
day's transaction, even although we should rue it, which, I trust 
in God, we shall not."* 

Thus, in the design, execution, and adoption of that national 
placard of freedom, hung out to the world by its youngest people, 
ever since 

"Perplexing monarchs and portending change," 

Joim Adams was a chief actor and firm director. Now, on its 



* See Life and Avorks of John Adams. 
18 



266 JOH]!C ADAMS. 

final consummation, he rejoiced with all the fervor of a soul that 
feels its first and highest desire gratified. When the Declaration 
of Independence was adopted and signed, he did not lose his zeal. 
He well knew that to maintain wliat they bad declared^ would 
require every energy, resource, and sacrifice. These, no one 
was more ready to exercise or make, than he. He now, with the 
same firm caution and prudent zeal, devoted himself to the proper 
steerage of the young government craft, that characterized him in 
its construction. 

Here terminates the most active, though not the most important 
part of Adams' life. The year preceding the Declaration was a 
stormy period. Armies were pitted against each other in the field 
and civilians in the councils. While the combatant-sword clashed 
in strife, and was re-drawn reeking with the blood of the fallen in 
battle, statesmen, equally determined, waged wars of opinion upon 
the greatest subject that ever disturbed a national mind. "While 
sounds of cannon came booming over the Continent, and rang 
back to the startled capitol, the dread echo met the stern voices 
of statesmen-orators, defiantly responding with words of indepen- 
dence. Adams, verging on the prime of healthful manhood, and 
buoyant with the hope of eventual success, — irritated at the idea 
of opposition to what was so clear to him, — was the most promi- 
nent advocate of the movement to mature development and full- 
grown nationality, and at this time put forth his energies in their 
full power and effect. 

He had now taken a stand, at least, among the most popular 
men of the country. In congressional deliberations, he took an 
active part, and was a member of most of the leading committees. 
After the defeat at the battle of Long Island, when Lord Howe 
presented his detestable schemes of negotiation, Adams wished 
that they should be passed by unnoticed, and labored earnestly to 
eSect that object. He was defeated in this, however, by superior 
numbers. His desires, in substance, however, at length prevailed 
in their total rejection. As furthering the principles of indepen- 
dence, Adams now labored zealously to effect treaties of amity and 
commerce with other nations. No man did more to give us 
national dignity and consideration abroad, in these trying times, 
save Dr. Franklin. He did much, indeed, toward the final treaty 
with France, guaranteeing mutual defense and protection. The 
overtures made, in part, through his agency to that nation, were 



JOHN ADAMS. 2G7 

tempered with moderation and reason, — so much so, that they were 
regarded bj mauy, as not being sufficiently inductive of earnest 
consideration on her part. Adams was too well versed in civil 
tactics and national diplomacy, to offer terms to a wished-for ally, 
savoring of lombast and braggadocia. 

While that important transaction was being considered in Con- 
gress, it became Adams' duty to have an interview with Lord 
Howe, the object of which was to confer together on the existent 
state of affairs. In this conference his known views, so consistently 
maintained during his entire public life, were explicitly avowed. 

Adams' numerous and varied duties of a public nature, threat- 
ened to undermine his health; on failing to secure additional 
colleagues, upon which he insisted, he offered to resign his seat in 
Congress. Knowing and appreciating his valued services, that 
body rejected his tender, and he continued the discharge of his 
duties. Through the trying scenes that attended the capture of 
New York by the British, and the retreat of our army through 
New Jersey, Adams was far from being despondent ; true to the 
tenor of his first resolution and course, he continued the friend of 
the Declaration, and faithful to its maintenance. The victories at 
Princeton and Trenton, were regarded by him as sure harbingers 
of that eventual triumph he had early predicted. 

On the 1st of July, previous to these engagements, he moved 
in Congress "the appointment of a committee to consider a plan 
for the establishment of a military academy." This committee 
was appointed, and he was placed upon it. After Washington 
had been vested with the almost entire control of affairs, and the 
battles of Princeton and Trenton had been fought and won, as a 
consequence, he went to Baltimore ; thither, early in 1777, Adams 
proceeded also. He saw everywhere along his route, unmistak- 
able evidences of reinspired hope and confidence among the people. 
Arriving at Baltimore, he wrote back to Massachusetts his gratified 
feelings at learning the appreciation of the New Englanders, — • 
both soldiers and civilians : " Our troops," he says, " have be- 
liaved nobly and turned the fortune of the war. Pray, let us keep 
onr credit, as I am sure we can." 

About this time, he resigned his place as chief justice of the 
Superior Court, a tribunal to which he had given much weight 
and dignity by his influence, probity, and legal knowledge. He 
still continued to occupy his seat in Congress, to which he had 



268 JOHN ADAMS. 

been sent regularly by his native State for a number of years. 
Though immersed in heavy and complicated public duties, Adams, 
during all this time, managed to keep up an interesting confi- 
dential correspondence with various officers of the army. 

After the adjournment of Congress to Baltimore, great inter- 
ruption to these communications ensued ; his letters were not so 
numerous, and those written were not generally preserved. Some 
steps of the military board tended also to lessen the good feelings 
prevailing between members of Congress and officers of the army. 
Ideas were entertained of placing some of the gallant old officers 
in subordinate positions, subject to the direction of a French 
engineer. Many of them were justly indignant, and talked of 
resigning. Among these were Greene and Schuyler. Adams 
and Greene had long been bosom friends. As a member of Con- 
gress, the former was regarded, though unjustly, as being acces- 
soiy to the proposed change. This state of things produced many 
unpleasant feelings, and occupied a large portion of the attention 
of the Congress of 1777. Whether Adams had really done any 
thing worthy of censure or not, Greene supposed he had ; hence 
we find no answer from that general to Adams' last friendly letter. 

Congress now returned to Philadelphia. After that city was 
again invested by the enemy, they removed to Lancaster. Adams 
was among the first members to arrive there. Here he continued 
hio uLitlcs "uitb characteristic energy and application. At the 
head of the board of war, and member of Congress from the first 
State that rebelled from British rule, some idea can be had of the 
extent of his labors at this time. 

In the long discussion incident to the 'confederation,' Adams 
was an active participant. The questions that sprang from these 
discussions, and difierent members, are too numerous to dwell 
upon here. It must be said, however, that he firmly contended 
for popular representation, though against the views of his own 
colleagues. The idea, that each State should have equal voting 
]>()wer, independent of their inhabitants, was to him a very singu- 
1 ir one. He insisted that population should be the basis of suf- 
frage, — each State's representation apportioned to its citizens. 

After the capture of Burgoyne, Adams' spirits were greatly 
revived. On learning that event, he wrote to friends expressing 
his unbounded joy. 

About this time he asked and obtained leave to go home on a 



JOHN ADAMS. 2G9 

brief visit. The following little piece of hyperbolical extravagance 
will show how he stood in the esteem of his friends ; it was 
Vv'ritteu by Gordon: "I never can think we shall finall}^ tail of 
success, while Heaven continues to the Congress the life and 
abilities of Mr. John Adams. He is equal to the controversy, in 
all its stages. He stood upon the shoulders of the whole Con- 
gress, when reconciliation was the wish of all America. He was 
equally conspicuous in cutting the knot which tied the colonies to 
Great Britain. In a word, I deliver to you the opinion of every 
man in the House, when I add, that he possesses the clearest head, 
and the firmest heart, of any man in Congress." So far as his 
firmness and consistency are concerned, the above is true enough. 
But he was not quite the greatest man in the world. We are 
speaking now of events that took place while Congress held its 
sessions in New York. 

Adams was now a]3pointed minister to France. He accepted 
the mission, and sailed for Europe, February 13th, 1778. On the 
morning of that day, might have been seen a staid patriot, a tried 
statesman, leading by the hand a little boy, on board the frigate 
Boston, anchored at Braintree. The working civilian was going 
to try at foreign courts, the powers of his mind, which had been 
so influeutially exerted at home. That statesman was John Adams ; 
that little boy, then ten years of age, was his noble son, John Quincy 
Adams. After a troublous voyage, he reached Paris early the 
ensuing April. He was received with marked attention and 
honor. Adams' mission was brief. Existent causes rendered it 
unnecessary that it should be otherwise. Fraternal relations had 
already been established between France and America. Treaties 
of alliance and commerce were consummated before he left this 
country, which had cemented desirable relationships. Though 
no heavy duties devolved on him in France, he was not idle. 
Representative of his struggling country, he sought with success, 
by correspondence and otherwise, to inspire all with high senti- 
ments of his home and people. He wrote his wife, saying: "I 
can not eat pensions and sinecures ; they would stick in my 
throat." 

It was finally arranged that Franklin should remain sole min- 
ister at Paris, and Adams prepared to return home. Accordingly, 
he and his son, early in June, 1779, sailed for Boston, where tliej 
arrived in safety the next August. 



270 JOHN ADAMS. 

On his arrival, he found the people of Massachusetts awake to 
the necessity of remodeling their State constitution: they were, in 
fact, taking steps to call a State convention for that purpose. 
Reposing in him the same confidence they always had, they sent 
him as the delegate from Braintree. The convention met at 
Cambridge in 1779. Adams assisted in organizing it, and aided 
essentially to secure harmony and good-feeling among the mem- 
bers. We regret that our limits will not permit a detailed review 
of his labors in that body, — the eflect they had upon its ultimate 
results, etc. As usual in political assemblies of the kind, their 
deliberations were interrupted by the advocacy of diflerent opin- 
ions. Adams entered the convention with an influence aud fame, 
that won entire deference and respect. His first act was the 
delivery of an elaborate speech upon general principles of gov- 
ernment, his object being to promote harmony among the dele- 
gates. Intending to establish a free republic, which, they asserted, 
"was the government of a people by fixed laws of their own mak- 
ing, the convention proceeded to appoint a committee to embody 
these designs in a written instrument. This resulted in a sub- 
committee ; finally, the work fell principally into the hands of 
Adams. An instrument was drafted, to which was affixed a Bill 
of Rights, which, it was hoped, would be acceptable. 

At this stage of the proceedings, before final action was had, 
Adams was called away. Dissatisfaction had arisen in regard to 
the conduct of our ministers abroad. Inquiry, it was thought, 
should be instituted into the cause. A committee was appointed 
for that purpose. They made a report, suggesting the course, 
embodied in the following propositions : 

" That suspicions and animosities have risen among commis- 
sioners, which may be highly prejudicial to the honor and inter- 
ests of these United States. 

" That the appointments of the said commissioners be vacated, 
and that new ap})oiutments be made." 

Adams having been foreign minister, was subjected to the ren- 
dition of these propositions, like Franklin, and the balance. Each 
of the foreign envoys had their friends, who each tried to shield 
his favorite from any odium that might grow out of the matter. 
The whole thing amounted to but little, save afft)rding excellent 
sources of wrangling and dispute. In September, 1779, Adams 
was appointed one of our ministers to negotiate treaties of peace 



JOHN ADAMS. 271 • 

with Eugland and France. Their main instructions were the recog- 
nition of our independence, the fisheries, and the right of navi- 
gating the Mississippi. Early the ensuing November, accom- 
panied by his son, he again embarked for Europe. He reached 
Paris in February, 1780. On his arrival he committed a blunder. 
Instead of advising, he suffered himself to be advised. He solici- 
ted of Count Vergeunes advice in regard to the course to be pur- 
sued. Instead of advice he got dictation, and soon became en- 
tangled in a position very disagreeable. Confidence between him 
and the Count was finally diminished. 

Count Vergeunes was one of the finest diplomatists of his day. 
Trained in that school of artful diplomacy that long prevailed in 
France, that made all means subservient to the accomplishment 
of her own ends, and exercised through the reign of Louis, he was 
admirably fitted lor the position in wdiich he was placed. Through 
the agency, principally, of Franklin, good-feelings were measur- 
ably kept up, and things were, in the main, satisfactorily ar- 
ranged. 

"We cannot here recount the perplexities, bickerings, correspon- 
dence, maneuverings, conferences, and proposed mediations inci- 
dent to this arduous, and, in some respects, unpleasant mission. 
It was a game of nations, — empire Avas the stake. Dr. Franklin 
■ was evidently the man who best subserved the interests of his 
country, through all the stages of the negotiation, until their final 
and happy conclusion. Adams, however, labored zealously in 
the work, assisting, advising, and conferring with the former on 
most important points. In the treaty with Holland, he was the 
principal negotiator, and gave evidences of excellent diplomatic 
capacities. He also signed, in connection with our other minis- 
ters, the treaty of peace with Great Britain ; a result to which he 
had contributed in no small degree. On the conclusion of this 
great work, such satisfaction had he given, as foreign minister, 
that notwithstanding his enfeebled health, and a desire to I'eturn 
home, he was joined with Jay and Franklin, as commissioner, to 
conclude final and definite treaties of commerce with the same 
power. On his return from Holland to Paris, he was prostrated. 
with a severe illness, and lay for some time at his hotel, suffering 
all the pain and anxieties natural to a man in a state of fever in 
a foreign country and in the midst of a densely populous city. 
By judicious treatment, kind nursing, simple diet, and as much 



272 JOHN ADAMS. 

exercise as the nature of the case would permit, lie recovered, 
however, and recommenced his labors. 

Our ministers now received instructions to treat with any, 
and all nations which felt a willingness to enter into amicable 
relations with the United States. Thus they had herculean labors 
placed upon them. Adams, as one of our envoys, it is useless to 
say, went into the great work with earnest good-will. In 1784, 
he was joined, in Europe, by his wife, from whom he had long 
been separated. This reunion was most happy, and made him 
contented with the protracted stay that circumstances made neces- 
sary. Surrounded by his family, and courted by the learned and 
refined, he passed his time in Paris pleasantly enough. Though 
extensive plans for general international treaties were devised, 
they ended in no great things. Prussia was the only power that 
seemed to take any extraordinary interest in the matter. In the 
winter of 1785, he was appointed minister to England. On 
receiving intelligence of this, he removed his family from Paris to 
London, and commenced his labors in a different sphere. This 
was then rather a delicate position, particularl}^ so for him. He 
had been conspicuous in stirring up what the king termed the 
rebellion of his refractory provinces ; he had been the same in the 
Declaration, — he had seen and assisted in its maintenance. It is 
not strange that the king, who had been sternly opposed to all 
these, should extend to him, as they met face to face, a cold, 
though courteous, reception. That was a curious meeting ! The 
painter might well have carried his easel there, and put on can- 
vas the half suppressed frown of George the Third, smarting under 
defeat, as he looked upon the calm face of John ADAMs,who 
fought him so consistently from the first encroachment till his final 
overthrow. The meeting concluded by Adams saying, "I must 
avow to your majesty, I have no attachment but to my own coun- 
try." "An honest man will never have any other," replied the 
haughty monarch. 

Any thing derogatory to national dignity, that occurs in a 
country, detracts from the influence and position of her ministers 
abroad, if she have any. The great difficulties of a civic nature, 
prevailing in America at that time, placed her foreign ministers in 
very disagreeable situations. Nations to whom they had been 
sent to represent our interest, had only to point to the anarchical 
indications manifested whence they came, and label their experi- 



JOHN ADAMS. 273 

ment with failure. The failure to effect national treaties, plans of 
which have just been referred to, was mainly attributable to this 
state of things. The same causes deprived Adams of that weight 
and influence at the court of St. James, essential to the accom- 
plishment of such results as were desired. He remained there 
for some time, but owing to a variety of causes, was unable to 
effect a commercial treaty with her. His mission, however, was 
not barren of good results. Treaties were concluded with Morocco 
and Prussia, in which, his agency was influential and active. He 
also wrote his "Opinions on Government," defending, more parti- 
cularly, the form chosen by his own people. This is, perhaps, 
among the ablest productions of his pen. It was called forth by 
the essays of some political economists in Europe, who had more 
fustian tlian freedom, — more monarchical lore than morals. 

It may not be amiss here, to sum up, in a few words, Adams' 
political notions ; we do not mean party, but general notions. 
Somewhat mistrustful, and possessing pretty strong prejudices, he 
had no very great confidence in man's natural perfectibility, in 
the first place. In his aggregate capacity, he thought man was 
ofteuer blinded into missteps by his evil nature, than led into the 
right way by his good ; yet, he seemed to think, that the weak- 
ness of man's moral nature, to overcome the dictates of his animal, 
plunged him into as many, perhaps more errors, than did innate 
depravity. Making then men's passions, so to speak, a leading con- 
sideration in governmental organization, he advocated a diffusion 
of powers, relying more upon the coercive and vindicative attri- 
butes of the law, to establish and preserve social and political 
order, than upon the naturally existent inducements for man to 
do right. Passion and desire^ therefore, become his leading dis- 
tinctions. Here we necessarily run into three classes. Those in 
power, those in possession, and that more numerous class who are 
neither. Reasoning thus, it would be easy to fall into the monar- 
chical, aristocratic, and democratic features of the English constitu- 
tion, as demonstrated in her king, lords, and commons. These, 
with proper checks and regulations, formed doubtless, his ideas of 
good government. 

As already remarked, the semblance of these ideas to the 
British constitution, precluded the possibility of their becoming 
popular in this country. The people were, and still are, too iu- 
tensly democratic. He also wrote, near this time, his somewhat 



274 JOHN ADAMS. 

famous " Defense of the Constitution of the United States of 
America." Like most of his other writiui^s, it evinced good sense, 
and practical thoughts reducible to application, but bore no marks 
of extraordinary statesmanship, or literary ability. The fact is, 
Adaivis was a man, a true man in every sense ; firm, unflinching, 
decisive. Among the most persevering, energetic men of his 
day, he sought opportunities to exert what talents he had, in a 
way most useful to his country. We never had a truer patriot, — 
a more working man. But what he was, he made himself most 
emphatically ; nature gave no great amount of assistance. His 
studies, his aspirations, his iron will, indomitable energy, high 
moral courage, and purity of motive, overcame every obstacle to 
success. 

His "Defense" created no great sensation at the time, and though 
embodied in his works, is seldom read. There was one trait 
in the character of Adams, that would be well enough to mention 
here. We have already said something of his disposition to look 
at the darkest side of things. He was also given to dissatisfaction 
of the actions of men, parties, and measures. To his own 
opinion, he seemed to think others ought to adhere. See how 
apparent this is in the following letter, written to a friend while in 
Europe, in regard to various things at home : 

" As to politics, all that can be said is comprehended in a few 
words. Our countnj Juts cjrowii^ or at least lias heen^ disJtonest. 
She has broken her faith with nations, and with her own citizens ; 
and parties are all about for continuing this dishonest course. 
She must become strictly honest and punctual to all the world, 
before she can recover the confidence of anybody, at home or 
abroad. The duty of all good men, is to join in making this 
doctrine popular, and in discountenancing every attempt against 
it. This censure is too harsh, 1 suppose, for common cars, but the 
essence of these sentiments must be adopted throughout America, 
before we can prosper. Have our people forgotten every |)rinciple 
of public and private credit? Do we trust a man in private life, 
who is not punctual to his word ? Who easily makes promises, 
and is negligent to perform them? especially if he makes 
promises, knowing that he can not perform them, or deliberately 
designing not to perform them ?" 

No country was more truly patriotic than his own, — no coun- 
try had a better patriot than he. The extract was simply a 



JOHN ADAMS. 275 

foolish result of his prejudice to some things going on in America, 
that induced a misinterpretation of motive on the part of his 
countrymen. Adams was a great man; the fact that he was such, 
speaks volumes for his powers, and proves the greatest of victories; 
for he made himself so. Failing, in every sense, to accomplish 
tlie object of his mission, he requested permission to return home. 
It was granted. The following resolution passed by Congress 
at the time, shows, at least, that they knew he had tilled to do all 
that was desired, during his absence : " Resolved., That Congress 
entertain a high sense of the services which Mr. Adams has ren- 
dered to the United States, in the various important trusts which 
they have committed to him ; and that the thanks of Congress be 
presented to him for the patriotism, perseverance, integrity and 
diligence, with which he hath so ably and faithfully served his 
country." 

He left Europe in the spring of 1788, and reached the United 
States at a time, momentous in her history. The great plan of 
proper organization was just being elaborated. Different men, 
men of ability, were advancing different theories and opinions. 
In these matters he was now to mingle, more industriously than 
effectively, — more conspicuously than influentially. 

On the organization of government, Adams was elected first 
Vice-president. The office, in itself, involved no heavy duties. 
He stood faithfully by Washington through his administration, 
presided over the Senate with dignity, and served his country, in 
every particular, wuth characteristic consistency. He was again 
elected to the same office, at the commencement of "Washington's 
second term, and proved equally devoted to both administrations. 
He closed his connection with the Senate, by delivering the fol- 
lowing words : 

"It is a recollection of which nothing can ever deprive me, 
and it will be a source of comfort to me through the remainder of 
my life, that on the one hand, I have for eight years held the 
second situation under our Constitution, in perfect and uninter- 
rupted harmony with the first, without envy in the one, or jealousy 
in the other; so, on the other hand, I have never had the smallest 
misunderstanding with any member of the Senate."* 

At the conclusion of Washington's official terms, Adams was 

* Statesman's Manual. 



276 JOHN ADAMS. 

elected to the Presidency. He had two competitors, Jefferson 
and Pinckuej, over both of whom he received a good majority. 
lie entered upon the duties of President, at a time of numerous 
and varied difficulties "The French revolution had just reached 
its highest point of settled delirium, after some of the paroxysms 
of its fury had passed away. The people of the United States 
took sides, some approving, others deprecating the course pursued 
by France. Adams wished to preserve a neutrality, but found 
this quite impossible. A navy was raised with surprising 
promptitude, to prevent insolence and to chastise aggression. It 
had the desired effect, and France was taught that Americans 
were friends in peace, but not fearful of war when it could not be 
averted. When the historian comes to this page of our history, 
he will do justice to the sagacity, to the spirit, and to the integrity 
of Mr. Adams, and will find that he had more reasons, and good 
ones, for his conduct, than his friends or enemies ever gave him."* 

Adams, on the occasion of his entrance into ofiice, after paying 
a, tribute to Ins illustrious predecessor, gave the following as his 
feeling in regard to the station : 

" The occasion, I hope, will be admitted as an apology, if I 
venture to say that, if a preference, upon principle, of a free repub- 
lican government, formed upon long and serious reflection, after a 
diligent and impartial inquiry after truth, — if an attachment to the 
Constitution of the United States, and a conscientious determina- 
tion to support it, until it shall be altered by the judgments and 
wishes of the people, expressed in the mode prescribed in it; if a 
respectful attention to the constitutions of the individual States, 
and a constant caution and delicacy toward the State govern- 
ments ; if an equal and impartial regard to the rights, interests, 
honor and happiness of all the States in the Union, without pre- 
ference or regard to a northern or southern, eastern or western 
position, their various political opinions on essential points, or 
other personal attachments ; if a love of virtuous men of all parties 
and denominations ; if a love of science and letters, and a wisli to 
patronize every rational efibrt to encourage schools, colleges, uni- 
versities, academies, and every institution for propagating know- 
ledge, virtue and religion among all classes of the people, not 
only for their benign influence on the happiness of life in all its 



Knapp. 



JOHN ADAMS. 277 

stages and classes, and of society iu all its forms, but as the only 
means of preserving our Constitution from its natural enemies, the 
spirit of sophistry, the spirit of party, the spirit of intrigue, profli- 
gacy and corruption, and the pestilence of foreign influence, which 
is the angel of destruction to elective governments ; if a love of 
equal laws, of justice and humanity iu the interior administration: 
if an inclination to improve agriculture, commerce, and manufac- 
tures for necessity, convenience and defense ; if a spirit of equity 
and humanity toward the aboriginal nations of America, and a 
disposition to ameliorate their condition by inclining them to be 
more friendly to us, and our citizens more friendly to them ; if an 
inflexible determination to maintain peace and inviolable faith 
with all nations, and that system of neutrality and impartiality 
among the belligerent powers of Europe which has been adopted 
by the government, and so solemnly sanctioned by both Houses 
of Congress, and applauded by the legislatures of the States and 
the public opinion, until it shall be otherwise ordained by Con- 
gress ; if a personal attachment for the French nation, formed in 
a residence of seven years chiefly among them, and a sincere 
desire to preserve the friendship which has been so much for the 
honor and interest of both nations ; if, while the conscious honor, 
and int'eo'ritv of ^'hp pponlo of jAniprien ond the intpvnal ppntiment 
of their own powers and energies must be preserved, an earnest 
endeavor to investigate every just cause ana remove every color- 
able pretense of complaint; if an intention to pursue by amicable 
negotiation, a reparation for the injuries that have been committed 
on the commerce of our fellow-citizens, by whatever nation, and 
( if success cannot be obtained ) to lay the facts before the legisla- 
ture, that they may consider what further measures the honor and 
interest of the government and its constituents demand ; if a reso- 
lution to do justice, as far as may depend upon me at all times, 
and to all nations, and maintain peace, friendship and benevolence 
with all the world ; if an unbroken confidence in the honor, spirit, 
and resources of the American people, on which I have so often 
hazarded my all, and never been deceived ; if elevated ideas of 
the high destinies of this country, and of my own duties toward 
it, founded on a knowledge of the moral principles and intellec- 
tual improvement of the people, engraven deeply on my mind in 
early life, and not obscured, but exalted by experience and age ; 
and with humble reverence I feel it my duty to add, if a venera 



278 JOHN ADAMS. 

tioii for the religiou of a people who profess and call themselves 
Christians, and a fixed resolution to consider a decent respect for 
Christianity among the best recommendations for the public ser- 
vice, — can enable me, in any degree, to comply with your wishes, 
it shall be my strenuous endeavor that this sagacious injunction 
of the two Houses shall not be without effect." 

Whatever may be said of our other presidents, quite certain we 
are, that none of them ever delivered as long a sentence as this. 
Had Adams' term been protracted proportionably to the length of 
this sentence, he would not yet have had a successor. It breathes, 
however, patriotic desires, delivered, no doubt, with the utmost 
sincerity. The first measure of serious consideration presenting 
itself to the President, was the state of affairs with France, i^ot 
satisfied with the expulsion of our ministers, the Directory passed 
an ordinance in direct opposition to the treaty stipulations of 1778, 
virtually abolishing all friendly international intercourse. The 
war spirit again ran high ; Adams wished conciliation. New 
commissioners were appointed for that purpose. These were John 
Marshall, Elbridge Gerry, and General Pinckney. They reached 
France at a time when Bonaparte was ascending that pedestal 
of military fame, on whose top there was just enough room for 
himself. 

We cannot dwell at length upon the incidents attending this 
mission ; its perplexities, difficulties, and the artful maneuvers 
connected with it, will be mentioned more at length in the Life 
of Chief Justice Marshall. The idea entertained by the French, 
of exacting tribute, precluded the accomplishment of desired re 
suits, and was repelled with indignant scorn by the ministers. 
On the return of Marshall, Gerry still remaining in France, 
Adams submitted to his Cabinet the following propositions : 

"1. Should all the particulars be submitted to Congress? 

"2. Should the President recommend a declaration of war?" 
No satisfactory response being received, Adams gave the follow- 
ing as his feelings and intentions : 

"The present state of things is so essentially different from that 
in which instructions were given to collectors to restrain vessels 
of the United States from sailing in an armed condition, that the 
principle on which those orders were issued, has ceased to exist. 
I therefore deem it proper to inform Congress that I no longer 
conceive myself justifiable in continuing them unless in particu' 



JOHN ADAMS. 279 

lai* cases, where there may be reasonable ground of suspicion that 
such vessels are intended to be employed contrary to law." While 
he wished and recommended peace, he also favored preparations 
for defense. To these recommendations, he added the following 
significant sentence : " I will never send another minister to 
France, without assurances that he will be received, respected, 
and honored as the representative of a great, free, powerful, and 
independent nation." 

The new and complicated state of tilings aroused the mighty 
talents and energies of Hamilton, who had, since his retirement 
from the Cabinet, been enjoying a comparative slumber. Adams, 
by his course of submitting entirely to the consideration of Con- 
gress all important measures, had virtually resigned the reins of 
government. The arrogant assumptions of France produced a 
great change in the American mind, in reference to her cause ; 
this change was favorable to the Federal party. They availed 
themselves of it. Congress, advised and greatly swayed by Ham- 
ilton, adopted a series of acts deemed necessary. None of them 
were full}' acceptable to the President. Thus, in one sense, he 
was at variance with his party. Here the popularity of his ad- 
ministration began to wane. Whatever odium may attach to 
Adams on account of the Alien and Sedition laws, — laws in them- 
selves utterly worthless, the borrowed offspring of English fear, — • 
they were not what rendered Adams somewhat unpopular. It 
was his differences and quarrels, so to speak, with his own party, 
upon great national matters, most of them connected M'ith our 
difficulties with France. 

Apprehensions, however, soon gave way, so far as a rupture 
with France was concerned. As elsewhere said, an army was 
raised and commanders selected ; but the adjustment of difficulties 
prevented the demand for its services. 

Adams' administration was much distracted by party conflicts 
within, and national indignities without. During a large portion 
of it, he was at variance with his Cabinet ; before its close, how- 
ever, these difficulties measurably subsided, and comparative har- 
mony prevailed. It was a time of fearful party strife. Federalists 
and Republicans were grappling with fierce animosity for ascend- 
ency. It closed with many weighty and beneficial results to the 
country. Whatever faults, blames, or censures some might feel 
disposed to heap upon it, all must say, that he was a pure patriot, 



280 JOHN ADAMS. 

aucl presided over the destinies of his country through that 
period of strife and turmoil, with a will and judgment wholly 
uncorrupted by venal motives, or swayed by considerations other 
than the dictates of, duty. 

On its close, he retired to his farm at Quincy. Here, secluded 
from cares and anxieties, he lived easily, virtuously, quietly and 
happily. Occasionally interrupted by public considerations and 
minor public duties, — watching with great interest the rise and 
development of his illustrious son, John Quincy Adams, he con- 
tinued in comparative quiet through all the distracting scenes, 
until 1825, when he had the pleasure of seeing that son seated in 
the Presidential chair. How modestly and affectionately did 
John Quincy Adams announce the fact to his father, in the follow- 
ing short note : 

"Washington, Feb. 9, 1825 
^'My dear and honored Father: — 

The inclosed note from Mr, King, will inform you of the event 
of this day, upon which I can only offer you my congratulations, 
and ask your blessings and prayers. 

Your affectionate and dutiful son, 

John Quincy Adams, 

JriTTN Adams was now ninoty years old. His lamp of life 
burned gently into physical dimness. Though old as he was, he 
had a sort of enjoyment for literature. Seated in his arm-chair, 
his venerable head resting on his cane, he listened for hours to 
the reading of some kind friend. In the spring of 1826, it became 
apparent that he could not survive much longer. Declining gra- 
dually, his life was prolonged till the 4th of the ensuing July, A 
friend who visited Adams on the 30th of June, has left the follow- 
ing : " Spent a few minutes with him in conversation, and took 
from him a toast, to be presented on the 4th of July, as coming 
from him, I should have liked a longer one ; but as it is, this 
will be acceptable, ' I will give you,' said he, 

' Independence forever.' 

He was asked, if he would not add any thing to it ; he replied, 
'not a word.' " 

From this time he continued to sink, until near sunset next 
evening. Just as the sun went down, he faintly exclaimed: 



JOHN ADAMS. 281 

" Thomas Jefferson still survives !" and expired. Not so, however. 
That great man had just crossed the dark river. 

The shouts that ushered in that glorious anniversary day, would 
have turned into mourning, had it been known that its evening 
shades were to close forever over the careers of two such noble 
patriots and statesmen. Jefferson and Adams ! — fit day for 
them to die ! 

"Adams was of middle stature, and when elected President, he 
was bald on the top of his head. His countenance beamed with 
intelligence and moral, as well as physical courage. His walk 
was firm and dignified to a late period of his life. His manner 
was slow and deliberate, unless he was excited, and when this 
happened, he expressed himself with great energy. He was ever 
a man of purest morals, and is said to have been a firm believer 
in Christianity, not from habit and example, but from diligent 
investigation of its proofs."* * * * 

" He had an uncompromising regard for his own opinion ; and 
seemed to have supposed that his opinions could not be connected 
by those of other men, nor bettered by any of comparison. It is 
not improbable that Adams was impatient, in finding how much 
the more easily understood services of military men were appre- 
ciated, than were the secluded, though no less important ones, of 
diplomatic agency and cabinet-council. So made up from natural 
propensities and from ilie circumsLauces of his life, Adams came 
to the Presidency at a time when more forbearance and discretion 
were required than he was supposed to have had. He seems to 
have been deficient in the rare excellence of attempting to see 
himself as others saw him, and he ventured to act as though 
everybody saw as he saw himself. He considered only what was 
right in his own view ; and that was to be carried by main force, 
whatever the obstacles. f 

Adams was buried with due honors and consideration, in the 
town of Quincy, where his remains still repose, beside those of 
his wife. He left, in the person of his son, a more enduring mon- 
ument than ever sculptor's chisel formed from fairest marble. 



* Williams. f Sullivan. 

19 



PATRICK HENRY. 



When the ancient declaimer witnessed evidences of unbounded 
delight at his repetition of Demosthenes' speeches, he gave hia 
hearers to understand that, to fully appreciate his eloquence, the 
orator had to be heard himself. The same might be said of 
Patrick Henry. None of his speeches, described as consuming 
every thing before him with their forensic fire, have come down 
to us ; nor is it to be supposed that his fame or posterity have 
suffered much in consequence. The power of his speeches must 
have consisted essentially in his manner of delivery. Rushing 
like a brigade of Numidian cavalry into debate, he swept down 
opposition by his zeal, vehemence, and stirring appeals ; yet the 
same speeches spread out on paper, or spoken by another, would 
doubtless have produced no such results. Among the first in the 
cause of revolution, and among the most zealous through all the 
stages of its progress, active, influential, and patriotic, he certainly 
claims place in the galaxy of our illustrious names. Though a full 
biography of this great, and, in some respects, singular man, can 
not be expected here, we shall endeavor to sketch the leading 
events of his life, that connect him with the history and fame of 
his country. 

Patrick Henry was born in Hanover County, Virginia, May 
29th, 1736. His father. Colonel John Henry, was a Scotchman 
by birth. His mother was a Miss Winston, an influential family 
of Virginia. His father was a good loyalist, a man of bravery 
and high moral qualities. He also had a spark of military fire. 
"There are those yet alive (1805), says a correspondent,* "who 



« Pope, Burke, Wirt, 
r 282 ) 




PATKICK HENRY. 



PATRICK HEI^.t-jI", 283 



V 



have seen him at the head of his regiment, celebrating the birth- 
day of George the Third with as much enthusiasm as his son 
Patrick afterward displayed in resisting the encroachments of that 
monarch." John Henry, soon after the birth of his son, located at 
Mount Brilliant. Young Patkick was started to school. He 
acquired there the rudiments of what education he had. In his 
eleventh year he commenced studying the dead languages under 
the tuition of his father. Of these he obtained no great knowledge. 
He is said to have been more fond of figures than dictionaries 
and lexicographers. The truth is, he was fonder of fishing and 
hunting than either. He cared very little for his fiither's instruc- 
tions, and less for the schools. He had, at this time, no method, 
system,regularity, or application. Instead of being at school and 
engaged in his lessons, he was lying in the shade by the creek, 
with his fishing-rod set in the bank, watching the cork with great 
interest, or with his gun he was strolling over the hills and through 
the woods in search of game. In these excursions he preferred to 
be alone. 

Wirt has very happily warned youth not to make an ex- 
ample of Henry, and think to become great without exertion. 
Henry himself, in after life, had occasion to regret this waste 
of his early opportunities for improvement. At one time, when 
in the public councils, a very important document was to be pre- 
pared. Henry, it was thought, would be the proper person to do 
it. He had to confess that he did not think himself "scholar 
enough." The careers of such men as Patrick Henry, present 
no premiums to laziness. He was born with a vigorous mind, 
and circumstances thrust him exactly in the position best fitted for 
tlie display of his powers. His biographer, or rather his eulogist, 
"VVirt, has certainly made the most of his subject. He has given 
to him nearly every attribute of perfection, that the pen of an 
inferior genius could ascribe to a superior one. 

In his sixteenth year, Patrick Henry was sent to a country 
store. Here, for some time, the future provincial orator was 
engaged in measuring ribbons and selling calicoes. He cared 
nothing about the business, and at the end of a year, came out as 
ignorant of it as when he entered the store. His father now 
bought a stock of goods and started his sons, Patrick and William, 
in business for themselves. William had as little relish for work 
as Patrick. A lazier firm never swune; a sia-n. Tlieir business 



284 pax'rick henry. 

did not prosper. Possessing no business tact, and selling on 
credit, they soon got their affiiirs into a ruinous condition. 

His mercantile experiment gave him one advantage, — an oppor- 
tunity of studying the frequenters of his store. It is said of him 
that, when a crowd of his customers would come in and enter into 
^conversation, that he would fix his keen eye upon them, incline 
his head a little forward, and remain perfectly silent, absorbed in 
the process of penetrating each character, and getting at the hidden 
springs of each emotion. In this way he would remain for hours 
and hours, entirely forgetful of business. It was this ready faculty 
of comprehending characters, in a measure, that conferred on 
IIenky such masterly powers as a speaker. Twelve months suf- 
ficed to efiect the ruin of the store. A glance at their books, 
shelves, and invoices showed clearly that they were broken mer- 
chants. Thenceforth William led a reckless, dissipated life, use- 
less to himself or' country. Henry now thought he would try 
farming. In his nineteenth year he married a Miss Shelton, and 
settled on a small farm, resolved to work for his support. He did 
not succeed. Two years ended his agricultural experiment. He 
now sold his farm, and resolving to try merchandise again, bought 
a stock of goods with the proceeds. Again he was behind the 
counter. Sometimes talking to a customer, sometimes playing 
the fiddle, sometimes locking the store to take a hunt, or go fishing, 
things again went to ruin. The failure of uiis last luercanlile 
project left Henry utterly penniless ; yet it was not without good 
results. He had for some time been reading excellent authors. 
For Livy he conceived a wonderful passion, and it is said, that he 
made a practice of reading him through once a year ever after. 
He now bent himself to the study of colonial history generally, 
"With perception quick and acute, a grasping comprehension, and 
a memory tenacious beyond example, he mastered and ti'easured 
Avhat he read with ease and facility. 

"We have mentioned Jefierson's admiration of his oratory at 
Williamsburgh. It was near this time that Jefierson first became 
acquainted with him. He has left the following, in regard to his 
first interview : " My acquaintance with Mr. Henry commenced 
in the winter of 1759-'60. On my way to college, I passed my 
Christmas holidays at Colonel Dandridge's, in Hanover, to whom 
Mr. Henry was a near neighbor. During the festivity of the 
season I met him in society every day, and we became well ac- 



PATEICK HENRY. 285 

quaintecl, although I was much his junior, being then in my seven- 
teenth year, and he a married man. His manners had something 
of coarseness in them ; his passion was music, dancing, and pleas- 
antry. He excelled in the last, and it attached every one to him. 
Yon ask some account of his mind and information at this period ; 
but you must recollect that we were almost continually engaged 
in the usual revelries of the season. The occasion, perhaps, as 
much as his idle disposition, prevented his engaging in any con- 
versation which might give the measure either of his mind or 
information. Opportunity was not indeed wholly wanting ; be- 
cause Mr. John Campbell was there, who had married Miss Spotts- 
wood, the sister of Colonel Dandridge. He was a man of science 
and often introduced conversation on scientific subjects. Mr. 
Henky had, a little before, broken up his store, or rather, it had 
broken him up ; but his misfortunes were not to be traced, either 
in his circumstances or conduct." 

" This cheerfulness of spirit, under a reverse of fortune so severe, 
is certainly a striking proof of the manliness of his character. It 
is not indeed, easy to conceive that a mind like Mr. Henry's 
could finally sink under any pressure of adversity. Such a mind, 
although it may not immediately perceive whither to direct its 
efibrts, must always possess a consciousness of power sufiicient to 
buoy it above despondency. But be this as it may, of Mr. Heney 
it was certainly true, as Dr. Johnson has observed of Swift, that 
' he was not one of those who, having lost one part of his life in 
idleness, are tempted to throw away the remainder in despair.' "* 

Henry's prospects were now not very flattering. Without 
business, without friends, and without a dollar, he began to look 
around him to see what was to be done. He had failed in every 
thing he put his hand to. He finally determined to study law. 
Not dreaming of the distinction that decision was to confer upon 
him, he commenced its study. He read law, it is presumed, about 
six mouths, — some say eight, and others again only six weeks. 
With but little practical knowledge of the profession, he applied 
for, and obtained, license, Eandolph, one of the judges to whom 
he applied, it is said, was so little prepossessed with his appearance, 
that he examined him with manifest reluctance. As the exami- 
nation progressed, however, Henry's striking, bold originality and 

•■•" • * Wirt, 



286 PATRICK HENRY. 

quick perceptive faculties unfolded themselves to his admiration. 
Randolph iinully said to him, after granting his signature : "Mr, 
Henry, if your industry be only half equal to your genius, I augur 
that you will do M'ell and become an ornament and an honor to 
your profession." He never became industrious, though the pre- 
diction was more than verified. 

Henry was now twenty-five years of age. The Hanover bar 
was quite an able one. He got no business to do for some time, 
nor did he expect any. His wife's father kept hotel at Hanover. 
Henry and his wife resided there for some time. His first efibrt 
at the bar was the old Church case, so glowingly described by 
Wirt. It had long been the law of the colony to pay the clergy 
every year a certain quantity of tobacco, for ministerial services. 
The clergy most frequently, however, took the money, letting 
their supporters keep the tobacco at its market value. The year 
1775, however, there was very little tobacco raised ; the article, 
consequently, commanded an enormous price The legislature 
passed an act providing that the people should pay the clergy of 
each parish, in money, at the rate of two shillings and sixpence a 
pound (its generally standing price ) for the tobacco they were to 
receive. The law was designed to be but temporary. No one 
objected to it at the time ; but two years after, prospects indicated 
another bad tobacco crop, and the act was again passed without 
limitation. The price of tobacco advanced three hundred per 
cent. The clergy, seeing that while they were paid at the nominal 
price fixed in the act, their debtors were getting three times as 
much for the article, grew indignant. They published their griev- 
ances in pamphlet form, and flooded the colony with them. The 
king espoused their cause. Finally, the entire colony became 
excited about the matter. The clergy brought suit in the several 
court-houses. Patrick Henry was attorney for the people at 
Hanover, The day of trial came round. The people were to sec, 
for the first time, the rays of that jewel incased in its long obscure 
and coarse exterior. Henry's uncle, one of the clergy, came 
to the trial. Henry told him that he should say some " hard 
things of the clergy," and requested him to return, adding, that 
he would be "overawed" in his first case, if he were present. 
His uncle accordingly left. On entering the court-house, Henry 
was amazed. All around were seated solemnly the various clergy. 
The interest of the occasion had drawn a large crowd. The 



PATRICK HENRY. 287 

counsel for the clergy were there ; the judge was in his place ; the 
jury in theirs ; there, too, sat his father. The counsel on the 
other side opened and argued the case with considerable ability ; 
they closed and sat down. The clergy were delighted, the people 
were chap-fallen. It was now Henry- s turn. Nobody had ever 
heard him. He rose up slowly, — commenced his speech poorly. 
The clergy winked, the people hung their heads. Slowly, but 
louder, and with rising fire, Henry dwelt upon the acts mentioned. 
Finally, all the powers of his stormy soul gushed out, in peal after 
peal, of eloquence that startled every hearer. The flashing eye, 
the intrepid bearing, dauntless energy, impassioned fervor and 
emphatic gesture of the man as he stood, — all conspired to make 
him an object of imposing admiration. The people were thunder- 
struck ; his father cried copiously, — every one was roused to the 
highest pitch of excitement. The speaker finally closed ; the 
court and jury were beside themselves. The jury gave a verdict 
of one penny for plaintiff. Henry was a made man. The people 
raised him to their shoulders, and with enthusiastic shouts bore 
him from the Court-house. His father, in speaking of it, a few 
days afterward, said : "Patrick spoke in this cause near an hour, 
and in a manner that surprised me, and showed himself well- 
informed on a subject of which I did not think he had any know- 
ledge." 

Wirt tells us that this speech was regarded as the finest 
specimen of oratory ever delivered in those parts, and that for 
years after,, if any one delivered a very great speech, the people 
would compliment him by saying, " He is almost equal to Patrick 
Henry when he plead against the parsons." 

Henry, from perfect obscurity, had, in one day, placed himself 
conspicuously before the people. His fame flew over the colony, — 
his name was on every lip. From this time he did not lack busi- 
ness. Young lawyers should always bear in mind the importance 
of their first case ; at the same time, however, they should not 
attempt to make the same display here given, unless natural en- 
dowments and study fully warrant that they can sustain them- 
selves. Henry now became a peoples' man, — perfectly idolized 
by the Virginia yeomanry. To maintain this position he has 
been accused of pandering to their whims, caprices and errors.. 
Few men, especially those who seek political distinction, there are, 
who do not. He never bent himself to a methodical course of legal 



288 PATEICK HENEY. 

study, nor is it a departure from truth to say, he never was an 
excellent master of the profession. Soon after this he removed to 
Louisa county. Here his indolent habits returned. He gave 
himself up to hunting and the amusements of his boyhood. The 
next time he distinguished himself was at Williamsburg. An 
election to a seat among the Burgesses was contested. Henky 
argued the point for one of the contestants. He came into the 
House with an old worn-out suit of clothes on ; everybody else 
was attired in the higlit of elegance. He was regarded, by some, 
as an oddity ; by others, a half lunatic. He was introduced, with 
all the pomp of court etiquette. What cared he for fashion and 
form ? He was, by some, sneered at ; by others, not considered 
at all. How little do appearances indicate real merit! The 
leather cap of a blacksmith often covers a nobler soul than the 
silken gewgaws of the diplomatist, or even the ermine of the judge. 
He entered into the case, and made a speech that wrung conces- 
sions of extraordinary ability from all. Henby's outset demon- 
strates one thing, that is well enough to be borne in mind ; he was 
perfectly independent. He made people respect his talents and 
admire his genius, because he combined with them a native force 
of character, that knew no obstacle and feared no opposition. He 
said by his example, young man! stand on your own ground, — 
fight your own battles ; if you have talents and merit, they will 
develop themselves, — they will elicit homage and regard. Pander 
to nothing against which conscience rebels, — know yourself, know 
human nature, know your duties, and act accordingly, — do 
right, — let fame take care of itself. 

In 1764:, Henry proved himself a statesman, — a man exactly 
fitted for the times. This was the commencement of the long 
train of mischiefs growing out of the Stamp Act. He was among 
the first to rouse the people to resistance ; at that measure Henry's 
blood boiled ; he loved freedom, he was the most perfect imperso- 
nation of the word that ever lived : any kind of coercion, to him, 
was prison, — an Alpine torrent gushed not more freely than did 
his actions speak his soul. The finest ship that ever swelled her 
canvas, rode not the waves of ocean truer than did he obey the 
voice of his own great nature. Upon his stern opposition to the 
Act, he was elected to the House of Burgesses. The classic Lee, 
the educated Bland, the fervid Pendleton and well-versed Wythe 
were there. Among them, rugged as nature's unseen mountain, 



PATEICK HENRY. 289 

with careless mien and deep abstraction, save when startled by 
excitement, sat Patrick Henry. 

Henry's debut in the House of Burgesses was as triumphant as 
at the bar. His first speech was called forth by an attemp to 
establish a species of government loan office. This movement 
was instigated by Robinson, who was custodian of the public 
funds. He had advanced money to different persons, until a great 
deficit became apparent. To avoid criticism and remark, he sug- 
gested the loan office. The proposition roused Henry at once. 
His speech in opposition was most powerful ; he carried his point 
and defeated the measure. " What, sir," said he in the speech, 
" is it proposed to reclaim the spendthrift from dissipation and 
extravagance by filling his pockets with money ?" The advocates 
of the measure were completely foiled. Henry's reputation was 
now established in the House. 

In regard to the Stamp Act, resisting steps had already been 
taken. But they were not bold and decisive enough for Henry. 
He drew up, in 1765, and presented, the subjoined resolutions : 

" Resolved^ That the first adventurers and settlers of his 
Majesty's colony and dominion, brought with them and trans- 
mitted to posterity, and all other of his Majesty's subjects, since 
inhabiting in this, his Majesty's said colony, all the privileges, 
franchises, and immunities that have at any time been held, 
enjoyed, and possessed by the people of Great Britain. 

'"''Resolved^ That by two royal charters, granted by King James 
the First, the colonies aforesaid, are declared entitled to all the 
privileges, liberties, and immunities of denizens and natural 
born subjects, to all intents and purposes, as if they had been 
abiding and born within the realm of Enlgand. 

" Resolved^ That the taxation of the people by themselves, to 
represent them, who can only know what taxes the people are 
able to bear, and the easiest mode of raising them, and are 
equally affected by such taxes themselves, is the distinguishing 
characteristic of British freedom, and without which, the ancient 
constitution can not subsist. 

" Resolved^ That his Majesty's liege people, of this most ancient 
colony, hare uninterruptedly enjoyed the right of being thus 
governed by their own assembly, in the article of their taxes and 
internal police, and that the same hath never been forfeited, or any 



290 PATRICK HENEY, 

other way giveu up, but hath been constantly recognized by the 
king and people of Great Britain, 

" Besolved^ Therefore, that the General Assembly of this colony 
have the sole right and power to lay taxes and impositions upon 
the inhabitants of this colony ; and that every attempt to vest 
such power in any person or persons, whatever, other than the 
General xVssembly aforesaid, has a manifest tendency to destroy 
British, as well as American freedom." 

These resolutions created intense excitement. Never did pro- 
vincial eloquence more conclusively prove its power. In the dis- 
cussion tliat followed, Henry towered above all disputants, and 
bore down opposition by perfect torrents of appeal and denunci- 
ation. Jefierson, himself, has said, he never listened to any thing 
like it. It was during the debate upon these resolutions, when 
thundering like a Titan against the aggressive acts, he exclaimed : 
"Cffisarhad his Brutus, — Charles the First his Cromwell, and 
George the Third (Treason ! treason ! interrupted the speaker) 
may profit by their example. If tJiis be treason, make the most 
of it," concluded Henry. After the cry of " treason," his eye 
flashed upon the speaker, and rising to his full hight, in a still 
louder key he finished the sentence, — " may profit by their 
example," and added with deep emphasis : " If tJiis be treason, 
make the most of it,"* The effect was indescribable. A bomb- 
shell hurled into the council, would have had no greater effect. 

His resolutions passed. May, 1765, after a close vote. Again, 
his opponents were beaten. Of these resolutions, Henry himself 
thus spoke afterward. * * * "After a long and heated 
contest, the resolutions passed by a very small majority, perlia]38 
only one or two. The alarm spread throughout America with 
astonishing quickness, and the ministerial party were over- 
whelmed. The great point of resistance to Britsh taxation, was 
universally established in the colonies. This brought on the war 
that finally separated the two countries, and gave independence 
to ours. Whether this will prove a blessing or a curse, will 
depend upon the use our people make of the blessings which a 
gracious God hath bestowed on us. If they are worse, they will 
be great and happy. If they are of a contrary character, they will 
be miserable. Righteousness alone can exalt them as a nation, 

* Irving's Washington. Wirt. 



PATRICK HENRY. 291 

Reader, whoever thou art, remember this ; and in thy sphere, 
practice virtue thyself and encourage it in others. 

"P. Henry." 

Henry now stood foremost among the orators of the country. 
Plis clarion peals rang from one end of the Continent to the other, 
with an influence like an electric shock. True, efforts were made 
to detract from him, — efforts which were the offspring of jealousy 
on the part of those whose superior opportunities, and prior 
reputation, created an antipathy to the "obscure colonial lawyer," 
as Henry had been styled, who could distance them in debate, 
captivate every ear, and defeat them in all their measures. 
Henry's position now, in regard to the great topic of the times, it 
is presumed, is sufficiently clear. We will, therefore, glance at his 
course in maintaining that position, and vindicating the reputation 
he had acquired. 

Henry continued a member of the House for some time. In 
1Y69, he entered the general courts, as practitioner, with the 
ablest men of the colony. From this time he began to make 
some money by his. profession. But it is not of Henry as a 
lawyer, that we are to speak. From 1761, until the war of inde- 
pendence had successfully terminated, he was laboring in a public 
capacity. He was placed on the Committee of Correspondence 
in the House, and led the van of opposition to foreign domination. 
He was foremost in the appeals and speeches, that drew upon the 
House the displeasure of Bottetourt, and resulted in their disso- 
lution. The signs of the times roused all the lion of his soul. 
Fearless and active, he declared what he felt in public bodies and 
in private circles. After stirring up the House, he would talk 
upon the topic among friends. It is related of him, that when 
Overton asked him " whether he thought Great Britain would 
drive the colonies to extremities ? and what he thought would be 
the issue of the war?" that he raised himself upward, and with 
that telling emphasis for which he was noted, replied as follows : 
" She WILL drive us to extremities, — no accommodation will take 
place, — hostilities will soon commence and a desperate and bloody 
time it will be." Overton then asked : " Do you think, Mr. 
Henry, that an infant nation as we are, without discipline, arms 
and ammunition, ships of war, or money to procure them, — 
do you think it possible, thus circumstanced, to oppose success- 
fully the fleets and armies of Great Britain ?" Henry replied : 



292 PATRICKHENRT. 

"I will be candid with you. I doubt whether we shall be able tc 
cope alone with so powerful a natiou. But, where is France? 
Where is Spain? Where is Holland? the natural enemies of 
Great Britain. — Where will they be all this while ? Do you 
suppose they will stand by idle, indifferent spectators to the con- 
test ? Will Louis the XVIth be asleep all this time? Believe me, 
No ! When Louis the XVIth shall be satisfied by our serious 
opposition, and our Declaration of Independence^ that all pros- 
pect of reconciliation is gone, then, and not till then, will he 
furnish us with arms, ammunition and clothing ; and not with 
these onl}", but he will send his fleet and armies to fight our 
battles for us ; he will form with us a treaty, offensive and de- 
fensive, against our unnatural mother. Spain and Holland will 
join in the confederation ; our independence will be established, 
and we shall take our stand among the nations of the earth " 

After the enactment of the Fort Bill, a result of the Tea de- 
struction at Boston, Henry was among those who urged a day of 
fasting and prayer at Williamsburgh. It would be diflicult to 
conceive the state of his feelings during that solemn day. Still 
as a funeral, save the peals of the bells, chiming to the notes of 
freedom, was it observed. Advocating opposition from the very 
outset with enthusiastic energy, he was now advanced still higher in 
the capacity of champion for the people. With Washington, Lee 
and others for his colleagues, he was sent as delegate to the first 
Continental Congress. After the meeting and organization of 
that body, each member distrusting himself, feared to commence 
the discussion. 

After some little hesitation, Heney arose and opened the pro- 
ceedings in one of his happiest strains. He touched upon the 
wrongs they were enduring, appealed to the people to have 
redress, recounted the tyrannous acts of Great Britain, and finally 
closed amid the struck and almost breathless silence of every 
member on the floor. The ball was put in motion that w'as to 
gain strength at every rebound, and to eventuate in final inde- 
pendence. Henry, though foremost when any thing was to be 
spoken upon, was not prepared to advance business much by any 
practical power he possessed. No addresses could he pen, no 
drafts prepare, or any thing of that sort. This was the session, 
when he was pitched upon to draw an important paper ; but not 
being "scholar enough " he had to decline, and the duty devolved 



PATRICK HENRY. 293 

ou Dickinson. How he then regretted the wasted time of his 
youth. 

Congress, after a sliort session, adjourned. Henry was also 
chosen one of the delegates of Virginia's Continental Assembly. 
That body met in the spring of 1775, at Richmond. They ex- 
pressed great approbation of the measures of Congress, and gave 
a vote of thanks to the State delegates for the services rendered. 
Henky directed the war party with a giant might, and boldest 
daring. While many were still hoping for reconciliation, he 
arose in the House and presented some resolutions urging im- 
mediate and active measures for putting the country in a State of 
defense. These resolutions he urged with all his power and zeal. 
One of them read as follows : 

" Resolved^ That this colony be immediately put into a state 

of defense, and that be a committee to prepare a plan for 

embodying, arming and disciplining such a number of men as 
may be sufficient for that purpose." 

The resolutions were opposed by some of the strongest men in 
the House. In answer to the speech of one of the leaders in the 
opposition, Henry made, perhaps, the master effort of his life. 
He rose more like a god than a man. He triumphantly replied 
to evprv aro"nmPTit. He carried the House by storm. This was 
the speech in which, towering majestically up to his theme, he 
exclaimed : " We must light i I repeat it, sir, we must ngnt i — 
an appeal to arms, and the God of hosts is all that is left us." 
Continuing his speech, in words of fire, he said: "There is no 
retreat but submission and slavery ! Our chains are forged. 
Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston. The war 
is inevitable, — and let it come. I repeat it, sir, let it come ! It 
is vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen cry peace, 
peace, — but there is no peace. The war is actually begun ! The 
next gale that sweeps from the north, will bring to our ears the 
clash of resounding arms ! Our brethren are already in the field ! 
Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? 
What would they have ? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to 
be purchased at the price of chains, — of chains and slavery ? 
Forbid it Almighty God. I know not what course others may 
take, but as for me, give me liberty or give me deatfi!" The 
orator ceased ; — ^he took his seat amid death-like stillness. 
His tones seemed to have burned his own feelings upon every 



294 PATKICK HENRY. 

heart. The chains of which he had spoken, seemed to clank 
about the very capital. The "gale from the north" seemed 
already sweeping over their heads. The resolutions encountered 
little further opposition. They were adopted immediately. 

Henry's efforts were not wholly confined to this department of 
labor. Soon after this, when, by the regulations of Lord Dunmore, 
all the public lands within the colony were to be sold at auction, 
he opposed it by presenting resolutions which were adopted. The 
war now commenced in earnest. The robbery of a store of 
ammunition and the affair at Concord proved, sure enough, that 
the sword and the God of battles were all to which they could 
appeal. Henry now raised a corps of volunteers, and hastened 
to Williamsburg, for the purpose of demanding restitution for 
the powder taken from the magazine. He was solicited on all 
sides to desist, but in vain. He arrived in the vicinity of 
Williamsburg, but was met by a messenger from Lord Dun- 
more, who satisfied him for the depredations committed on the 
magazine, and Henry gave a receipt for the same. This being 
done, he wrote the following note to a friend : 

"May 4th, 1775. 

" The affair of the powder is now settled, so as to produce 
satisfaction to me, and I earnestly wish to the colonies in general. 
The people here have it in charge from the Hanover committee, 
to tender their services to you as a public officer, for the purpose 
of escorting the public treasury to any place in this colony, where 
the money would be judged more safe than in Williamsburg. 
The reprisal now made by the Hanover volunteers, though accom- 
plished in a manner less liable to imputation of violent extremity, 
may possibly be the cause of future injury to the treasury. If, 
therefore, you apprehend the least danger, a sufficient guard is at 
your service. I beg the return of the bearer may be instant, 
because the men wish to know their destination. 

'■'■With great regard, I am, sir, your most humble servant, 

" Patrick Henry, Jr." 

Nicholas, to whom the above was addressed, replied, declining 
his offered escort, etc., also expressing his views as to the "impro- 
priety" of such a step. Having accomplished the object they had 
in view, the troop was disbanded. The soldiers went to their 



PATRICK HENRY. 295 

respective homes, until more active scenes called them again to 
service. This conduct drew from Dunmore a proclamation to the 
effect that, " "Whereas a certain Patrick Henry " had violated the 
majesty of the law, etc., all persons were warned against " aiding 
or abetting " him in his movements, in any way whatever. Some 
time elapsed before Henky again distinguished himself in the 
councils. His bold stand, however, particularly his march to 
Williamsburg, attracted attention toward him in another sphere. 
He was made colonel of a regiment. He made early arrange- 
ments for active duty. July, 1775, found him at Williamsburg, 
engaged in military operations. In this capacity, however, he 
did nothing worthy of note. Therefore, we drop his military 
career, by saying that the council, not the field, was his proper 
sphere. So far as active military movements are concerned, the 
name of Henry could be left out altogether, without loss to the 
history of the Revolution. In the legislative department, he was 
a " stirrer of the storm," and did much. He. held his command 
as colonel for some time, without adding honors to his name, o/ 
to the cause. He was, in fact, sometimes ti'eated with indignity, 
and pronounced a "cipher." He finally resigned his commission, 
and entered upon duties for which he was more fitted. Soon as 
he resigned, he was sent as member to the Hanover County con- 
vention. Parliamentary prerogative was then virtually at an end. 
These colonial conventions had weighty duties to perform ; none 
was abler to act a part in them than Henry. On the 6th day of 
May, 1776, this convention met. They chose Pendleton for their 
president. Their earliest movements were the adoption of reso- 
lutions, recommending the Declaration of Independence, and the- 
appointment of a committee to prepare a Bill of Rights, and a 
plan of State government. In these, Henry was active and 
earnest. He was placed on this committee. These proceedings 
closed with drinking three toasts, which was done amid enthusi- 
astic cheering, while their oion flag was streaming over them. 
They were as follows: "1. The American Independent States." 
" 3. The grand Congress of the United States, and their respective 
legislatures." "3. General Washington, and victory to the 
American arms." 

After thus taking things into their own hands, Henky was 
chosen first governor of the colony, — the first selected by the 
people. The selection was universally approved. At the most 
20 



296 PATRICK HENRY. 

discouraging period of the revolution, when hope itself seemed 
no longer to hover over the American banner, as governor, 
Henry had little chance to add new laurels to his brow. He was 
ardent in his attachment to the cause ; favored the Declaration, 
and did his utmost in furthering that measure, through all its 
aspects. It has been said that, in these times of distress and 
gloom, thoughts were seriously entertained in Virginia, of making 
Henry dictator. No such thing. Dictator of what ? of Yir !;inia ? 
of the legislature? of the militia? Neither. The dictatorship 
of that one colony would have amounted to nothing; of entire 
continental powers would have hastened a direful catastrophe. 
Better for Henry, had the threat which Colonel Gary is said to 
have sent him been executed, than he should have been so placed. 
"• Tell him (Henry) for me," said Gary to Syme, " that the day of 
his appointment shall be the day of his death ; — for he shall feel 
my dagger in his heart before the sunset of that day." No such 
thing was ever thought of; and if it had been, the feelings and 
characteristics of Henry, show that he would not have encour- 
aged it. 

In the Spring of 1777, he was re-elected governor, with quite a 
spirit of unanimity. The most important event of this year, was 
the infamous Gonway Gabal, elsewhere spoken of. Soon as the 
schemers got fairly under way, anxious to gain influential auxili- 
aries, communications were sent to various men of distinction, 
urging their co-operation in the efibrts to supplant Washington, in 
the command. Henry was thunderstruck on receiving one of these 
perfidious missiles anonymously communicated from Yorktown. 
It animadverted upon Washington in terms of great severity, — 
flattered Henry, and urged to the command " a Gates, a Lee, or 
a Conway y Obeying none but the dictates of true manhood, he 
sent the letter to Washington immediately, condemning in 
strongest terms the traitor spirit of his enemies. His course was 
highly commendable, and elicited several flattering letters from 
Washington, at Yalley Forge. Of the fate of that cabal, enough 
has been said. 

In 1778, Henry was, for the third time, elected governor. The 
first thing demanding his attention, was the capture of Phillips, 
a notorious plunderer and murderer, who, at the head of a large 
ba"nd of desperadoes, was carrying ruin, terror and destruction 
throughout that part of the country. One Wilson, sent Henry 



PATRICK HENRY, 297 

a letter, giving him some information in regard to this bandit 
chief. Henky sent it to the legislature. Vigorous means were 
resorted to, to eflect his capture. He was finally captured, tried, 
condemned and executed. In this matter, Henry was charged 
with not having acted exactly right. Charges, however, without 
any thing to base them on, amount to nothing. 

In the spring of 1799, Henky's duties as governor drew to a 
closeo' The constitution of the State rendered him, it was thought, 
ineligible to re-election. He sent a note to the legislature, advis- 
ing the early selection of a successor. He carried with him, out 
of office, the universal good-will and regard of all. These form 
the highest trophy that can deck a statesman's brow. Henry 
was sent again to the Assembly, in the year 1780. This was the 
time Gates was defeated at Camden, He came to Williamsburg, 
wearing, as Charles Lee had said he would, " southern willows," 
in the place of his " northern laurels." With a magnanimity, 
worthy the Eoman council that met Terrentius Varro returning 
vanquished from the slaughter-field of Cannce, the Virginia 
Assembly received Gates, covered with disgrace as he was, with 
marks of esteem, and passed a resolution, appreciative of his 
efiforts. This illustrates the high feelings of Henry. He was 
mainly instrumental in the movement, A dark period for Vir- 
ginia was the year 1781. It was the theater of operations. Tarle- 
tou, Phillips and others, filled the colony with alarm and confusion. 
The legislature met at Eichmond early in spring. Before they 
had fairly organized, on the 7th of May, they were forced to 
adjourn to Charlottesville. They were just beginning to transact 
business, when a gentleman galloped his horse into the place, 
stirring it into a buzz of commotion, by telling the people that 
Tarelton was coming with speed to capture the place. " Tarletou 
and the British!" — the cry of "fire" was not so ominous of destruc- 
tion. The messenger was just in time. The Assembly adjourned, 
or rather fled to Staunton. Tarleton arrived just as they had left. 
Six or seven members of the legislature were taken prisoners. 

Henry continued his efibrts for his country, during the war 
After the surrender of Cornwallis, and the cessation of hostil- 
ities, he still held a seat in the councils of State. A measure 
of early consideration, was the proposition for the return to the 
enjoyment of citizenship, of those who had taken refuge under 
British protection during the darkest period of tlie war. The 



298 PATEICK HENET. 

word " Tory," conveyed an odium of peculiar detestation to the 
American people, then in the enjoyment of their virgin liberty. 
The measure was warmly opposed, Henky, true to his great 
nature, favored it, and made one of the finest speeches of his life, 
in answer to the argument of the opponents, that they would be 
dangerous to our liberties if among us, Henry closed his speech 
by saying : " Afraid of them ! What, sir, shall we^ who have laid 
the British lion at our feet, now be afraid of his whelps? Few 
men ever excelled Henry in the eifective application of these kind 
of figures. Another sample has been given, equally happy. Favor- 
ing unrestricted internal commerce, he said, in a speech of great 
fervor: "Why should we fetter commerce? If a man is in 
chains, he droops and bows to the earth, for his spirits are broken ; 
but let him twist the fetters from his legs, and he will stand erect. 
Fetter not commerce, sir, — let her be as free as air, — she will 
range the whole creation, and return on the wings of the four 
winds of Heaven, to bless the land with plenty." These bursts 
of eloquence, unadorned with rhetorical finish, glowing with all 
the fervor of his earnest soul, had, upon his hearers, a most 
indescribable efiect. 

During the year 1784, nothing of very great importance afibrded 
opportunities for Henry to exhibit his powers. We find him 
favoring treaties and negotiations with the Indians, and suggesting 
measures preventive of future difficulties from them. He also 
advocated with ability the establishment and regulation of the 
Episcopal and other Christian churches, and the devising of meanr- 
for their permanent support. When, shortly after, Washingtoi? 
and Lafayette visited Richmond, Henry was placed on the recep- 
tion committee that waited upon each, No duty could have been 
more congenial. They were received in the most flattering 
manner. 

In the fall of 1784, the intermediate time having made him 
re-eligible, Henry was again elected governor of the State. In 
1786, he resigned this office, more on account of his comparative 
poverty, and the meager salary belonging to the position. Again 
he resumed, or rather he was driven to the practice of his pro- 
fession for a support. 

Shortly after, the Federal Constitution was submitted for con- 
sideration to subordinate State conventions. To the convention 
of Yirginia, that met at Richmond June 2d, 1788, Henry was 



PATRICK HENRY. 299 

elected delegate. He was strongly opposed to the Constitution ; 
he says himself, that he was " awfully alarmed " about it. Henky's 
first work, in that body of stern men, was the delivery of an able 
and lengthy speech, in reply to Nicholas. During this conven- 
tion IIenby gave evidences of masterly oratorical powers. To- 
ward the close of the session, when the time for taking the final 
vote was approaching, he made his strongest appeals against the 
adoption of the instrument. Painting with vivid colors the deplor- 
able results that would follow, he stretched his hand aloft, exclaim- 
ing : " Beyond that horizon which binds mortal eyes," he in- 
voked the interposition of supernatural agencies. So majestic he 
appeared, as he did so, that every one was filled with solemn awe. 
It is said, too, that just after he made the invocation, a storm 
burst from the heavens, and peal after peal of thunder shook the 
house to its foundation, and that, "rising on the wings of the tem- 
pest, he seized upon the artillery of heaven to direct its fiercest 
thunders against the heads of his adversaries." 

The people were so bereft of their senses, that they could no 
longer stand the efiect, but rushed in confusion from their seats. 
His efforts availed nothing. The Constitution was adopted : it 
ought to have been. Henky's opposition, however, did much 
good. The discussion produced several changes and modifica- 
tions in the instrument. 

On the adjournment of that body, Heney resumed his labors in 
the Assembly. The first duty of that body was the selection of 
delegates to represent the State in general Congress. Madison 
was nominated. Against him Henry proposed Richard Henry 
Lee and Grayson, both of whom were elected. Heney, who was 
honestly alarmed at the reception of the Constitution, presented and 
urged the adoption of resolutions recommending the assemblage 
of another convention for the purpose of changing many of its fea- 
ures. After some animated debate, his resolutions were adopted. 

It was during this discussion, that a scene characteristic of the 
man occurred. After enumerating the many defects in the Con- 
stitution, — defects at variance with the rights of his countrymen, 
he exclaimed : " I am ready and willing, at all times, and on all 
occasions, to bow with the utmost deference to the majesty of the 
people." Over the way saf a young Federalist of dashing appear- 
ance. He was rich, highly educated, very ambitious, exceedingly 
graceful, and had been at the court of Great Britain during 



300 PATRICK HENRY. 

the entire Eevolution, he had withal, considerable talent. He 
took Henky up. He mentioned his opposition to the Consti- 
tution clause after clause, and consequently, to the views of most 
of his countrymen, and closed each by saying, '-'"yet he is ready 
and willing at all times, and on all occasions, to how to the 
majesty of the 'people.'''' This he repeated some dozen times, 
closing each finely-wrought sentence with the "majesty of the 
people," and a most exquisite bow. "It is of little importance," 
he said, " whether a country is ruled by a despot with a tiara on 
his head, or by a demagogue in a red cloak (aimed at Henkt) and 
a caul-bare wig, although he should profess, on all occasions, to 
hoiu to tlie majesty of the peopleP These bows could not, it is 
said, have been excelled in gracefulness, nor the repetition of 
Henry's sentence in sarcasm. The young member, after keeping 
this up for some time, took his seat in great triumph. It was now 
Henky's turn. He was never graceful ; on this occasion he tried 
to be as awkward as he could. He rose very clumsily, and said: 
" Mr. Speaker, I am a plain man, and have been educated alto- 
gether in Virginia. My whole life has been spent among plant- 
ers and other plain men of similar education, who have never had 
the advantage of that polish which a court alone can give, and 
which the gentleman over the way has so happily acquired : in- 
deed, sir, the gentleman's employments and mine have been as 
widely different as our fortunes ; for, while that gentleman was 
availing himself of the opportunity which a splendid fortune 
afforded him of acquiring a foreign education, mixing among the 
great, attending levees and courts, hashing in the heams of royal 
favor at St. James', and exchanging courtesies with crowned 
heads, I was engaged in the arduous toils of the Revolution ; and 
was probably as far from thinking of acquiring those polite accom- 
plishments which the gentleman has so successfully cultivated, as 
that gentleman then was from sharing in the toils and dangers in 
which his \inpolished countrymen were engaged. I will not, 
therefore, presume to vie with the gentleman in those courtly 
accomplishments of which he has just given the House so agree- 
able a specimen ; yet such a bow as I can make shall ever be at 
the service of the people." As he finished the sentence, he looked 
at his graceful opponent and bowed in the most ludicrous manner 
he could possibly assume. The House burst into roars of laughter 
loud and long, greatly to the discomfiture of his friend. 



PATRICK HENRY. 301 

The resolutions were adopted, but little was effected iu conse- 
quence. Though the federal Constitution was thought, by many, 
to be sadly defective in many of its parts, the public mind became 
generally satisfied with it as a whole. Sure it is that, under its 
healthful and wise provisions, our political organism gradually 
developed itself into excellence and renown. The year 1791 
closed forever the political life of Patrick Henry. A tornado of 
no common might, he had rushed irresistible through the troublous 
scenes we had just passed. The circumstances that called them 
forth no longer existing, that required his peculiar talents, with 
the times he calmed down and devoted himself to private affairs. 
His poverty also made this step necessary. In the practice of the 
law lie could procure the means his straitened circumstances made 
indispensable. He immediately engaged in an extensive practice. 
He was engaged in the celebrated British Debt case, and at the 
bar of the United States Court appeared among an array of talent, 
genius and learning, seldom convened anywhere. In this case he 
made a better display of legal research and preparation than he 
had ever before done. He prepared liimself thoroughly in this 
case, and surprised even those who knew him best. Henry's 
strength, as a lawyer, consisted in his great oratorical powers. 
With most powerful pathetic appeals and gushing eloquence, he 
combined a species of serio-comic ridicule, the effect of which was 
inimitable. A few examples may be inserted, as given by wit- 
nesses at the time, illustrating this attribute. "About the year 
1792, one Holland killed a man in Bottetourt. The young man 
was popular, and lived with Mr. King, a wealthy merchant in 
Faircastle, who employed Mr. John Brackenridge to assist iu the 
prosecution of Holland. This Holland had gone up from the 
county of Louisa as a schoolmaster, but turned out badly, and was 
generally unpopular. The killing was in the night, and was gene- 
rally supposed to be murder. He was the son of one Dr. Hol- 
land, who was yet living in Louisa county, and had been one of 
Henry's juvenile friends and acquaintances. It was chiefly at 
the instance of the father, and for a very moderate fee, that Henry 
undertook to go out to the District Court of Greenbrier, to defend 
the prisoner. Such were the prejudices there, that the people had 
openly and repeatedly declared, that even Patrick Henry need 
not come to defend Holland, unless he brought a jury with him 
On the day of trial, the Court-house was crowded. I did not' 



302 PATRICK HENRY. 

move from my seat for fourteen hours, and had no wish to do so. 
The examination of witnesses took up great part of the time, and 
the lawyers were probably exhausted. Brackenridge was elo- 
quent, but Henry left no dry eye in the Court-honse. The case, 
I believe, was murder' / though possibly manslaughter only. Mr. 
Henky laid hold of this possibility witli such effect, as to make 
all forget that Holland had killed the storekeeper at all ; and pre- 
sented the deplorable case of the jury killing Holland, an inno- 
cent man. By that force which he possessed in such a wonderful 
degree, he exhibited, as it were, old Holland and his wife, who 
Avere then in Louisa ; but the drawing was so powerful, and so 
true to nature, that we seemed to see them before us, and hear 
them asking of the jury ' Where is our son ? what have you done 
with him V All this was done in a manner so solemn and touch- 
ing, and in a tone so irresistible, that it was impossible for the 
stoutest heart not to take sides with the criminal ; as for the jury, 
tliey lost sight of the murder they were trying, and wept most 
profusely with old Holland and his wife, whom Henry painted, 
and perhaps proved to be, very respectable. During the exami- 
nation of the evidence, the bloody clothes had been brought in. 
Mr. Henry objected to their exhibition, and applied most forcibly 
and pathetically, Antony's remark on Csesar's wounds, — on those 
dwnb mouths which would raise the stones of Rome to mutiny. 
He urged that this sight would totally deprive the jury of their 
judgment, which would be merged in their feelings. The court 
were divided and the motion fell. The result of the trial was, 
that after the retirement of half an hour or a. quarter of an hour, 
the jury brought in a verdict of not guilty ; but on being reminded 
by the court that they might find a degree of homicide inferior to 
murder, they altered their verdict to guilty of manslaughter.'''' 

The above was one of the many cases in which he was engaged, 
where he brought all his persuasive powers to bear upon the 
jury, and led them entirely off from all atrocity connected with the 
prisoner. 

The following are instances in which he pursued a different 
course, and used with ec[ual effect his comic powers. "In the 
year 1792, there were many suits on the south side of James River, 
for inflicting Lynch law. A verdict of five hundred pounds had 
been given, in Prince Edward's District Court, in a case of this 
kind. This alarmed the defendant in the next case, who employed 



PATRICK HENRY. 303 

Mr. Henry to defend him. The case was this : a wagoner and the 
phiiutiff were traveling to Richmond together, when the wagoner 
knocked down a turkey, and put it into his wagon. Complaint 
was made to the defendant, a justice of the peace ; both the par- 
ties were taken up, and the wagoner agreed to take a whipping 
rather than be sent to jail ; but the plaintiff refused ; the justice, 
however, gave him a small flagellation ; and for this the suit was 
brought. The plaintiff, by way of taking off the force of the 
defense, insisted that he was wholly innocent of the act committed. 
Mr. Henry contended, on the contrary, that he was a party aiding 
and assisting. In the course of his remarks he expressed himself 
thus : ' But, gentlemen of the jurj', the plaintiff tells you he had 
nothing to do with the turkey. I dare say, gentlemen, not until 
it was r-o-«-s-t-ed.' He pronounced this word roasted with such 
rotundity of voice, — such a ludicrous whirl of the tongue, and in 
a manner so indescribably comical, that it threw every one into a 
fit of laughter at the jplaintiff^ who stood up in the place usually 
allotted to criminals ; and the defendant was let off with little or 
no damages."* 

Here follows another illustration of his humorous way of man- 
aging certain cases. Every schoolboy remembers to have read 
the case of John Hook. The case was about this. Hook was a 
man of wealth, but was regarded as being opposed to the Eevo- 
lution. At a time Mdien the army was suffering for supplies, and 
they assumed the right of taking them wherever found, a Mr. 
Ycuable laid hold of some of Hook's cattle, without giving remu- 
neration. After peace was ratified, Hook sued Venable for the 
value of his steers. Henry defended him. A large crowd was 
present. Henry spoke of the Revolution in terms deeply pathe- 
tic, — the blood at Brandywine seemed to flow afresh, — the frozen 
feet of starving veterans at Valley Forge seemed before them. 
He then turned to Hook, cowering under his eloquence, and 
said: '•'Where is the man, who had an American heart in his 
bosom, who would not have thrown open his fields, his barns, his 
cellars, the doors of his house, the portals of his breast, to have 
received with open arms the meanest soldier in that little band 
of famished patriots ? Where is the man ? There he stands, — 
but whether an American heart beats in his bosom, you, gentle- 

* Stuart. 



304. PATRICK PIENEY. 

men, are to judge." Then he dwelt upon the blessings of peace, 
bought by common blood and treasure, — he mentioned the uni- 
versal joy pervading all classes, from one end of the Continent 
to the other. "But hark!" he exclaimed, "what notes of discord 
are those which disturb the general joy, and silence the acclama- 
tions of victory, — they are the notes of John Ilook^ hoarsely 
bawling through the American camp, heef! beef! !" Never did 
court-room present such a spectacle ; judge, jury, and clerks were 
roaring with laughter. Venable gained his case, while Hook 
barely escaped being tarred and feathered. 

But enough of his legal career. He went into retirement, with 
" his laurels fresh and green about him," fully prepared for its 
enjoyments. As Jefferson said, " he was the best humored man 
in the workl :" as Wirt says, " his disposition was all sweetness, — 
his aifections were warm, kind, and social, — his patience invin- 
cible, — his temper even, unclouded, cheerful and serene, his man- 
ners plain, open, familiar and simple, — his conversation easy, 
ingenuous and unaffected, full of entertainment, full of instruction, 
and irradiated with all those light and softer graces which his 
genius threw without effort over the most common subjects." 

Henry was the kindest of husbands, the best of parents, the 
most generous of neighbors, the truest of patriots, a consistent 
philanthropist, and at heart, among the purest of men. "Well 
capacitated, indeed, was he to adorn the walks of private life. 
Among his children, engaged in his professional duties, attending 
to domestic afiairs, or seated in the shades of the old trees before 
his door, talking to friends about the stirring scenes he had wit- 
nessed, he passed his time as became the hero orator of the Revo- 
lution. 

In 1796 he was again elected governor of the State, but declined. 
He continued the enjoyment of private life with a marked degree 
of content, till 1797, when his health began to fail him. It is to 
be regretted that the retirement which age and long service made 
essential to his comfort, should have been interrupted by the dic- 
tates of his impetuous nature, and roused by the portentous signs 
of the times. So powerfully did the troubles with France work 
upon his mind, that ho thought it his duty again to engage in the 
political strifes of his country. In 1799, he became a candidate 
for the Assembly from the county of Charlotte. This was a species 
of political insanity. The election came on. His old friends 



PATRICK HENRY. 305 

gathered around him in crowds ; so much so, that an old minister 
asked : " Why do you thus follow Mr. Heney about, — Mr. Henry 
is no god ?" " No," replied Henry, " I am but a poor worm of 
the dust, as fleeting and unsubstantial as the shadow of the cloud 
that flies over your fields, and is remembered no more." 

On that day he made his last speech. It was evident that his 
"rising fires were smothered." In a somewhat disconnected 
manner he advertcid to the difierent subjects distracting the coun- 
try with agitation. Coming to Washington and his services, he 
blazed with wonted light. "Where," said he, "is the citizen of 
America who will dare to lift his hand against the Father of his 
Country ?" " I dare do it," responded some one in the crowd. 
" iVo/ " exclaimed the towering Henry, " you dare not do itj in 
such a parricidal attempt^ the steel would drop from your nerve- 
less arm .''" 

Henry was elected by a good majority ; but before the Assem- 
bly convened, he was called to another sphere. Disease had 
" fastened its fangs " deeply upon him. He continued to decline 
until early summer, and breathed his last on the 6th of June, 1797. 
He was a great man by nature, — he lived a great man, died a 
great man, — the nation conceded that he was a great man ; yet 
not a stone marks the spot where he sleeps. 



NATHANIEL GEEENE. 



Edward, the Black Prince, was a comparative youth when he 
gained the battle of Cressy. On that field he was knighted. 
When in the thickest of the fight, he was about to be overwhelmed 
by superior numbers, word was sent to his lather that he must have 
reinforcements, or inevitably perish. His father was near by, with 
the flower of the army : " Tell him to win his spurs,'''' said he to 
the messenger. Receiving this, the gallant boy rushed through the 
phalanx about him, and conquered the enemy. 

Isolated upon the theater of southern warfare, during the most 
discouraging scenes of the Revolution, was a staunch veteran in 
arms, who, in braving himself to the combined efibrts of the 
British soldiery, — without assistance from the main army, — if he 
did not win the spurs of knighthood, at least, placed himself next 
to the Father of his Country on the list of military heroes, who 
established our Independence. That veteran was Nathaniel 
Greene. Associated with the name, who does not remember 
Guilford and Eutaw Springs? 

He was born in Warwick, Rhode Island, May 27th, 1742. His 
father owned a forge and a mill, on Potowhommett Creek. Work- 
ing at these, and engaging in the seasonable amusements of those 
times, Nathaniel became quite hardy and robust. When yet 
young, a teacher was installed in his father's family. From this 
teacher, he learned many things that formed useful life- lessons, 
through the varied scenes he had to pass. His boyhood was 
marked with gayety of disposition, and a fondness for active 
enjoyments. He had, also, a great love for books ; winter even- 
ings and holiday times, frequently found him worming through 
(306 ) 




NATHANIEL GREENE. 



NATHANIEL GREENE. 307 

the libraries and book-shelves of his father's acquaintauces. 
Though partial to mathematics, as most military men are, he 
studied the Latin language with considerable interest, and acquired 
a tolerable smattering of it. He loved to read Locke and Watts ; 
they became early his favorite library companions. Though very 
poor, by the time he was twenty, he had collected quite a library, and 
what was better, he had studied each volume procured. He had 
that most essential faculty of thinking for himself, without bias 
or prejudice. Hence, correct conclusions were the result of his 
application. He was exceedingly temperate, — temperate in diet, 
actions and habits. The dawn of day always found him out of 
bed. It is said that his favorite recreation was the dance, an 
amusement into which he entered with high relish. This pro- 
pensity did not suit his Quaker sire. He indulged his dancing 
frolics clandestinely. On the occasion of a grand ball in the 
neighborhood, his father resolved to watch him. Greene re- 
turned late at night. The house was locked, and his father stood, 
horsewhip in hand, in the path leading to the door. Escape was 
out of the question. Near by, was a pile of shingles. Several 
of these Greene slipped up his back, under his coat. Such a 
flagellation as the shingles got, would be a novelty to boys in our 
day. This love of fun and frolic continued through life. After 
the war, he was known to engage in them with boyish relish. 

In his twentieth year, he read Blackstone and other legal 
authorities, with a great degree of interest and comprehension. 
This seems to have given his mind a higher bent. Aspiration 
for distinction, supplanted much of his love of frolic. He began 
to take interest in the public concerns. In the quarrel with Great 
Britain, he sided with the patriots. He also made valuable 
accessions to his library, and was mainly the founder of a public 
school in the neighborhood of his father's residence. 

His entrance into public life was in 1770, when he was sent to 
the General Assembly. He held this position for some time, and 
always exhibited great firmness of purpose, decision of character, 
and energy of execution. When the cry of war with England 
was raised, a sympathetic chord was struck. Greene now gave 
his attention to military science, and studied the art of war with 
enthusiasm. He was now on the right track, and in a sure way 
of finding out himself. Never was study more congenial, or 
progress more rapid. Excitements of the times became intense. 



308 NATHANIEL GREENE. 

An immense meeting was gathered at Plainfield. Thither went 
Gkeene. His eye dilated, his arm nerved, and every motion 
spoke his soul, as he saw, for the first time, the evolutions 
of military companies paraded under arms. His career was 
decided. For him, the drum, the sword-clash, the banner, the 
shout, had greater charms than a lover's whisper. The idea of 
Greene's engagement in such scenes, did not suit his Quaker 
friends. They took him to task about it. He heard their re- 
monstrances, but declared that he would stand by the cause. 
He had drank in the elixir of martial music. What cared he 
for Quakerdom, when the battle-field of liberty stretched before 
him ? He was turned out of the society, and was never again a 
member. 

Having doffed his Quaker vestment, he mingled more in society. 
As a result, he became fascinated with a Block Island beauty, by 
the name of Littlefield. The attachment was reciprocal. They 
were married, July 20th, ITT-i. He was now thirty-two years of 
age. Active movements called him to service. An independ- 
ent troop of soldiers was organized at East Greenwich, 1774. 
Greene offered himself for lieutenant, but was not accepted. He 
cared nothing about that, and enrolled himself as a private. 
Here commences his military career. He now went to Boston, 
and saw, for the first time, the banded armies of England in grand 
•parade. He watched them with great interest. With blood 
mounting to his temples, the love of freedom in his heart, and 
smothered indignation agitating his bosom, he observed each stop 
and movement of those haughty regulars, in whose humiliation 
he was to take so active a part. 

The independent company which he joined, on hearing of the 
battle of Lexington, started for Boston. They met a messenger 
on the way, who bore an order from the governor, commanding 
them to return. Here, Greene proved that he ought to have been 
elected lieutenant. The company, notwithstanding the enthusiasm 
exhibited, did not have the hardihood to proceed, but immediately 
countermarched. Not so with Greene. Chafing under the idea 
of backing out, he begged as many as would, to follow him. But 
two consented. Abandoned by his company, this nettled hero, 
with his brother and one other went ahead toward Boston. Before 
they got there, they heard that the rusty muskets of the farmers 
had driven the enemy before them. So far as he was concerned, 



NATHANIEL GREENE. 309 

this decided step settled the point. A swift course was pursued 
by Rhode Island. A large number of men was raised. Greene 
"was placed at their head as major-general, — choice selection. 
The Spring of 1775, opened upon him. He was then thirty-three 
years old. "About five feet ten or eleven inches high, * * * 
dignified and commanding, his limbs vigorous and firmly set, 
* * * a slight stiffness of the right leg, * * * darkened by 
constant exposure to the wind and sun ; his features, though not 
uncommonly large, strongly marked, his eyes blue and remarkable 
for their brilliancy and fire, — the general expression of his 
countenance, thoughtful and benevolent, exceedingly flexible to 
every emotion, and slightly marked with small-pox near his right 
eye."* Greene assumed the position of major-general. A deep 
student of human nature, he entered upon these duties with no great 
fund of military knowledge, but with qualities that would insure 
his efiiciency. He devoted himself to training his troops, and 
was so successful that he received the highest praise from members 
of Washington's stafi*. On reaching Boston, he was stationed 
with his command on Prospect Hill, a position immediately ex- 
posed to the efibrts of the enemy. He threw up fortifications 
with dispatch. On Washington's arrival before the city, he was 
greatly rejoiced. An attachment sprang up between the two 
that never abated. 

Though he had no chance of distinguishing himself in the 
siege of that city, he availed himself of every opportunity of 
reducing what knowledge he had to practice. He did not confine 
his studies, however, solely to military afiairs. He investigated the 
various subjects of State and national policy, then before the public 
mind. Early in 1775, we find him earnestly advocating a declar- 
ation of independence. When the regulations of the army came 
immediately under the supervision of Congress, Greene was 
superseded as major, and created a brigadier-general. To him,, 
this was perfectly satisfactory. About this time an attack was ex- 
pected to be made upon Boston. Greene fell sick. His anxiety 
was extreme. " Sick or well," said he, " I mean to be there." 

When Washington hastened with his troops to the protection of 
New York, Greene was left in command at Long Island, With ex- 
treme caution he reviewed his positions, and threw up fortifications.. 



* Sparks. 

21 



310 NATHANIEL GREENE. 

He DOW fell sick, and came near dying. While confined to his 
bed, the battle of Long Island was fought and lost. " Great 
God," he exclaimed, " to be sick at such a time," The defeat 
made deep impression on his mind. Recovering of his sickness, 
he was again advanced to the rank of major-general. lie insisted 
upon a speedy retreat, and urged the destruction of the metropolis. 
In the retreat, heavy losses were sustained. Gkeene was at 
Harlsem Ilights, and fought with stern courage, during the 
operations about that point. He was next sent to Staten Island, 
to keep an eye upon the enemy in that quarter. At Fort Lee, he 
had severe times. The soldiers were disheartened, and some 
refused to serve, preferring the overtures made by the crown, at 
the time, to the hardships incident to their position. Greene 
nipped this spirit in the bud, by enforcing rigorous military 
discipline. Here, he committed the greatest blunder of his 
military life. Fort Washington was manned, for the purpose of 
preventing British ships from passing along the river. They 
passed, however, and the main object was defeated. It was urged 
that the fort be abandoned. Greene persisted in retaining it. 
The result was, it fell into the hands of the enemy, who captured 
the stores, and took some four thousand prisoners. He always 
affirmed, however, that he was right, and that if the garrison had 
fought as they should have done, the British would have been 
repulsed. Certain it is, that just before the fort was stormed, 
Greene was there, encouraging his troops with coolness and 
bravery. The fall of Fort Lee, which immediately followed, com- 
pleted the disasters in that quarter. On the 18th of November, 
1776, Cornwallis took his line of march for the fort. Greene 
had not risen. Hearing of the movement, he sprang from his 
couch, and placed himself at the head of his men. He was 
quickly fronting the enemy. Washington, in the meantime, 
arrived upon the spot. Greene now hurried back to the fort, and 
drew off the garrison to a place of safety. In these transactions, 
he showed high spirit and intrepidity. Through the long, terri- 
ble night that followed, he stood by Washington with energetic 
firmness, and hailed with equal pride, the first dawning rays that 
gilded the fields of Trenton and Princeton. With these brilliant 
engagements, the year 1776 passed by. 

In 1777, Greene was stationed at Baskingridge, where several 
skirmishes of no great importance took place. He was next sent 



NATHANIEL GREENE, 



311 



to Philadelphia, to confer with Congress, in regard to the reor- 
ganization of the army, which business he attended to in a satis- 
iactory manner. In the spring of 1777, the American army was 
stationed at Middlebrook. Here, followed those skillful displays 
of generalship, exhibited on both sides, elsew^here mentioned. 
When the enemy were descried in the Chesapeake, knowing an 
attack was contemplated, the selection of a place to make a stand 
fell upon Greene. He settled upon a place, called Cross Roads, 
back in the level country. The war council differed with him, 
and chose the Brandywine. Greene opposed strenuously the 
occupancy of that position, but without avail. Had his advice 
been heeded, perhaps the disastrous result of that day would have 
been averted. The British came to the attack on the 10th of 
September, 1777. The Americans were beaten. Greene showed 
true courage and endurance, particularly in the retreat. By a 
rapid movement, marching four miles in something over half an 
hour, he threw himself between the retreating and jaded Ameri- 
cans, and their flushed pursuers. Rallying as many as he could, 
he beat off the enemy, until reaching an advantageous position, 
he halted, and made good his stand till night-fall, when the 
British ceased further efforts. This bold movement saved the lives 
of many brave men. The British being thus victorious, pushed 
on to Philadelphia, of which they made themselves masters, on 
the 26th of the same month. The battle of Germantown followed. 
It was fought on the 4th of October. Greene commanded the left 
wing. A dense fog, almost obscured the light of the morning sun. 
Firing by the light of each other's flashes, after the engagement 
began, the bloody work was kept up for some time. The Ameri- 
cans were, at one time, near gaining a decisive victory. But, 
at a critical juncture, when the fortunes of the day were about 
turning in their favor, friends were mistaken for foes, and threw 
them into confusion. Cornwallis arriving at the same time, com- 
pleted their disorder. Greene chafed like a wounded lion, as 
he saw victory snatched from them, and ordered a retreat. 
Gallantly the men were drawn ofi" as best it could be done. 
They were pursued for miles, and many of them fell by the bullets 
of the enemy, that flew thick as hail about them. 

During the scenes that succeeded these events, Greene acted 
an efficient and vigorous part. He finally retired with the main 
army to that ever memorable encampment at Valley Forge. 



312 NATHANIEL GREENE. 

Here, he was joined by his wife, as were Washington and many 
other officers. 

Shortly after this, Geeene was made quarter-master general, a 
position, than which, none more responsible existed in the army 
department. Already had serious inconveniences been felt, for 
want of a proper man to fill it. Enterprises had failed from inade- 
quate provision of supplies. The army had suffered beyond 
example, with no one to whom they could appeal for alleviation. 
Greene was the very man for the place. He accepted the station, 
but declared that it should be no bar to his active service, or lead- 
ing his men to fight in the field. 

On the evacuation of Philadelphia by the British, Greene urged 
strongly an attack upon them. This was opposed by many of the 
officers. His advice, on this occasion, was heeded, and the battle 
of Monmouth followed. In that engagement he led the right 
wing, and behaved with high spirit. Lee was just beginning his 
retreat as he filed into action. Taking a position on the enemy's 
left, though his orders were to gain their rear, Greene poured 
upon them such a raking fire that they were driven back. The 
conjunction of Wayne's troops with his own, now completed the 
confusion of the enemy. Greene now turned his attention to 
the wounded soldiers. Prospects now indicated a successful 
termination of the long and bloody struggle. The arrival of the 
French forces at Newport, just at the time the battle of Monmouth 
was gained, reinspired the whole country. Greene, it may well 
be imagined, embarked in his quarter-master's duties with 
buoyancy and animation. Uniting his forces with those of 
general Sullivan in Rhode Island, Greene took his position on 
Tiverton hills and prepared to act in conjunction with Count D' 
Estaiug, in the vicinity of Newport. This was near midsum- 
mer, and during the maneuvers that succeeded until the dis- 
persion of D'Estaing's fleet by a storm, he rendered efficient 
service. Had Count D'Estaing remained near the harbor with 
his fleet, and aided in the combined attack contemplated against 
Newport, victory would have been almost certain ; instead of this 
he sailed out to meet the British fleet and offer battle. He 
encountered a severe gale, and accomplished nothing ; while the 
land army left unprotected, endured the pelting rain and wind for 
three days. Several days passed by, and no tidings of the fleet. 
At length it was seen, greatly to the joy of the soldiers, making 



NATHANIEL GREENE. 3^3 

for the land. Geeene went aboard, to confer with the Count 
upon a plan of general attack upon Newport. Here he saw the 
shattered condition of the Count's boasted iieet, and that no assis- 
tance could be expected from it. Owing to these circumstances, 
all prospects of brilliant results in that quarter fell through. 
Nothinj, now remained but retreat. Greene coolly, and with 
courage, protected the rear. Reaching their redoubts, the fire of 
the enemy announced their pursuit. Greene now insisted upon 
a rapid march to Newport, with a view of taking it by surprise. 
He was not heeded. The British soon came up, and commenced 
a fierce attack. Greene was now among familiar scenes, near 
his own home, — the hearth of his nestlings. The cannon boom 
shook his own domicil, and jarred the heart-beats of his own wife. 
As the enemy came on, placing himself at the head of his men, 
he boldly encountered their attack. Firm as a rock, he directed 
the fire of his brave men, who, volley after volley, poured their 
balls with fatal efiect upon the enemy. After resisting it for a 
while, the enemy were repulsed with heavy loss. They recom- 
menced the attack at daylight next morning, but with little 
efiect. 

Greene now paid a brief visit home. Perplexed, however, 
with complicated cares, it afibrded light source of enjoyment. 
The army's failure around Newport, drew upon it severe animad- 
versions. Greene came in for his share of it. He took it very 
coolly, and found time to exculpate his commander from aspersions 
heaped upon him. Here, a little incident occurred, that shows 
how cautious and prudent he was. The ire of Sullivan was 
excited to the highest pitch against Count D'Estaing, for the 
manner in which he had managed the fleet. There is little doubt 
that he sent to Congress a severe remonstrance against the Count. 
Greene having business in Philadelphia, was ofiered a seat in 
Congress the very moment the communication arrived. Just as 
he took his seat by Laurens, the president, he heard the announce- 
ment, that a document was received from the governor of Rhode 
Island. It was ordered to be read and handed to the clerk. With 
intuitive sagacity, Greene knew in an instant that it was a phil- 
lipic from Sullivan, against Count D'Estaing. Snatching up a 
slip of paper, just as the clerk was opening the letter, he quickly 
wrote: " For God's sake, do not let that paper' he read till you 
have looked it over."*"* This he handed to Laurens. Laurens 



314 NATHANIEL GREENE. 

immediately whispered to the clerk. The letter was laid aside, 
and the regular business of the day taken up. 

Small as this incident may seem, had that document been read 
just at that time, in Congress, sad results might have ensued. 
The feelings prevailing between the soldiers and officers of the 
two armies were none of the best. Very small things might have 
widened the breach to an open collision. Greene again, at this 
time, devoted himself with zeal to his official duties. No time, 
perhaps, existed during the war, when just that sort of talents 
he had were in greater demand. Congress was torn by jealousies 
and conflicting opinions ; the army was jaded and discouraged ; 
the country had lost confidence in their system of government ; 
the treasury was bankrupt, and public credit destroyed. The 
army was without food, clothing or pay ; apathy began to prevail 
on the part of the people, on account of the high hopes excited by 
the alliance with France. Greene was desirous that Congress 
should be more prompt and energetic in their deliberations and 
measures for the public good ; to produce this result, he visited 
Philadelphia, and again conferred with that body, in the spring 
of 1780. During the two years he had been quarter-master 
general, he had made every effort to advance the cause of the 
patriots. Congress, in the adoption of certain measures not 
accordant with Greene's ideas of the course they should pursue, 
he sent in his resignation to that body, and urged them to select a 
successor to the office. Congress grew highly indignant. A 
heated and protracted discussion arose as to whether Greene 
should be deprived of his command. This proposition was finally 
given to the decision of an especial committee. In their report, 
they said : " That the resignation of Nathaniel Greene be 
accepted, and that he be informed that Congress have no farther 
need of his services." Here arose a question of contention. 
Greene had his friends there. These stood by him with manly 
firmness. Washington too, wrote them letters, extolling the 
capacities of Greene as a military man. This bitterness finally 
relaxed. Greene's resignation was honorably received. 

About this time, Clinton returned from the conquest of the 
Carolinas. Greene, not being deprived of his commission, was 
left in command of New Jersey. June 23d, 1780, found him 
strongly encamped upon the hills, back of Springfield, with thir- 
teen hundred men. Clinton soon advanced upon him with near 



NATHANIEL GREENE. 315 

twice that number. Lee was sent to check the right, and Dayton 
the left, wing of the enemy. With firmness and dispatch, Gkeenb 
concentrated his forces to sustain the combined attack. The 
defense of the bridges, spanning Rahway Creek, was the main 
object. The front of the main body protected two of these, and 
Shreve's regiment the third. Strong detachments were stationed 
on the hills, to be brought into action as circumstances might 
require. The British came gallantly to the charge. A division 
crossed at a ford which had not been protected, and gaining the 
rear of Lee, who had command at one of the front bridges, 
forced him, after a brave stand, to retreat. The right flank was 
next compelled to retire, after a sanguinary resistance, to the 
second bridge. Tlie army had yet to encounter Shreve. He 
gave them a hot reception, and so held them back, as to enable 
Greene to make such disposition of his troops, as would insure 
efficient action. So well did he arrange himself, reinforced by 
the men stationed on the hills, that the British, not choosing 
to renew the attack, contented themselves with going into the 
town, which they set on fire. The greater portion of it was 
burned, despite Greene's efforts to prevent the spread of the 
flames. They then retreated, pursued by the Americans. They 
made good their escape with considerable loss. Thus terminated 
the battle of Springfield. 

Active operations now ceasing for a time, "Washington visited 
Hartford, with a view of concerting measures with the French 
commanders, for another campaign. During his absence, Greene 
held chief command. He filled the post with dignity and 
credit. Near the time of which we are now speaking, the treason 
of Arnold became known. On the capture of Andre, Greene 
presided over the tribunal by which he was condemned. Greene 
was now intrusted with the command of West Point, left without 
a commander by the defection of Arnold. This he held but a 
brief period, when he received the command of the armies of the 
South. This connection forms the most brilliant part of his career. 
Defeated at Savannah, Charleston and Camden, the cause, so far 
at least as the south was concerned, was dark and unpropitious. 

No higher compliment could have been paid to Greene, than 
his selection to this position. It must be borne in mind, that 
strong efforts were made to supplant Washington ; it must also be 
remembered, that the appointment of a southern general devolved 



316 NATHANIEL GREENE. 

on that great man ; he selected Greene, Accepting the appoint- 
ment, he immediately conferred with Congress, received their 
instructions, and prepared for the duties before him. 

He took his departure for the scene of future operations, just as 
winter set in. He left General Gist in the rear, with instruc- 
tions to inspire hope whenever opportunity presented, " Let your 
applications," he said, "be as pressing as our necessities are 
urgent ; after which, if the southern States are lost, we shall stand 
justified," 

He arrived at the general encampment of the troops, Charlotte, 
North Carolina, December 2d, His first duty was to superintend 
the court of inquiry upon the conduct of Gates, ordered by Con- 
gress, He discharged it, however, in a manner highly satisfac- 
tory, and that won the esteem of that general. 

The British army was stationed at Winnsborough, with several 
strong detachments arranged for its support. These combined, 
were liable to make a general movement against him at any time. 
In the winter, he sent the courageous Morgan to a well-selected 
position, while he himself led his troops to the Great Pedee, at 
the mouth of Hick's Creek. These movements greatly weakened 
the strength of the enemy, by forcing them to divide their army, — 
leaving a part to protect Charleston, and making such dispo- 
sitions of the other as circumstances made necessary. 

Cornwallis was greatly crippled by these movements. So 
skillfully had Greene maneuvered, that he was at a loss to under- 
stand what he meant. Tarleton was sent to watch the brave old 
Morgan, while Cornwallis prepared himself to cut off the retreat. 
January 12th, 1781, Tarleton dashed ahead on his commission. 
Morgan judiciously feigned retreat, until he felt himself in a 
secure position. He had gained much strength in the meantime. 
Circumstances being favorable to an engagement, he drew up his 
army on the 17th of January, and offered battle. Tarleton rushed 
into the fight with his usual impetuosity. Morgan met him with 
the courage of a lion. His face is said to have shone like the foil 
moon, as he contended with the enemy, crying: "Fire away my 
boys, old Morgan never was beat." The Americans gained the 
day. Tarleton was driven from the field with considerable loss. 
Such was the result of the battle of Cowpens. 

Morgan now continued his march to the Catawba, where he was 
joined by the forces of Greene. Cornwallis directed his whole 



NATHANIEL GREENE. 317 

efforts against the south, and made every exertion to intercept 
Greene in his march. The small number, and insufficient pro- 
vision of his troops, placed Greene in somewhat a disagreeable 
positon ; yet he was not disheartened. " Put me upon an equal 
footing with Cornwallis," said he, " and if I do not give a good 
account of him, I will agree to be the subject of censure." 

Securing the prisoners taken at Cowpens, reinforcing his army, 
and making every possible preparation, Greene gathered his 
forces with a view of making a stand on the banks of the Ca- 
tawba. Cornwallis, in the meantime, had been on the alert, 
maneuvering to cut off the American army. On making inquiry 
into the condition of the enemy, he learned that Cornwallis had 
destroyed his baggage. "Then," said Greene, "he is ours." 
Cornwallis, it was thought, would aim to effect a junction of his 
troops with those of Arnold. To prevent this, Greene threw 
himself between the two armies and watched their movements 
till their design became clear. The Catawba had swollen to an 
unusual hight ; Greene, with his army, was one side of that river, 
while Cornwallis' with his, was on the other. They watched each 
other closely, each endeavoring to get some advantage. Greene's 
army was daily increasing by accessions of militia ; he was in 
high hopes of soon being able to strike an effective blow. The 
river having fallen, Greene prepared to dispute its passage by the 
enemy. He stationed part of his men along at several points to 
prevent surprise, and proceeded himself toward Salisbury. Early 
on the morning of the 1st of February, the British prepared to 
cross over. It was a gloomy, cheerless morning. The rain fell 
in torrents. They made the attempt boldly. They reached the 
middle of the stream, when many of their horses were borne 
down by the rapid current. The Americans opened upon them a 
sharp fire. Quite a struggle now ensued. The enemy effected the 
passage and drove the Americans back. The gallant Davidson 
was shot through the head, while in the act of mounting his horse. 
Cornwallis had his horse shot under him, while fording the stream. 
The loss on neither side was heavy. Greene was not in this 
action, being some distance fi-om the spot. He was very much 
saddened when he learned the dispersion of his troops. He now 
continued his course to Salisbury. Cornwallis prepared for active 
pursuit. Flushed with success, and being on the same side of 
the river, he pushed forward after Greene. He wished to over- 



318 NATHANIEL GREENE. 

take and cut off his army before it reached the Yadkin. Greene 
knew well the importance of placing that river between himself and 
his pursuers. New energy seemed imparted to his movements, 
as he urged his men onward. He got the start of the enemy. 
Cornwallis pursued with an activity and vigor only excelled by 
that manifested by Greene as he retreated. This was a trying 
period for his little army. It was raining constantly and the 
roads were muddy. If he could only get to the other side of the 
river before it became so swollen as to retard his progress, he 
could rest his troops, and prepare for defense. "Wearied and 
hungry, they reached the river near nightfall, on the 31st. With- 
out reposing a moment, they crossed over. They were just in 
time : the enemy's advance drew up on the opposite bank, as the 
rear was making good their escape. Again they were safe. The 
British opened upon them a brisk cannonade across the river, that 
had little effect. Feeling themselves secure, the American army 
prepared their encampment. Greene took his quarters in a 
miserable log-hut. There, on the banks of that river, his enemy 
on the opposite side, unmoved by disaster, he was serving the cause 
of freedom. Some one has left the following, in regard to Greene 
and his log-hut : " At a little distance from the river, and behind 
a pile of rocks, was stationed a small cabin. In this the general 
had taken up his quarters ; and, while his family and some of his 
staff, were amusing themselves as they thought proper, he was 
busily engaged in preparing his dispatches. All this time, the 
artillery was playing furiously, but seemed to attract no one's 
attention. At length, however, whether from intelligence or con- 
jecture, their rage seemed to vent itself exclusively at our cabin ; 
and the balls were heard to rebound against the rocks, directly in 
the rear of it. Little more than its roof showed above them, and 
at this, the firing was obviously directed. Nor were they long 
without striking it ; and in a few moments the clapboards were 
flying from it in all directions. But still the general wrote on, 
nor seemed to notice any thing but his dispatches, and the in- 
numerable applications that were made to him from various 
quarters. His pen never rested but when a new visitor arrived, 
and the answer was given with calmness and precision, and the 
pen was immediately resumed." 

Cornwallis was completely foiled ; twice had he been dis- 
appointed, when he thought the capture of his enemies certain. 



NATHANIEL GREENE. 319 

Greene soon resumed his march. He took position at Abbott's 
Creek, where he remained for some time, anxious to bring 
the enemy to battle under favorable circumstances. Coruwal- 
lis immediately crossed the Yadkin in pursuit. It now became 
evident, that an important engagement was soon to take place. 
Greene hastened to Guilford and prepared for action. He was 
soon joined by Morgan. Every thing was put in readiness. On 
examination, however, of his forces, and the condition of the 
enemy, he decided to continue his retreat. Cornwallis, not aware 
of the wise foresight of his opponent, that secured boats for his 
soldiers to cross the streams aloug his line of march, supposed he 
would direct his course to the fords high up the Dan. He made 
arrangements to intercept him. Greene did not undeceive him. 
His boats were at Boyd's Ferry, his provisions at Hillsborough. 
The armies were now about twenty miles apart, intensely inter- 
ested in each other's movements. Greene now formed a detach- 
ment of seven hundred men. These he placed under the com- 
mand of Colonel Williams, with instructions to keep position 
between the two armies, and watch the movements of the enemy. 
Cornwallis, thinking to lure Greene from his positions, made a 
movement that indicated designs upon Hillsborough. Greene 
was too good a tactician to be thus deceived. Williams with his 
detachment took a course to the left, in direction of the fords. 
This threw him in front of the British army. The American 
army now proceeded toward the ferries. They had a painful 
march of it ; miserably provided for, and in the dead of winter, 
their sufferings were severe. After a disagreeable march of some 
days, Greene finally had the satisfaction of seeing his worn 
veterans safely landed on the opposite side of the Dan. Word 
was immediately sent to Williams to bring up his detachment. 
That officer did his duty gallantly. Cornwallis was again out- 
witted. While thinking Williams and his forces were in his grasp, 
the main army had accomplished their object. Williams now 
directed his course to Boyd's Ferry, for the purpose of rejoining 
his commander. Cornwallis pursued him. Each party seemed 
determined to put forth every effort. Williams did his utmost to 
prevent pursuit, but in vain. The British general gained on 
him. At length, so close became the pursuit, that Williams' rear 
was frequently in sight of Cornwallis' advance columns. So 
close, indeed, were they, that it was no easy matter, on the 



320 x>I AT HANI EL GREENE. 

part of the officers, to prevent the exchauge of hostile demon- 
strations. Night came on, — cold, wet and gloomy. Still, on 
went the gallant Williams and his gallant band, and on came the 
British. They at length saw lights in the distance. Supposing 
them to be the fires of the main army, they heroically determined 
to fall upon their pursuers, and fight for a brief respite for their 
friends. The fires turned out to be those kindled by Greene on 
his uuirch to the ferries. The two armies finally came to a stand 
and took a little repose. In a few hours they were again in 
motion. Cornwallis thought the entire army in his power. Little 
dreaming that Greene had provided boats, he expected to over- 
take the entire force at the Dan, when they would be deprived of 
all possible means of escape. If he could capture Williams 
before the junction, it would be much easier work ; he could beat 
Greene when he came upon him, and thus the southern cam- 
paign would be at an end. These were, doubtless, his thoughts. 
Williams and his brave band were within a day's march of their 
friends ; they were anticipating a reunion ; eager to be on the 
north bank of the Dan, where they could take some repose; 
eager too, to see their commander, and to be in successful operation 
against the enemy. These different feelings pervading the two 
armies, they pushed ahead, — on they went, the pursuer and the 
pursued. They finally reached the river. All things were ready ; 
Greene had the boats waiting. The troops were quickly in 
them. They pushed for the north shore, which they reached in 
safety, just as the troops of Cornwallis drew up on the opposite 
bank. 

Such was Greene's retreat through North Carolina. Few 
achievements in military history afford better evidences of cool- 
ness, courage, bravery, and prudence. Washington spoke thus 
to him, in regard to it: " You may be assured, that your retreat 
before Cornwallis, is highly applauded by all ranks, and reflects 
much honor upon your military abilities". 

The meeting of the soldiers, after so much toil and forbearance, 
was one of the happiest imaginable. Congratulation and general 
rejoicing were the order of the day, for some time. They re- 
counted their hardships, and felt in so doing, a rich reward for all 
they had undergone. Greene, during this brief respite, devoted 
himself to his correspondence. About this time, it was, that 



NATHANIEL GREENE. 321 

Patrick Henry and himself carried on a highly interesting corres- 
pondence. 

The two armies continued to watch each other's movements for 
some time, without attempting active measures. On the 17th 
of February, Greene learned that considerable reinforcements 
were at hand. His resolutions were quickly taken. Making 
arrangements for the baggage to be conveyed toward Halifax, he 
determined to recross the Dan, and seize upon the first oppor- 
tunity to bring Cornwallis to action. That general, retracing his 
steps, finally halted at Hillsborough. Thence, he issued a procla- 
mation, calling on all loyal subjects to gather to his standard. 
This resulted in considerable accessions of Tories and disaffected 
Americans. Greene, meantime, was getting himself in proper 
shape to cope with the British general. Construing his march to 
Hillsborough, into a desire of escaping from the country, he 
dispatched Pickens to follow him, hang upon his rear, and annoy 
him as much as possible. Lee, with his gallant legion, boldly 
pushed forward to gain the enemy's front, resolving to intercept 
him in case of protracted retreat. Cornwallis was evidently 
getting himself into a tight place. Greene drew his forces around 
him, in a manner very judicious and prudent. The Tories and dis- 
afiected, who had flocked to his tent with such alacrity on the first 
issue of his proclamation, now began to drop off. Reinforcements 
now flocked to Greene, and others were looked for. On the 22d 
of the month, a body of Pickens' detachment made a successful 
efibrt against a corps of the enemy in the vicinity of Hillsborough. 
Tarleton was immediately sent against them. Being joined by 
Lee, Pickens took a good position and prepared to engage him. 
On the morning of the 23d, they started in pursuit. They met a 
large body of Tories on their way to the British line, whom they 
entirely dispersed, leaving a large number dead on the field. The 
Haw River, which Tarleton barely had time to pass, was all that 
saved his dragoons. Greene had been active and vigilant. He 
conferred with his subordinates, and gave minute directions for 
the campaign, cheering all by his energy and example. By a 
system of sharp maneuvering, he entangled his enemy in a per- 
fect web of perplexity and difficulty, — protected his reinforcements, 
alarmed the Tories, and raised high hopes among the people. 
Encamping on Allemance Creek, the British general was deprived 
of communication with the country, whence, the greater part of 



322 NATHANIEL GREENE. 

bis assibcauce was to be expected. Tbe maneuvers of Greene, 
too, kept bill! coutinually in alarm. Indeed, there was just cause 
for him to fear. His condition was becoming eminently critical. 
Greene's headquarters were at Boyd's Mills, while the brave 
Williams was stationed some fifteen miles distant. Cornwallis re- 
solved to separate them and prevent a junction with the main army, 
of the American general's expected reinforcements. Williams was 
on the alert. Learning the contemplated design, he retreated with 
the main body of his men, covered by light troops thrown out for 
their protection, to a place of safety. Greene too, marched hastily 
to Troublesome Creek, which Williams crossed according to in- 
structions, and eflected a junction with that officer. Cornwallis, 
again foiled, fell back to Bell's Mills, leaving Greene in a good 
position, and in undisputed communication with his officers and 
expected forces. These forces soon arrived, bringing supplies for 
the army. Greene now had an army of four thousand men ; with 
these, he determined no longer to avoid an engagement. He 
remained in his present place of encampment a few days, inspirit- 
ing his men and preparing them for a general action. The time 
was favorable. In proportion as the courage and spirits of his own 
army revived, those of the enemy became depressed. Cornwallis 
felt that his southern afiairs were verging to a disastrous catastro- 
phe. The troops being finally rested and reinvigorated, the 
American general broke up his camp on Troublesome Creek, and 
proceeded to Guilford Court-house, where he arrived, March l-ith, 
1781. He was now not over five leagues from the British army, 
before which he had made such a disagreeable retreat, not long 
previous. That something important would follow these move- 
ments, now became obviously apparent. 

Greene chose his ground with caution and prudence. Near 
the road, along which the enemy were to pass, was a deep wood ; 
skirting this, he placed his first line of battle. In front, was a 
large cornfield inclosed with a fence, that extended to a small 
stream ; behind the fence, in this field, he drew up his line of 
militia, commanded by Butler and Eaton ; in the rear, protected 
by the wood, he placed his second line in charge of the dauntless 
Stevens. This gave him partial mastery of the road and the level 
plain. Still, back of this second line, led by Williams, were 
stationed the old continentals. On the right, were the dragoons 
under Colonel Washington, sustained by Lynch's light troops and 



NATHANIEL GREENE. 323 

riflemen. Here, too, at the head of his old regulars, Greene took 
his station. Lee and his legion protected the left, while the artil- 
lery was planted on the hill overlooking the road. These dispo- 
sitions being made, they waited for their foes. About noon, on 
the 15th of March, the British came up. The American artillery 
began the engagement by opening a brisk fire upon the advance 
columns. It was returned with spirit. Under cover of the smoke 
from his own pieces, Cornwallis crossed the little stream, near the 
fence, and arranged his main body for battle. Tarleton was 
placed in the road, at the head of the cavalry. General Leslie led 
the right, and Colonel AVebster the left, the former supported by 
Boze's regiment, and the latter by the troops of General O'Hara. 
Having formed his line, Cornwallis boldly pushed forward against 
the militia behind the fence. The militia fired some inefiective 
shots, which in no way retarded his progress. He proceeded to 
within a proper distance, when his experienced troops poured in 
a deadly fire upon the militia. Seizing their bayonets, they then 
charged upon them like a tornado. The militia, frightened out 
of their senses, threw down their arms and accouterments and 
fled in every direction. In vain Butler implored them to stand, — ■ 
in vain Eaton entreated, — in vain Lee dashed up to them, threaten- 
ing to charge them with his legion, unless they returned to the 
fight. Never was the rout of militia more complete. As they 
fled, a long exultant shout rent the air, from the British troops. 
They did not find such easy work with the main lines. Lee and 
Colonel Washington protected them. Cornwallis resolved to 
disperse the troops of these ofiicers. They fell back in good order 
to the second line, returning galling fires at their enemies as they 
did so. The British pushed ahead to the attack, and the battle 
became general. The militia in the wood being better stationed, 
stood the ground, and hurled destructive fires into the British 
ranks, that began to manifest evident signs of confusion. Rally- 
ing, however, they succeeded, after a hard struggle, in forcing the 
right flank to retreat, which they did in tolerable order. They 
now had to face men of a difierent stamp. They had come up to 
the old regulars. Elated at the idea of having routed the right 
wing they rushed forward with loud cries of victory, against 
Gunby's experienced veterans. They were warmly received. 
"Waiting until they got to the proper distance, the regulars, with 
deliberate aim, sent a volley of balls into their ranks, that changed 



324 NATHANIEL GREENE. 

their shouts into death-groans, and sent them recoiling from the 
murderous charge. Quick as thought, the Americans charged 
Suddenly upon them with their bayonets. They were instantly and 
completel}' routed with great loss and confusion. On the left, 
Lee was fiercely engaged with Boze. Stevens had been disabled 
by a wound. His men, though they fought bravely, began to 
give way. Leslie and O'Hara now made a combined attack upon 
the Mary landers. Had they stood, the day would have been a 
brilliant one ; but they broke and lied, without making scarce 
any resistance. The gallant Guuby, released from the right, 
suddenly came upon the pursuers through the trees, and checked 
their progress. Washington, at the same time, charging them 
with his cavalry, opened his w^ay gallantly through their ranks. 
Cornwallis arrived on the spot opportunely enough, and by resort- 
ing to the most terrible expedient of directing his guns against 
friends and foes as they were mixed up in the fight, succeeded in 
saving his army from destruction. 

Greene now taking a correct view of the field, felt that he 
ought to be satisfied with the results of the day, and resolved to 
draw ofi" his troops. His Virginians, who had been reserved for 
this emergency, were now called upon to cover the retreat. 
Desperate efforts were made by the enemy to gain some decisive 
advantage, but to no purpose. Greene succeeded in reaching 
Reedy Fork. Here he waited until joined by the difierent corps 
that would follow. The American general, though he had not 
gained a decisive victory, was still pleased with the result. So 
were the army. They had lost some of their field-pieces, and 
many brave men. His loss could not have exceeded four or five 
hundred in all ; though it was impossible to find out the precise 
number. The loss of the enemy must have been heavier. The 
American army were now in the highest spirits, while Cornwallis 
was chagrined and depressed. For him, nothing for the present 
remained, but to retreat. Such were the results of the battle of 
Guilford. The morning after the engagement, Cornwallis with 
his woiinded and baggage, began his retreat toward New Garden. 
Lee was dispatched by Greene to watch his movements. After 
various stratagems to deceive the American general, Cornwallis 
directed his march to Wilmington. Greene, without loss of 
time, prepared to pursue him with his main army. Thus, from 
pursuers, the British had suddenly become the pursued. The 



NATHANIEL GREENE. 325 

Americans were anxious for battle, but were prevented from mak- 
ing an attack, by scarcity of provisions. March 28th, found the 
two armies within four leagues of each other. Greene deter- 
mined to offer battle. They pushed rapidly ahead to Ramsay's 
Mills, where the enemy were stationed ; but, before their arrival 
on the ground, the retreat had been resumed. Greene, therefore, 
pitched his camp at the same point, resolved to give his men 
some rest. He now discharged the militia, added to his stock of 
artillery, and provided supplies ahead, with a view of concentrating 
his forces at Camden. The daring Sumpter and other partisan 
leaders, were advised of these movements. On the 17th of April, 
he commenced his march, and reached his destination on the 19th. 
Rawdon and "Watson had been early advised of his movements. 
They made preparations to meet them. Greene had stationed 
himself at Hobkirk's Hill, a point of many natural advantages. 
He held this position until an unfounded rumor to the effect, that 
the British were marching against Camden, induced him to pro- 
tect that place. Learning this to be false, he returned to the Hills. 
Here, he kept himself ready for any emergency. On the 25th, 
while his soldiers were taking the first meal they had eaten for 
twenty-four hours, they were surprised by the enemy. Greene 
had the precaution to keep sentinels on the watch, so that their 
sudden appearance did not throw his army into much confusion. 
The men flew to their posts with alacrity, and were soon in order. 
Through the woods, the British advanced to action. They, at 
length, reached the opening, where they had to encounter the main 
army. Singular enough, they came to the attack with a very nar- 
row front. Greene early perceived the advantage this gave him i 
" Let Campbell and Ford turn their flanks, the center charge with' 
the bayonet, and Washington take them in the rear," were his 
prompt commands. The execution of these orders was attempted 
with high spirit. The extension of the enemy's front was all that 
prevented their entire destruction. The fight now became hard and 
bloody. Greene, at the head of the Yirginians, fought like a hero. 
The regulars under Gunby, by an error of their commander, were 
thrown into confusion ; deprived of their co-operation. Ford was 
obliged to retreat. The defection of Campbell's troops followed. 
Greene now galloped his horse to the top of the hill, and cast a 
hasty glance over the field. One moment was suflicient to satisfy 
him that all was lost. While balls passed all about, he coolly 
22 



326 NATHANIEL GEEENE. 

gave orders for a retreat. Smith had deen directed to protect the 
artillery, bat had not arrived ; in a little time it would be in the 
hands of the British. In this strait, Greene hastened in person 
to the spot, leaped from his horse, and seized the ropes in the act 
of pulling his guns to a place of safety. Seeing this, Smith 
hastened to perform his orders. In the attempt to save the artil- 
lery, his corps of forty-five men were reduced to near one 
fourth that number. They persevered in their eiforts, however, 
until the last man was left dead on the spot. The timely arrival 
of Colonel Washington, was all that saved the artillery. His 
troop of horse checked the enemy, and he was enabled to cover 
the retreat. Mortified at the result of the battle of Hobkirk's 
Hill, Greene now took position at Rugeley's Mills, some distance 
from the scene of action. Rawdon was now in possession of 
Camden, where the principal forces of the British army were 
making strong efforts to concentrate themselves. Greene made 
every exertion to prevent reinforcements reaching Rawdon, but in 
vain. A strong corps succeeded in entering the place. Corn- 
wallis, Tarleton and Colonel Watson were hastening forward to 
unite their several forces with Rawdon at that point. Greene's 
prospects were gloomy indeed. Feeling his inability to prevent a 
junction of these forces, he resolved to retreat. He, accordingly, 
fell back to Sawney's Creek. Rawdon being reinforced, marched 
in pursuit, expecting to find him at his old encampment. Disap- 
pointed in this, he went back to Camden. The surrender of Fort 
Watson by the British, changed the face of things. Rawdon 
determined to hasten to the protection of his posts. Fort Motte 
was besieged by Marion and Lee, and in imminent peril ; all the 
British posts, in fact, were threatened. He, therefore, after leaving 
Camden in ruins, hastened to the support of the forts. Greene, 
also, was pushing ahead to act in concert with Lee and Marion, 
when he learned the destruction of Camden. He was, soon after, 
apprised of the surrender of the garrison at Fort Motte. Pros- 
pects began to brighten up again. He would soon have an open 
field. Lee was now sent against Fort Granby. By a rapid march, 
he soon reached it, and thundered "surrender" in the ears of its 
commander. This peremptory order was quickly obeyed. He 
then hastened to unite with Pickens at Augusta, while Greene 
turned his thoughts to the siege of Ninety-six. He immediately 
Bet out for that post. It was one of the strongest and most 



NATHANIEL GREENE. 327 

important in the hands of the enemy. It was formally invested by 
his army, on the 22d of May. That night, he made a careful 
examination of the fort. The troops were immediately set to 
work upon trenches and mines, which were pushed ahead with 
great activity, and in all the form of a regular siege. Frequent 
skirmishes and sallies ensued, but without much loss to either 
party. On the 3d of June, their works being suflaciently complete, 
Cruger, the commander of the fort, was ordered to surrender. He 
refused peremptorily. The works were now pushed forward with 
redoubled activity ; the men being much annoyed by the enemy's 
guns, they had recourse to an excellent expedient. High towers 
were built of green logs. These were manned with their finest 
sharpshooters, who silenced the guns effectually. 

Meantime, Augusta had fallen. Fresh and flushed from his 
victorious operations, arrived Lee with his legion. He, too, went 
to work with zeal. He was in a fair way of cutting oiF the water 
that supplied the fort. Never was siege prosecuted more vigor- 
ously. Every effort was made ; success seemed certain. Their 
guns were silenced ; their redoubt overlooked by a battery built 
by the Americans. Victory was in their grasp. Just as they 
were reaching for it, a British soldier, on horseback, by a feat of 
extraordinary daring, got through the lines, and galloped furiously 
toward the fort, with bullets flying thick around him. He was 
from the main army, and bore intelligence that Rawdon, with liis 
whole force would immediately be on hand for their relief. Shouts, 
loud and prolonged from the garrison, in the fort, followed the 
reception of this intelligence. Sumpter and Marion, had been 
sent to harass Rawdon. Upon his movements, every thing 
seemed to hinge. Rawdon came ahead, by bold and rapid 
marches ; — he would soon be at the fort. What, now, was to be 
done ? The soldiers begged Greene to lead them against the fort, 
by assault. He consented. On the 17th, thfe attempt was made. 
Never did soldiers act more heroically. They lost in the assault 
many brave men, and several valuable ofiicers; though, they 
would, doubtless, have succeeded in capturing the fortress, had 
not Greene, wdio perceived that it would be attended with a loss 
of more troops than the speedy arrival of Rawdon warranted him 
able to sustain, drawn off the men. They retired to their lines in 
good order, well satisfied with their undertaking. 

Much as he regretted seeing the almost captured fort revert 



328 NATHANIEL GREENE. 

to the enemy, Greene knew well that it would not do, in his 
present condition, to risk a general action with Rawdon. Pur- 
suing the true Fabian policy, he drew off his army toward the 
Catawba. Rawdon, after arriving at Ninety-six, began an im- 
mediate pursuit of Gkeene, hoping early to engage him. Dis- 
appointed in this, he returned to the fort. Greene took position 
at Big Spring, where he proposed giving his army a little rest. 
Rawdon, soon after, withdrew his men from before Ninety-six, 
and proceeded to Orangeburg. Thither the American general 
prepared to follow him. He was further actuated in this, by 
the hope of being able to capture a large quantity of supplies, 
expected by the British in that vicinity. Before he reached 
that point, his army was much increased by the accession of 
several minor commands. Arriving at Orangeburg, he made 
a careful inspection of the place, and of the disposition of 
Rawdon's forces. These, he found so strong and secure, that he 
was unwilling to risk an engagement. Rawdon was well posted 
within the town. One narrow pass afforded the only access to 
his position. Disappointed in the hope of a favorable engage- 
ment, as well as in the capture of the supplies, Greene encamped 
at the High Hills of Santee. Here, while his army could get 
good repose, his partisans could harass the enemy. His position 
was well selected. Above the lowlands, the air was pure and 
salubrious, while, near by, were gurgling streams of fine water. 
It was just such a spot as his worn troops required. It was easy, 
too, of access for reinforcements, strong efforts to obtain which, 
were being made in the south. 

Recent achievements reversed the hopes of the people. The 
legislature of South Carolina met, and resolved to adopt vigorous 
measures to sustain the army. Rutledge visited Greene in 
camp, and congratulated him on the results of his operations. 
Yirginia woke up- to her duty, and signified a desire to lend assis- 
t;iuce. Marion and Sumpter were in the field, and with usual 
vigor and success, maneuvering against the enemy. Everywhere, 
were to be seen evidences of dawning hope. Greene had 
found time, amid other duties, to relieve the people from Indian 
annoyances, by an expedition against them, that forced submission,, 
and resulted in a final treaty of peace. After enjoying much 
needed repose for some time, Greene, on the 22d of August, left 
his camp at High Hills, for the purpose of recommencing offen- 



NATHANIEL GEEENE. 329 

sive operations. He directed his course toward Camden, which 
place he reached on the 25th. Here, he met only a portion of 
the reinforcements expected. Not discouraged, he proceeded to 
Howell's Ferry, where he was joined by the troops of Henderson 
and Marion, and some militia. With these, he was resolved on 
oifering battle to the enemy. Before their retreat had fairly begun, 
however, they had abandoned their position at McCord's Ferry, 
some fifteen miles from his own point of starting. 

He learned, shortly after, they had encamped at Eutaw Springs ; 
a portion of the British still remaining at Orangeburg, — between 
which and Eutaw Springs Gkeene determined to keep enough of 
his men to prevent their junction, if possible. The 7th of Sep- 
tember found him within five miles of the British. . Stewart was 
the chief in command at the Springs. The next day Greene 
determined to make an attack. It was after sunrise, on the 
morning of the 8th, before Stewart learned the proximity of the 
Americans. He immediately prepared for battle. He sent Coffin 
to watch the movements of Greene, while he drew up his other 
forces for the emergency. The position of the British was singu- 
larly favorable for them to make a good defense. A deep ravine, 
through which ran Eutaw Creek, was on the right. A large, 
strong brick house overlooked the open space through Avhich the 
Americans had to pass, affording excellent means of defense ; 
other buildings were also on the grounds. In the rear was a 
large inclosure, stretching to the creek ; the road also forked 
just before getting to the brick house. The whole of the rear 
■was protected by thickets of blackjack. 

The British commander drew out his army, 2,300 strong into 
the open spa t', to receive Greene. His right protected the 
Charleston fork of the road. Majoribanks was placed under 
cover of the blackjack, for the protection of this corps. The cavalry 
sustained the left, while the reserves were placed in the rear. At 
dawn of day on the morning of the 8th, Greene began his prepa- 
rations. His center was composed of militia, led by Colonel Mal- 
medy. Marion was placed on the right, and Pickens on the left, 
each with a stout battalion. His second column embraced the 
continentals, — the Carolinians, led by Lieutenant-Colonel Ash, 
supported by Armstrong and Blunt, — the whole under command 
of General Sumner, who was stationed on the right of this column. 
Campbell took the center, Williams and Howard the left. Lee 



330 NATHANIEL GREENE. 

and Hampton, supported by Middleton and Polk, protected the 
flanks, while the reserves, under Washington and Kirkwood, were 
placed in the rear. Captains Brown and Gaines had charge of 
the artillery that belonged to the respective columns. 

In this order, and in high spirits, they moved to battle. When 
within a little over a league from the Springs, they fell in with a 
small body of the enemy, led by Coffin. Lee and Henderson 
immediately prepared for their capture. Henderson poured upon 
them a galling fire. They were thrown into confusion. Lee 
charged them furiously as a Murat. They fled in complete disor- 
der, leaving forty prisoners in the hands of the victors, and quite 
a number killed on the spot. Soon after, Lee met the enemy's 
infantry. Sending word to the rear for aid, he rushed to the 
attack with a sweeping enthusiasm. Williams and Gaines were 
soon on hand, and joined in the fight. Lee and Henderson at- 
tacked each flank, — Marion and Pickens, at the head of the 
militia, did fine execution. The guns of Gaines had deadly 
efiect. The militia, inspirited by their gallant leaders, stood their 
ground, and sent death through the British ranks. The center 
militia, however, began to falter. For seventeen rounds, they 
had stood the fire of the British with firmness. The enemy per- 
ceived them faltering, and a sudden, energetic efibrt forced 
them to give way. Sumner now came gallantly into action to 
supply their place. With marked impetuosity he led to the fight. 
Precise and galling was the stream of lead his men sent whizzing 
against the enemy. 

Stewart now brought his reserves into action, while Coffin sup- 
ported his left with his horse. Greene's reserves had not yet 
engaged. The furious onslaught of Stewart's fresh troops forced 
the Americans to fall back, after a brave stand. The British 
now rushed ahead like madmen, with loud shouts. Their eager- 
ness disordered their ranks. With the sagacity of intuitive mili- 
tary genius, Greene saw that now was his time. He instantly 
ordered Williams and Campbell to charge with the bayonet. 
Like a hurricane they swept the field, that bristled with their 
steel. Lee now ordered a raking fire against the enemy's flank, 
which did heavy execution. The Maryland troops, with order, 
joined in the bloody charge. Yictory ! victory ! rang along the 
American lines. The British left was utterly disordered. The 
panic spread over the field. One by one tlie regiments and bat- 



NATHANIEL GREENE. 331 

talious gave way. Finally, the whole enemy broke and fled, in 
great consternation, and in all directions. Never was victory more 
sure. The Americans pursued them to their camp at the Eutaws. 
The enemy hurried into the brick house. A desperate struggle 
ensued. In this, Greene was not so successful. Col, Washington 
was taken prisoner, and his artillery fell into the hands of the 
enemy. The house was all that prevented the entire defeat of the 
British. Sheltered under cover of the wood, Gkeene, satisfied 
with his first victory, concluded not to renew the engagement. 
He now returned to his former position. With fatherly kindness 
he attended to the wants and condition of his sick and wounded. 
He lost, in all, over five hundred men, among whom were some 
gallant ofiicers. The British, less anxious to renew the fight than 
himself, retreated as early as possible from the field. Gkeene 
remained a short time at the Eutaws, and then proceeded to his 
old encampment at High Hills, again to repose his army. 

With the battle of Eutaw springs, virtually ended British 
supremacy in the south. Having given his troops the repose they 
so much needed, and being joined by reinforcements from the 
north under General St. Clair, Greene prepared for active oper- 
ations. The surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown, in the mean- 
time, showed clearly that the great struggle was drawing to a 
close. By a series of judicious movements, the American 
general succeeded in confining the enemy under command of 
Leslie, to Charleston and its immediate vicinity. With these 
movements, ended the summer campaign of 1781. 

The Assembly of the State of South Carolina met at Jackson- 
borough, on the 18th of January. Among their first acts, was to 
acknowledge, in terms of deserved eulogy, the eminent services 
rendered by the American general, in the South. Greene, 
finally succeeded in confining the British to the city of Charleston, 
and held them in a species of siege. To force them to give up the 
place was his main object. In endeavors to accomplish this, the 
winter passed away. In the spring, signs of mutiny were mani- 
fest in the American camp. A conspiracy was formed, headed 
by several notorious characters, whose object was the delivery of 
Greene into the hands of the enemy. The opportune discovery 
of their movements, and prompt execution of one of the ring- 
leaders, put an efiectual stop to their machinations. 

Having quashed these factious malcontents, he pushed operations 



332 NATHANIEL GREENE. 

against Charleston with vigor. Every day, nearer approaches 
were made to the city. Negotiations for general peace were 
pending, in consequence of which. General Leslie proposed to 
Greene, that active movements should be suspended. The matter 
was referred to Congress, while the American general, though 
anxious for peace, watched his enemy with utmost vigilance. The 
war was, in reality, at an end ; Savannah, and nearly all the 
important posts in the south had been evacuated ; Charleston, it 
was thought, soon, would be. Many of the officers resigned their 
commands and returned home. The comparative relaxation of 
so inactive a campaign, was greatly trenched upon by the suffer- 
ings of the soldiers, who were in a state of utter destitution. Ill 
feelings, also, arose among the officers of the army, that caused 
the commander infinite pain. 

Active war was now over. The evacuation of Charleston had 
been decided upon. On the 13th of December, the British 
marched out of the city, of which the Americans took immediate 
possession. They embarked with little disturbance on board their 
vessels, and left, forever, the land they thought to deluge in blood, 
and leave fettered with the manacles of despotism. 

His long and arduous services being now over, and the Ameri- 
can arms being crowned with success, the gallant Greene returned 
to the north. The army of the South, — noble old veterans, — was 
dissolved, and he started for home in the middle of the summer. 
He was everywhere hailed as one of the deliverers of the nation, 
and became the recipient of every conceivable demonstration of 
popular favor. On reaching his beloved Rhode Island, he was 
warmly received, favored, courted, and esteemed by all. His 
campaigns had made inroads upon his health, which was con- 
siderably shattered. 

Having been warmly attached to the south, during his labors 
there, and thinking a change of residence would benefit his health, 
Greene determined upon removing to that country. The State 
of Georgia had given him a beautiful place on the Savannah, and 
thither, he concluded to pass his days in agriculture and study. 
In the Spring of 1785, he visited his chosen home, and made 
arrangements for the removal of his family, which was accom- 
plished in the succeeding autumn. He engaged quite extensively 
in planting, and amid his corn and rice-fields, a balmy atmosphere, 
and pleasing scenes, passed his time to his heart's content. 



NATHANIEL GREENE. 333 

But this happy quietude was destined not to be of long duration. 
On the 13th of June, the summer after his removal, he visited a 
friend, a Mr. Gibbons. The two went out to the fields. The day- 
was intensely hot, and the sun's rays fell burningly upon them. 
Geeene took no notice of it, until attacked with a sudden and vio- 
lent pain in the head, on his way home. This was on Tuesday. 
The pain increased through the night and the next day. By Thurs- 
day, his head was much swollen and inflamed. His friends now 
became seriously alarmed ; a physician was cal]^d in, but without 
avail. He was, finally, overcome by a stupor and insensibility, 
which continued till his death, which occurred on the 19th of June, 
1786, in the forty-fifth year of his age. He was buried at Savan- 
nah, with every demonstration of regard and popular grief. It 
was well that the theater of his fame, and the home of his adoption 
should receive his remains, and that the last services should be 
rendered to him by those for whom he had rendered his greatest, 
in their greatest time of need. 



.JOHN JAY. 



It is frequently the case that, in forming an estimate of human 
character, those, whoso elevated stations and superior spheres 
of action make them the center of great events, receive the most 
praise for results which could never have been attained without 
the aid of efficient co-operators. 

While the fame of our civic and military leaders wins universal 
admiration, others there were, who, though not occupying positions 
as elevated or responsible, labored with equal zeal and talent in 
the same cause, but who are apt to be comparatively forgotten in 
the dispeusion of public homage, through a tendency to lay it at 
the shrine of particular individuals. 

History is a vast mirror of nations, reflecting the images of 
great men, foremost in wdiose ranks is pictured some illustrious 
personage with proportions so full as to monopolize our vision, 
while those who contributed to place him thus conspicuously are, 
to some extent, overlooked. 

To correct the unjust discriminations of history, is one province 
of biography. Like the skillful painter, who leaves on canvas 
the image of his subject just as nature formed it, with its beauties 
and defects, the biographer should endeavor to delineate human 
actions and characteristics with equal fidelity. As not least un- 
worthy the position, we shall aim to place as compeer with those 
who have preceded him, the name of John Jay. 

He was the eighth child of Peter Jay, and was born in the city 
of New York, December 12th, 1T45. His paternal lineage was 
French ; his mother's people were from Holland. His grand- 
father, Jay, fled from France to England to avoid religious 

(334) 




JOHN JAY. 



JOHN JAY. 335 

persecution. His father, Peter, came thence to New York, and 
married the daughter of a Mr. Bayard, whose ancestry also fled 
the religious intolerance of France, — each being Protestants. His 
father settled on Long Isla-nd, near New York City. In child- 
hood young Jay was very still and grave, so much so, that his 
father would say, " My Johnny gives a very pleasing prospect. 
He seems endowed with good capacity, is very reserved and quite 
of his brother James' disposition for books." 

In his ninth year his education was fairly commenced, and 
after passing the geaeral preparatory routine with credit, he entered 
King's College in his fifteenth year, where he graduated with 
the first honors in his twentieth. Soon after graduation, he 
entered the law oflSce of Benjamin Kissane, in the city of New 
York. Here, subjected to the toilsome mental process of studying 
Coke upon Lyttleton, PufTendorfi", and Fortescue, and others, he 
soon acquired an excellent knowledge of his chosen profession. 
He was, after submitting to the regular course, formally admitted 
to the bar, and soon entered upon a practice lucrative and honor- 
able. Against him, in the argument of cases, often appeared his 
former preceptor, Kissane, whom he nearly always discomfited. 

On one occasion, when his pupil was about getting the better 
of him, after wiping the sweat from his brow, Kissane exclaimed : 
" I have brought up a bird to pick out my own eyes." " Not to 
pick them out, but to open them," was Jay's ready rejoinder. 

From the commencement of his profession to the colonial excite- 
ments, he enjoyed a heavy practice, and took a position among 
his professional brethren, at once lucrative and enviable. At the 
first tocsin of alarm from England, the youthful counselor laid 
aside his legal studies, and threw his talents into the scale of colo- 
nial protection. Among those who were first and warmest in 
denouncing the cause of the mother country, rang the voice of 
John Jay. He attended the first meeting held in the metropolis, 
to consider what was necessary to be done. He was one of the 
committee to consult upon the state of afiairs, and drew the report 
urging the necessity of a general Congress. Of the first Congress 
he was an active member, and drafted one of the three addresses 
that received the eulogistic encomiums of Chatham. 

In April, 1776, he was selected to the colonial convention of 
New York, upon the duties of which he entered the ensuing 
month. He was still a member of Congress, and but for this 



336 JOHN JAY. 

coufliction of station would have been one of the signers of the 
Declaration. 

In the colonial convention he was made chairman of the com- 
mittee to take into consideration the subject of independence ; he 
reported the following resolution, which was adopted July 9th : 
" Resolved unaiiimously^ That the reasons assigned by the conti- 
nental Congress for declaring these united colonies free and inde- 
pendent, are cogent and conclusive, and that while we lament the 
cruel necessity which has rendered that measure unavoidable, we 
approve the same, and will, at the risk of our lives and fortunes, 
join with the other colonies in supporting it." 

It will be borne in mind that the New York delegation was 
instructed to pursue a conciliatory course, and were, in conse- 
quence, somewhat tardy in giving their support to the measure. 
The above resolution singles Jay from the pacific views of others, 
and designates him as a pioneer from that State in the cause of 
independence. 

While a member of that body, at his instance, a State conven- 
tion was recommended, to take into consideration the authority, 
etc., of colonial assemblages. This convention met July 9th, 1776, 
and ratified the proceedings of Congress by a unanimous confir- 
mation of the Declaration. In this convention. Jay, though com- 
pared with many other members, stood in a position of juniority, so 
far as age was concerned, was selected to draft a State constitu- 
tion. No longer subject to the sway of foreign domination, the 
United States had each to adopt for its regulation, certain consti- 
tutional laws. This was an untried experiment, and Jay a young 
man. His theme, the preparation of a State constitution, had 
been the subject of much theoretical speculation, but his compa- 
ratively youthful pen was to bring it within the pale of practical 
observance. To Jay the first State constitution of New York 
owes its principal authorship. It was, on March 6th, 1777, sub- 
mitted, and soon after adopted and went into operation. 

This constitution evinced much legal research, a wide range 
of vigorous and correct views of good government, and was 
esteemed an able production by men gifted in the abstruse tech- 
nicalities of the science. It for years contained the embodiment 
of New York's principal laws. Trial by jury, the habeas corpus^ 
religious freedom, the right of defense, the recognition of the 
people as the source of power, were maintained and developed by 



JOHN JAY. 337 

its provisions. Locally, few changes were made, its features 
being mainly political. This constitution, upon the whole, though 
the property requisite to the franchise was not done away with, 
nor the method of its exercise specified, was a bold step in the 
progress of republican liberty. 

Jay's devotion to his friends, no vicissitude of fortune could 
dampen. One of those firm, solid gentlemen who act from prin- 
ciple, he was the same unflinching friend in adversity he was in 
prosperity. Unlike those whose " friendship, like your shadow, 
follows you while you are in the sunshine, but disappears the 
instant you step into the shade," he stuck to his friends through 
gloom as well as sunshine. 

When the brave Schuyler was superseded in the command of 
the northern troops by Gates, after a series of gallant exploits he 
wrote him thus : '' Justice will yet take place, and I do not de- 
spair of seeing the time when it will be confessed that the founda- 
tion of our success in the north was laid by yourself." 

Political difierences, too, he separated from social life ; and 
though in his sphere of duty unbending and inflexible, personally, 
with his old friends who were so before the war, he maintained 
the same feelings of good- will. To a colonel of the British army 
with whom he was intimate in his younger days, he thus wrote : 
" The friendship which subsisted between us is not forgotten ; nor 
will the good offices formerly done by yourself and family cease to 
excite my gratitude. How far you may be comfortable and easy, 
I know not. It is my wish, and shall be my endeavor, that it be 
as much so as may be consistent with the interest of that great 
cause to which I have devoted every thing I hold dear in this 
world." 

The establishment of courts being authorized by the convention 
before named. Jay was appointed Chief Justice, which he ac- 
cepted. 

The British still claimed jurisdiction over the country, and any 
official act counter thereto, was equivalent to being branded by 
them with the stigma of high treason. But, sternly resolute in 
the path of duty, and firmly identified with the revolutionary 
party, with coolness and decision he entered upon the duties of 
his office, and donned the judicial robes, fearless of their powers, 
when directed against the omnipotent ramparts of truth and 
justice. 



338 JOHN JAY. 

September 9th, 1777, at the village of Kingston, he held his 
jSrst court, and commenced the functions of his office. While 
Burgoyne's grand army was marching, unchecked, through the 
country, the British entire masters of the Hudson, and the whole 
country in alarm, in the Kingston Court-house Jay delivered his 
first charge to the grand jury. Fearless and intrepid in the admin- 
istration of justice, as though his country had been the mistress 
of the world, he arose before his jurymen and delivered the charge 
with due solemnity, and in a manner worthy his position. After 
congratulating them upon the equity of their laws, he adverted to 
the course of Great Britain and the new Constitution, and closed 
his charge in the following words : 

" But let it be remembered, that whatever marks of wisdom, 
experience, and pati-iotism there may be in your Constitution, yet, 
like the beautiful symmetry, the just proportion, and elegant forms 
of our first parents before their Maker breathed into them the 
breath of life, it is yet to be animated ; and till then, may indeed 
excite admiration, but will be of no use. From the people it 
must receive its spirit, and by them be quickened. Let virtue^ 
ho7ioi\ the love ofltherty and of science, be and remain the soul 
of this Constitution, and it will become the source of great and 
extensive happiness to this and future generations. Vice, igno- 
rance, and want of vigilance, will be the only enemies able to 
destroy it. Against these be forever jealous." 

Besigning the office of chief justice, after a faithful discharge 
of its duties for two years, he was elected to Congress, of which 
body he was immediately chosen president. Jay was not a fluent 
speaker, but an able writer, — not fond of much talking, but pos- 
sessed of first-rate sound sense and correct judgment. For the 
presidency of Congress, no man, whether from the stability of his 
character, his manly dignity, or power of commanding respect, 
was better qualified. 

At the time he was placed in this station, the American Con- 
gress was in a state of almost hopeless bankruptcy, without money 
or credit. It had flooded the country with continental paper, for 
whose redemption the public faith was pledged, until no confi- 
dence was placed on such public faith, and to purchase a bushel 
of corn, it took a bushel of the paper. Yet money was needed, — 
the war must be prosecuted, — and where were the means to come 
from? In this exigency it was resolved to call upon the several 



JOHN JAY. 339 

States. The pen of Jay drew the appeal to the States, urging 
them to their duty. The following is the close of his patriotic 
appeal : " Bouse, therefore, and strive who shall do most for his 
country ; rekindle that flame of patriotism which, at the mention 
of disgrace and slavery, blazed throughout America, and animated 
all her citizens ; determine to finish the contest as you began it, 
honestly and gloriously. Let it never be said that America had 
no sooner become independent, than she became insolvent ; or, 
that her infant glories and growing fame were obscured and tar- 
nished by broken contracts and violated faith, in the very hour 
when all the nations of the earth were admiring, and most adoring, 
her rising splendor." 

In this, though performing his duty, as in all other positions, 
with unwavering fidelity, he continued but a short time until 
called to a diflerent sphere of action. This was the mission to 
Spain. Patriotic, he had entered the struggle, and, like a true 
public servant, was willing to serve in whatever capacity his 
country deemed him fitted. On the 2d of October, 1779, he sailed 
for Europe. The objects of his embassy were to bring Spain into 
the treaty of alliance with the United States and France, against 
England, and negotiate a loan with her for the prosecution of the 
war. Spain he found, on his arrival, wholly averse to entering 
into negotiations upon the basis of acknowledging the United 
States free and independent. His success, in regard to the loan, 
was not much better. Congress, in the meantime, pressed by the 
stern mandate of a necessity that would admit of no delay, though 
wholly ignorant of the progress Jay was making in the negoti- 
ation of a loan, drew on him to the amount of five hundred 
thousand dollars,* to be paid in six months. Spain, after advanc- 
ing a small amount, informed Jay that they would pay no more, 
without the furnishing an equivalent by the United States, either- 
in ships of war, or their surrender to her of the navigation of the- 
Mississippi. Actuated by stern necessity, contrary to his usual' 
cautionary course. Jay resolved upon a step equally bold to the 
one taken by Congress. This was the acceptance, at his own 
risk, of all bills presented. The consequence was, that his accep- 
tances soon reached near a quarter of a million of dollars, while 
but about thirty thousand had been paid in. After bearing up 



* Lives of Chief Justices. 

23 



340 J 11 N J A Y. 

manfully against this state of things for some time, and battling 
with true courage to maintain his country's honor, he was at length 
compelled to witness his bills protested, and the destruction of 
both public and private credit. 

Soon after, he received a letter from Franklin, minister to 
France, stating that he had made arrangements for the payment 
of his acceptances, and saying : " I hope in God, no more will be 
drawn," without prior provision of funds, — that "Spain had taken 
four years to treat," and closing by saying, " Give her forty more 
and let us mhid our own business,^^ and insisting that Jay should 
join him in Paris. Compliant with this suggestion, he joined 
Franklin in that city June 23d, 1782. 

Thongh with the court of Spain all that man could do had been 
done by Jay, his mission was not satisfactory in its results, nor 
justifiable to his own and public expectation. 

In the treaty with England that immediately followed, at Paris, 
he took an active part, drew some of its articles, and, in its final 
consummation, more credit is dne John Jay than any other man, 
except Benjamin Franklin. That treaty, contrary to positive min- 
isterial instructions, which were from the American Congress, 
" to make the most candid and confidential communications upon 
all subjects, to the ministers of our generous ally, the King of 
France ; to undertake nothing in the negotiations for peace or 
truce without their knowledge and concurrence, a7id ultimately to 
govern yourselves hy their advice and opinion'^ vfn^ concluded in 
secret. This was, in fact, a violation of the treaty of alliance 
between America and France, one stipulation of which was, that 
no treaty should be consummated with England, by either party, 
without the concurrence of the other. To the instructions, espe- 
cially the last clause, " and ultimately to be governed," etc.. Jay 
objected in the first place. 

The conclusion of the treaty, without advising with, or even 
giving the French ministers notice of such negotiations, was a 
source of discontent in France, and subjected the American envoys 
to considerable censure at home. Notwithstanding the wide- 
spread joy created by the treaty of peace, it was urged that France 
should have been a participant in making a peace she had helped 
to conquer. Noticing the manner in which our ministers had 
acted, one member of Congress, in a set speech, accused them 
of " meanly stooping to lick the dust from the feet of a nation 



JOHN JAY. 341 

whose hands were still dyed with the blood of their fellow- 
citizeus." 

Indeed, these objections were not without plausibility. France 
had helped us in the battle-field, and, to exclude her from the 
council where peace was to be adjusted, in which she was inter- 
ested, aside from having shed her blood in its purchase, looked 
very unjust. 

Jay based his defense upon the ground, that it was for the 
benefit of America, not France, for which he was laboring ; while 
John Rutledge contended, in the ministers' behalf, that " instruc- 
tions ouglit to he disregarded, when the public good requires." 
After the conclusion of the ti-eaty of peace. Jay expressed his 
desire of returning home, and to the enjoyments of private life. 
One main motive he expresses as follows : " When I embarked 
in the public service, I said, very sincerely, that I quitted private 
life with regret, and should be happy to return to it when the 
object which called me from it should be attained. To be consis- 
tent, therefore, I must retire. * * * Pecuniary considerations 
ever held a secondary place in my estimation, / know how to 
live within the limits of any inoomey This is the pure, honest 
simplicity characteristic of our primal ancestry. 

He reached his native city July 24th, 1784, where he was hon- 
ored with many manifestations of esteem and appreciation. Im- 
mediately upon his arrival, he was made Secretary of Foreign 
Afiairs, upon the duties of which station he entered in January 
of the ensuing year. While filling this position, the convention 
to adopt the Federal Constitution was called. He was a Feder- 
alist, favoring the views of Livingston and Hamilton, upon the 
constitutional question. He was not of the number who formed 
it, but a zealous champion in its support. Some of the views he 
entertained upon the subject, at the present time, would not accord 
with the notions of correct government incident to the expansion 
of ideas, and the unfettered investigations of mind, but were then 
essentially progressive, and more liberal than those of Hamilton. 
Well versed as he was in the science of political economy, less 
aristocratic than Hamilton, and not so purely Democratic as Jef- 
ferson, he occupied between the two a medium position, maintain- 
ing that the people were the basis of power. To Washington he 
thus wrote : " The mass of men are neither wise nor good, and 
the virtue, like the other resources of a country, can only be 



342 JOHN JAY. 

drawn to a point and exerted by strong circumstances, ably man- 
aged, or a strong government ably administered." • 

Again, while the Constitution controversy was progressing, he 
wrote to another gentleman as follows : " It is my first wish to see 
the United States assume and merit the character of One Great 
Nation, whose territory is divided into different States merely for 
more convenient government, and the more easy and prompt 
administration of justice ; just as our several States are divided 
into counties and townships, for the like purposes." 

Again, writing to Washington, he says : " What powers should 
be granted to the government, so constituted, is a question which 
deserves much thought ; I think, the more the better ; the States 
retaining so much only as may be necessary for domestic purposes, 
and all their principal officers, civil and military, being commis- 
sioned and removable by the national government." 

He further suggests Congressional separation into two branches, 
Senate and House, and advocates Senatorial elevation for life, 
but maintains that the people are the basis of government. He 
further adds : " To vest legislative, judicial, and executive powers 
in one and the same body of men, and that in a body daily 
changing its members, can never be wise. In my opinion, those 
three great departments of sovereignty should be forever sepa- 
rated and so distributed as to serve as checks on each other." 
Such were his views upon the Federal Constitution, and his 
relationship with the political parties of the day. 

On the formation of the Constitution, and prior to its final sub- 
mission, the instantaneous opposition it encountered met stern 
resistance from the pen of Jay. To the " Federalist," a series of 
papers issued under the supervision, principally, of Hamilton and 
Madison, he contributed some articles of marked ability. He 
also wrote an anonymous pamphlet in its defense, under the head 
of the following interrogatories : 

" Is it probable a better plan can be adopted ? 

" If attainable, is it likely to be in season ? 

'^ What would be our condition, if, in the rejection of this, all 
efibrts tu obtain a better should prove fruitless ?" 

These were plain, practical questions. Taking the negative of 
the two former, and entering ably, upon the investigation of the 
latter, conceding the imperfections of the instrument, he handled 
his subject in a masterly style, and without the least assumption 



JOHN JAY. 343 

or arrogance, manifesting a willingness to yield to the majority, in 
whatever might be judged for the country's interest. 

To the convention that adopted the Constitution, he was elected 
a member from the State of New York, where the opposition was 
more warm and consolidated than anywhere else, by a vote 
highly complimentary to his worth and talents. He took his seat 
in that body, on its assemblage. Their initiatory proceedings 
began by an address from Chancellor Livingston, Upon the sub- 
ject of the Constitution, there was much division of opinion, and 
the larger portion of the delegates insisted upon some amend- 
ments. It was agreed to consider the instrument by sections. . 
The main amendment urged was Jefierson's favorite measure, the 
appendage of a Bill of Eights, which was finally procured. The 
great question, on the opening of the convention, was absolute or 
conditional ratification. A majority of the members were in favor 
of the former, but contended for the amendments. Jay wrote 
Washington, of the delegates, as follows: "The leaders in the 
opposition [ to absolute adoption ] seem to have more extensive 
views than their adherents ; and until the latter perceive that cir- 
cumstance, they will probably continue combined. The greater 
number are, I believe, averse to a vote of rejection. Some would 
be content with recommendatory amendments ; others wish for 
explanatory ones ; others yet would not be satisfied with less than 
absolute and previous amendments ;" while of some he afiirms 
his belief, that they were opposed to any government at all. ■ 

Among these several shades of opinion, Jay was an uncondi- 
tional ratificationist, and on July 11th, made a motion accord- 
ingly.; so qualifying his motion as to recommend whatever might 
be thouglit necessary. On the 15th, Mr. Morris moved its adop- 
tion, '''•on condition'''' that specific. amendments were to be made; 
upon which quite a struggle ensued. On the 25th, Mr. Jones 
moved its adoption, " in full confidence'''' that such amendments 
would be agreed to. Thus modified, the motion passed by a vote 
of thirty to twenty-seven. The judicial regulations of the Consti- 
tution provided for the establishment of a Supreme Court. On 
Washington's accession to the presidency, and the organization 
of the judiciary efiected, John Jay was appointed Chief Justice. 
In February, 1790, this first Chief Justice of the United States 
held his first Supreme Court in the city of his nativitj'', and in the 
ensuing April, his first Circuit. 



344 J OHN J A T. 

Jay was not, as a lawyer, a man of forensic talent, but had few 
superiors as a judge of law, and a better selection for the post of 
chief justice could not have well been made. He discharged his 
duties with the same decisive firmness and constant fidelity, that he 
had in all the positions to which he had been elevated, and received, 
during his official term, the highest evidences of esteem from his 
fellow-citizens. In the causes that came before him, were some, 
in feature, singular and extraordinary. One of these, as the 
first investigation of the State sovereignty doctrine, before a judi- 
cial tribunal, deserves notice. 

A man living in South Carolina, sued the State of Georgia, 
making her governor and attorney-general, defendants to the 
action. Against these, he served a process. They failed to 
appear. The United States attorney-general, thereupon, moved, 
iu case of non-appearance, at the succeeding term, the rendition 
of judgment for the plaintiff*, and the issue of a writ of inquiry. 
In no former action of like nature, had the defendants refused to 
appear. In the case. Jay's opinion was able and lengthy. Though 
not analytic or replete with referential authorities and parallels, 
deduced from similar cases of other courts, like all his opinions, 
the constitutional law and sovereign principle were carefully eluci- 
dated, in the plain, practical, and common-sense manner, so 
eminently characteristic of the Chief Justice. 

Another case of considerable importance, whose adjudication 
involved some nice principles, was the arraignment of one Henfield 
before the Supreme Court, for engaging, contrary to law, in a 
French privateering cruise. His charge to the grand jury, in this 
case, was an able and brief condensation of our neutrality doctrine. 
It closed thus : " That the United States are in a state of neutrality, 
relative to all the powers at war, and that it is their duty, their 
interest, and their disposition to maintain it; that, therefore, they 
who commit, aid, or abet hostilities against these powers, or any 
one of them, offend against the laws of the United States, and 
ought to be punished ; and, consequently, that it is your duty, 
gentlemen, to inquire into, and prevent all such of these offenses 
as you shall find to have been committed within this district." 

This charge was deemed so accordant with the neutral policy, 
whose strict observance was urged upon all the citizens of the 
United States, that it was published under governmental super 
vision, as definitive of our settled convictions. 



JOHN JAY. 345 

It will be remembered, that a lively sympathy had been awakened 
in the American bosom for France, and that a strong distaste to 
the neutrality policy prevailed ; this was manifest on this trial. 
Notwithstanding Jay's charge, and his unflinching adherence to 
the laws, the jury returned a verdict of acquittal in the case, 
which was received with thundering plaudits from the French 
sympathizers who witnessed the proceedings. 

The Chief Justice, in this case, asserted the possession of com- 
mon law jurisdiction by the federal court ; a doctrine which was 
subsequently exploded. 

His judicial career closed in April, 1794, when he held his last 
court. As chief justice of the Supreme Court, he was faithful 
and zealous, maintaining the supremacy of the law with decision 
and dignity. Upon the whole, he reflected credit upon the station, 
and afibrded another example of Washington's wisdom in the 
selection of public servants. Jay having been recommended for the 
post by him. He was, soon after, appointed minister to England, 
whither he sailed in May, 179-i. Having briefly endeavored to 
follow his upward step, as the student, the counselor, the legis- 
lator, the statesman and the jurist, we must now notice him as 
the diplomatist and the executive. 

He went to England essentially a pacificator, and was warmly 
received. The celebrated instrument known in our diplomatic 
history as Jay's treaty, was consummated ; in regard to the 
fisheries, the "West India trade, and other features, it was sadly 
defective, severely denounced in the United States, and its author 
censured in unmeasured terms. Yet, it was the best he could do. 
The importance of peace at the time our government was about 
being put into operation, and when all Europe was in commotion, 
was felt to be desirable, if even attained at the price of some 
concession. The excitement incident to the ratification of that 
treaty, and the party bickerings thereby engendered, have been 
briefly adverted to elsewhere. 

On his return to the United States, a storm of abuse burst 
upon him. The Democratic or Jacobin clubs, whose origin is 
traceable to the notorious Genet, talked of his impeachment, 
while his effigy was hung in the streets, under contemptuous 
inscriptions, and the treaty copies burned in front of his door. 
Hamilton defended him, and Jefierson and Madison replied to his 
arguments, and thus the controversy was kept up through the 



346 JOHN JAY. 

public press, both before and after its ratification. Deficient as 
the treaty may have been, aside from prejudice, the motives of 
Jay were above impugnment. It was ratified, and went into 
eflect in the Spring of 1795. 

Some years prior to this, Jay had been mn against Clinton, for 
governor of New York, and was beaten by a small majority for 
Clinton. During his embassy to England, however, he was 
elected to that position, and commenced his official duties, Janu- 
ary 6th, 1796. Though in his address to the legislature, on its con- 
vention, he avowed his purpose "to regard all his fellow-citizens 
with an equal eye, and to cherish and advance merit wherever 
found," in the disposition of executive favors, he exemplified 
the course of most officers, and made his appointments from the 
ranks of his own, — the Federal party. 

His speech drew from the legislature a response, couched in 
confidential expressions of his wisdom and virtue, as " invariably''^ 
exhibited. ^'' Invariably^'' was added with emphasis by that 
acute politician, Spencer, and was designed as an exculpation 
from the odium, that had partially fastened upon him, in conse- 
quence of the late treaty with Great Britain. 

Not long after, however, on account of Jay's affirming his sole 
right as executive to the appointing power, which was claimed, 
also, by the council, who were of difierent politics, Spencer with- 
drew his support, and from a friend became an enemy to his 
administration. 

Jay continued to discharge his duties as governor, with charac- 
teristic firmness of purpose, and devotion to his country. No 
better proof is wanting of Jay's scrupulous regard for honor and 
virtue, than the warm attachment felt for him by Washington, 
by whom he was ever regarded as one whose words were bonds. 

At the close of his first term, he was again, contrary to his 
personal preference, put in nomination for the office. Tliis was 
about the time when the struggle for ascendency between the 
Federal and Republican parties was fiercest ; New York was the 
principal battle-ground. The Republicans numbered, in their 
ranks, the subtle Burr, the erudite Livingston, the ingenious De 
"Witt Clinton, and their able recruit, Ambrose Spencer. Of the 
Federal party, Hamilton and Jay were the chief pillars. From 
this time, until the Republicans asserted their supremacy in the 



JOHN JAY. 347 

election of Jefferson and Burr, the excitement of party politics 
ran high. 

Against Jay, as the Republican candidate for governor, 
was nominated Chancellor Livingston. The result was Jay's 
re-election by a large majority. Soon after his re-election, proba- 
bility of war with France was indicated ; to consider what should 
be done, he prorogued the legislature in extra session. Now, when 
danger spoke, clamor hushed, and Jay was invested with dis- 
cretionary powers, in the disbursement of funds appropriated to 
meet the emergency; the confidence reposed in him by both 
people and legislature, being unlimited. During the regular 
session of the legislature, a bill was introduced, making provision 
for the electors of president, to be chosen out of specified districts, 
by the people. This was advocated by the Republicans, but 
defeated by the Federalists, who thus, lost their only chance of 
electing the president. On casting the next electoral vote, the 
difficulty of electing Jefferson proved, that a few Federal electors 
chosen by them, as is probable would have been the case, would 
have beaten him. 

Jay, of all men, was among the most conscientious. After it 
was known that Jefierson had received the electoral vote he had, 
it was intimated to Jay, b}^ Hamilton, who averred that it would 
not do to be " overscrupulous " in such an emergency ; that it 
would be well to re-convene the legislature (which was Federal), 
and pass the bill, its former vote rejected, for the purpose of 
defeating Jefferson. Warm as were Jay's party ties, and greatly 
inimical, as he firmly believed the established ascendency of the 
Republican party would be to the country, ends, he did not think, 
justified means, and promptly rejected such an abuse of his power. 
This proposition from Hamilton, was subsequently found among 
his papers, appropriately labeled: "^ proposition for party 
purposes^ wMcli I do not think it hecomes me to adopt.'''' His 
honest maintenance of republican principles, and conscientious 
regard for duty, is further shown by the following, a part of an 
address dictated to the people, during Jefferson's administration: 

''I take the liberty of suggesting, whether the patriotic priuci- 
ciples upon which we profess to act, do not call upon us to give 
as far as may depend upon us,) fair and full effect to the known 
sense and intention of a majority of the people in every consti- 
tutional exercise of their will, and to support every administratioD 



348 JOHN JAY. 

of the government of our country, which may prove to he intelli' 
gent and upright^ of lohatever party the persons comprising 
it may he. " 

The contest for the appointing power was kept up by the 
council, and caused the governor considerable annoyance. The 
reaction that had taken place, threw him in the minority. Of the 
council, three were Republican and one Federalist. In making 
the appointments, the governor would nominate, and the council 
refuse to confirm. At their last meeting, this was carried to an 
extreme. Jay continued to nominate ( from the Federal party ), 
and the council to reject, for the office of sheriff, until some dozen 
names had been rejected. At length, " I nominate John Blake, 
Jr.," boldly exclaimed a shrill voice, who was a member of the 
council. That was one destined to be heard in the national halls ; 
it was young De Witt Clinton's. 

After a short pause, " I nominate John Nicholson," remarked 
Jay : no one responded, and the council was adjourned. 

His last official term closed July 1st, 1801, and Jay retired 
forever, from public concerns, to the enjoyments of a private 
sphere, for which he was most happily constituted. Soon after 
his retirement, John Adams, whose administration was near 
closing, tendered him the appointment of Chief Justice, in the 
following language : " It appeared to me that Providence had 
thrown in my way an opportunity, not only of marking to the 
public the spot where, in my opinion, the greatest mass of worth 
remained collected in one individual, but of furnishing my country 
with the best security its inhabitants aflbrded, against the increas- 
ing dissolution of morals." This appointment, however. Jay 
peremptorily declined. 

Thus, at the age of fifty-six, he withdrew from official stations, 
and in the bliss of domestic quiet, finished his days as he had lived, 
peacefully and honorably. To the student of character, Joun Jay 
presents an impersonation of the greatest firmness, sound sense, 
correct judgment, and of the sternest virtue. His long and useful 
life was terminated in May, 1829, in the eighty-fourth year of his 
ase. On the llth of that month he retired to bed, in usual ii;ood 
health. During the night he was attacked with palsy, from which 
he never recovered. He continued to sink until the 17th ; then 
closed his eyes forever, Uuforgotten in his silent rest, his name 
yet lives an honor to the American judiciary. 




FRANCIS MARION. 



FEANCIS MARION. 



It was Marshal Macdonald of whom historians say, that at 
the battle of Wagram, he carried upon his shoulders the throne 
of Napoleon. The fact that the aspects of southern military ope- 
rations were changed by the efforts of partisan leaders, during the 
Revolution, has been mentioned in the character previously drawn 
of General Greene. These unpretending patriots did, no doubt, 
at one time, hold the fortunes of that officer wdiile in the south. 
Their heroic deeds, though, to some extent, " unsung by poet, and 
unrecorded by historian," form a glorious page in the early annals 
of our country. As a fit representative of these daring subordi- 
nates, the reader will surely concede, that the name of Francis 
Marion is a judicious selection. To no one, among all the 
chivalrous sons of the south, are the successful results of the war 
of the Revolution in that quarter more attributable than to him. 

Francis Marion, one of six children, and the youngest son of 
Gabriel and Charlotte Marion, was born at Winyah, South 
Carolina, in the year 1732. The Marion family were from France, 
and emigrated to this country in 1690, on account of the intoler- 
ant religious persecutions during the reign of Louis XlVth. 
They were a quiet, unassuming and industrious family, noted for 
their integrity and devotion to the Protestant faith. Marion, at 
his birth, was a puny, dwarfish child, with seemingly no indi- 
cation of ever arriving at maturity. Horry and Weems both 
agree in the assertion, that "he was not larger than a New 
England lobster, and might easily enough have been put into a 
quart pot." 

In his twelfth year, however, he became healthy, tongh, wiry, 

, 349 ) 



350 FRANCIS MARION. 

and elastic. At this time, like Washington, he became absorbed 
with the idea of a sea voyage. It was in vain that his mother 
tried to persuade him out of the notion. Go, he would. He 
started to sea, therefore, at the earliest opportunity, in a frail, 
rickety old craft, his young imagination fired to the highest pitch, 
in view of the perils he had to brave. The vessel soon foundered 
and sank, leaving every man to perish save six who took to the 
jolly-boat. Among the six, was young Marion. They were 
bufieted about many days, in a condition of intense sufiering, 
living part of the time on the raw flesh of a dog that accidentally 
came into their hands, before they were picked up by a passing 
vessel. Preserved thus, almost by miracle, he returned home 
and went to the plow. The duties of farming he continued 
industriously for a number of years, without the occurrence of 
any thing remarkable to interrupt the regular routine of that 
peaceful pursuit. His resources were limited, as was also his 
education, — of the latter, in fact, so far as the schools were con- 
cerned, he received scarcely any thing. 

He next appears in a position relevant to our sketch, in the 
Cherokee war. The Cherokee Indians, on their return from the 
campaigns in the North, as our aids against Fort Duquesne and 
other points, committed sad depredations upon the settlers of 
Virginia and the borders of South Carolina. The J)eople flew to 
arms, to resist them. The governor of South Carolina called out 
the troops of the State, designating a point some thirteen leagues 
from Charleston as their head-quarters. Thither hastened Marion 
as a volunteer, eager to draw his maiden sword. These prompt 
preparations rather overawed the Indians and forced from them a 
reluctant treaty. As soon, however, as the colonial forces were 
disbanded, they raised the war-cry afresh, and came upon Caro- 
lina with redoubled strength. Marion again hastened to the gov- 
ernor with the tender of his services. The governor, pleased with 
his ardor, gave him a lieutenant's commission. He went into 
service in the company of Captain William Moultrie. Colonel 
Grant, in view of the alarming state of afiairs, was ordered out 
with twelve hundred British regulars. 

In May, 1761, general operations against the enemy began. 
Grant resolved to push the war forward into the heart of the 
Indian country. The only possible way to effect this, was to pass 
a dangerous and narrow defile, so dark as almost to exclude the 



FRANCIS MARION. 351 

light of day. A corps of thirty picked men was selected for 
the hazardous exploration of this pass. It was no common mark 
of Marion's courage and capacity, that he was placed at the head 
of this thirty. Gallantly he pushed forward in advance of the main 
army to the pass. His party had scarcely reached the center of 
the defile, when a shower of bullets from behind the trees sent 
destruction into his ranks. This fearful discharge from the Indians 
in ambush, cut down twenty-one of his party. Kushing from their 
hiding places, with the ferocity of hyenas, they raised their toma- 
hawks upon the remainder of the band, which must have been 
entirely annihilated but for the timely arrival of the main body. 
Coming up to the scene of slaughter, Grant extended his wings, 
posted his men as much under cover of the woods as possible, and 
began the fight, determined to drive the savages from their strong- 
hold. In this way the battle raged several hours, most furiously. 
Streams of fire blazed in every direction, while the roar of the 
guns resounded through the woods, and the clash of small arms 
mingling with savage yells and dying groans, rendered the scene 
still more terrific. The Indians, though they fought bravely, saw 
their numbers rapidly decreasing and finally dispersed and fled, 
leaving their country to the mercy of the conquerors. Such was 
the battle of Etchou, in many respects, similar to Braddock's 
eno-asement, thouo;h not attended with the same disastrous results. 
Thus victorious, the colonial army entered the Indian settlements, 
demolished their towns, destroyed their substance, and conquered 
a formal peace. The troops were now disbanded, and Marion 
returned to his farming avocations. Like "Washington, he had 
prepared himself for higher duties amid the perils of Indian 
warfare. 

He continued the pursuits of agriculture until the war broke 
out with England. On hearing of the battle of Lexington, it was 
resolved by the South Carolina legislature to raise two regiments 
for immediate service. This was done in the spring of 1775, and 
Marion was appointed captain of a company, wdiile Moultrie was 
advanced to the position of Colonel of a regiment. Horry, his 
biographer, was also made captain in the same regiment. Horry 
confesses his joy at being placed thus near Marion, whom he 
acknowledged to have loved: "For," says he, "though he was 
neither handsome, nor witty, nor wealthy, yet he was universally 
beloved. The fairnesss of his character, — his fondness for his 



352 FRANCIS MARION. 

relatives, — his hiimauity to his slaves, and his bravery in the 
Indian war, made him the darling of the country." 

Their commissions being made out, Marion and Horry, in the 
summer of 1775, almost penniless, set out upon a recruiting 
expedition. They each succeeded in enlisting, for six months, a 
company of sixty men. In the latter part of autumn, they took 
up head-quarters at Charleston, whence they soon after went 
to Fort Johnson. During the comparative inactivity that pre- 
vailed while their rendezvous was at the fort, an incident occurred 
illustrative of the character of our subject : 

A dashing young lieutenant, who was more a gamester than a 
soldier, wished to go to a cock fight, several miles distant from 
camp and resorted to the following method of getting ofi" from 
Marion. He told him that his father was about to die, and he 
wished to visit him for a few days. Marion consented to his 
absence. He hurried to the cock fight, and remained absent some 
two weeks, when he returned to camp. Marion had learned, in 
the meantime, the nature of the trick. Entering Marion's tent, 
he began an embarrassed apology for his long stay. Marion 
turned upon him, and very sarcastically exclaimed: "Eh, lieu- 
tenant, is that you ? Well, never mind it, there is no harm done. 
I never missed you.'''' Mortified and chapfallen, the lieutenant 
walked away, declaring that he " was never at such a loss before." 
He afterward became a good and vigilant officer. 

Amid the dangers that were thickening over the colonies, 
Marion and others were advanced to the rank of major, and the 
continental forces considerably increased. He devoted himself 
with marked assiduity to drilling and disciplining his troops, 
whom lie soon found in efficient military condition. "Indeed," 
says Weems, " I am not afraid to say that Marion was the 
arcldtect of the second regiment, and laid the foundation of that 
excellent discipline and confidence in themselves, which gained 
them such reputation whenever they were brought to face their 
enemies." 

Marion was now ordered with his command to Fort Moultrie, 
and participated gallantly in its brilliant defense ; for more full 
particulars of which, the reader is referred to the sketch of Chief 
Justice Rutledge, which will be found in subsequent pages of this 
work. After the American victory at Fort Moultrie, important 
to the cause, from the fact that it was the commencement of 



FKANCIS MARION. 353 

operations in that quarter, and tended to inspire the southern 
people with confidence in themselves. Moultrie was promoted 
to the rank of brigadier-general, while Maeion received a lieu- 
tenant-colonel's commission. This victory, also, as before inti- 
mated, gave to South Carolina a sufficient respite to more properly 
prepare herself for greater emergencies, destined to call forth her 
energies some time after. Much of the time of the southern army 
was taken up against the Indians and Tories, who caused no little 
annoyance. Marion, during these operations, was constantly on 
the alert, watching the movements of the enemy with character- 
istic vigilance. In 1777, he was placed in command of Fort 
Moultrie, a point, justly esteemed of considerable importance. A 
seal, in the meantime, had been put to the glory of the American 
cause, by the ' Declaration,' a measure which was received with 
every demonstration of joy by the people of the south. 

In December, 1778, the British, in formidable force, appeared 
before the city of Savannah, — defended by a weak American gar- 
rison, under a still weaker general. After slight resistance, the 
city fell into the hands of the enemy. Marion, at this time, was 
probably, still at Fort Moultrie, or perhaps at Perrysburg, — 
authorities differ as to his whereabouts. The British being in 
possession of Savannah, made it a point of delivery for the 
prisoners taken by their different predatory parties that dispersed 
themselves over the country. It was about this time when, the 
Proteean sergeant, Jasper, and his brother Newton, so heroically 
rescued a husband, wife and child, from the hands of thrice their 
numbers at the Springs, well known as, the Spa. 

The operations that followed were discouraging to the American! 
arms. General Ashe was surprised, and completely routed from 
his camp, with considerable loss. The enemy penetrated the- 
heart of Georgia, and made efforts for the entire subjection of 
South Carolina. Moultrie kept the field, and annoyed them, 
whenever opportunity offered. No reliance could be placed on 
the militia, who grew dispirited and mutinous. General Lincoln, 
marched his regulars toward Augusta, leaving the sea-coast open 
to the British, — a movement of which their general, Provost, im- 
mediately availed himself, and pushed forward to capture the city 
of Charleston, intending, in the meantime, to cut off" the com- 
mand of Moultrie, who was stationed at Black Swamp with twelve 
hundred men. Moultrie learning his adversary's intentions, also 
.^4 



354 FKANCIS MARION. 

made fur Charlestou, while Provost coutinuecl the pursuit. Moul- 
trie reached the city a few hours in advance, and prepared it as best 
he could, for the reception of the enemy. Provost arrived soon 
after, and demanded a surrender, which was refused. Hearing 
that reinforcements were at hand, he immediately decamped. At 
Stono Ferry, he was attacked by Lincoln, but with no effect. The 
British now retreated to Beaufort and Savannah, at which latter 
place they proposed concentrating their forces, for the purpose of 
coping with the combined efforts of the French and Americans. 
Marion now abandoned Fort Moultrie, — the necessity for its 
occupancy no longer existing. 

In the fall of 1779, Count D'Estaing, with the French fleet, 
appeared on the coast to act in concert with the southern land 
armies. General Lincoln now hastened to Savannah with the 
intention of forcing the British to evacuate the city. The French 
troops also landed with the same view. The city was ordered to 
surrender; the enemy asked twenty-four hours to consider the 
matter, which was foolishly granted. Before the expiration of 
the time, the garrison was largely reinforced, and its fortifica- 
tions greatly strengthened. "With the American demand to sur- 
render, the British now refused to comply. A slight effort at 
the commencement would have wrested the place from the hands 
of the enemy. " My God !" exclaimed Marion, when he heard 
the way things were going, " who ever heard of any thing like 
this before ? First, allow an enemy to intrench, and then fight 
him ! See the destruction brought upon the British at Bunkers 
jjill^ — yet our troops there were only raw militia, half armed 
clodhoppers, and not a mortar or cannon, not even a swivel, 
only their ducking guns ! What, then, are we to expect from 
regulars completely armed with a choice train of artillery, and 
covered by a breastwork?" This grant of twenty-four hour's 
time for ' consideration,' lost to the Americans the city, and near 
fifty men to the hour. With gallantry they began operations for 
a siege. Having advanced their works to a state of completion 
sufficient, it was presumed, to justify it, they opened their guns 
upon the city. Their fire had little or no efiect. It was then 
resolved to take the place by storm. The 9th of October was fixed 
for the attempt. Count D'Estaing was first to lead the attack, but 
was immediately forced back by the fire of the guns from the city. 
The other French columns shared the same fate. The brave Count 



FRANCIS MARION. 355 

Pulaski, while leading his cavalry forward, received a mortal 
wound, and his troops fell back toward the wood. The Ameri- 
can troops fared little better. Headed by Laurens and Marion, 
they rushed gallantly to the assault upon the redoubt. They got 
to the ditch, when a murderous discharge from the enemy made 
them reel back with great slaughter. The colors they bore were 
the same presented to Jasper at Fort Moultrie, for his daring, on 
the occasion of its defense ; these were about falling into the 
hands of the British. Fierce and bloody was the contest that 
ensued. The Americans fell in heaps around their proud banners. 
Bush and Jasper were both mortally wounded. One of the 
banners (Jasper's), fell into the ditch, wrapping the corpse of 
Bush who fell with it. The other was snatched from the hands of 
Grey, by McDonald, just as the former fell to the earth by a 
musket ball, and was saved. After a terrible waste of life they 
withdrew. The French and American loss amounted to over 
eleven hundred, among whom were Jasper, Bush, and Count 
Pulaski. The British loss amounted to a mere trifle. Laurens, 
on this occasion, behaved with great bravery. Stopping amid 
the balls that whizzed around him when the retreat was ordered, 
he looked at the slaughtered heaps of his brave men, and 
exclaimed : " Poor fellows, I envy you," then wrathfuUy threw 
his sword toward the enemy. Turning to Horry, he then added : 
" My life is a burden to me ; I would to God I was lying on yonder 
hill with my poor men." 

After the disastrous attempt upon Savannah, matters looked 
gloomy enough. The French withdrew from the coast, while 
General Lincoln, with the remains of his army retreated to Shel- 
don. Thence, leaving Marion in command, he hastened to 
Charleston. The task of disciplining the militia fell chiefly to 
Marion ; he, soon after, proceeded to Bacon's Bridge ; a point 
where Moultrie had collected some raw recruits for that purpose. 

South Carolina was now virtually subjugated. Savannah was 
in tiie hands of the invaders, and Charleston was threatened. The 
regular troops had, in various skirmishes, and by sickness, melted 
away. The Georgia corps had been taken prisoners ; the militia 
were refractory ; the State was out of funds, and the people every- 
where were disheartened. The British now determined to besiege 
Charleston. In 1780, the city was formally invested by Sir Henry 
Clinton, at the head of a large body of troops fresh from the 



356 FRANCIS MAEION. 

north. After a siege of six weeks, the city was surrendered to 
"the superior forces of the enemy, and the garrison became 
prisoners of war. Makion was, on this occasion, somewhat 
curiously kept from being among the prisoners. Obeying the 
command of his superior officer, he had hastened to the city to 
join in its defense. While it was being invested by the enemy, 
however, he was invited, along with some others, to dine with a 
friend. The invitation was accepted. After dinner, the over- 
hospitable host locked his friends in the room, declaring, in accor- 
dance with the custom of the times, that they should try his 
liquors. Most of the company were not averse to potations of 
the kind. Marion was too temperate. To avoid both drinking 
and censure, he slipped himself out at the window, and falling a 
considerable distance to the ground, broke his ankle. This dis- 
abled him from active service. He was carried on a litter to the 
country, whence he proceeded to his residence. 

The fall of Charleston was a heavy blow. During previous 
operations, it had been well stored with provisions and necessaries 
for the army, all of which fell into the hands of the enemy. 
Beside, it gave them command of the entire coast. Scenes, the 
most revolting, succeeded the surrender of Charleston. Corn- 
wallis took command of the British forces in the south, while the 
impetuous Tarleton, dashed with his dragoons over the country, 
with efiect more destructive than a pestilence. Prisoners were 
taken and crowded into ships' holds to die a wretched death, — 
property was destroyed without considering its value ; farms were 
overrun and devastated, while slaves were torn from their plan- 
tations and sold in the India markets. Gloom and distress were 
on all sides. In the midst of these difficulties, it was ascertained 
that Colonel Beaufort was on his way from the north, with a stout 
reinforcement of regulars. This force, however, was intercepted 
by Tarleton, and utterly annihilated. The last ray of hope seemed 
dimmed. Rutledge, Horry and Sumpter went north, imploring 
assistance for their distracted country. 

Makion now retired to the swamps, where he remained, until 
learning that a strong reinforcement under Baron De Kalb, was 
on the way to their assistance, he then mounted his horse, and 
proceeded to North Carolina for the purpose of joining it. "When 
he came up to the army, instead of De Kalb, he found Gates in 
command. That arrogant officer had a very poor opinion of 



FRANCIS MARION. 357 

Marion and his twenty followers, as may be inferred from the 
following description given of them at the time, by one of his- 
officers : " Colonel Mabion, a gentleman from South Carolina, had 
been with the army a few days, attended by a very few followers, 
distinguished by small leather caps and the wretchedness of their 
attire ; their number did not exceed twenty, men and boys, some 
white, some black, and all mounted, but most of them miserably 
equipped ; their appearance was, in fact, so burlesque, that it was 
with much difficulty, the derision of the regular soldiery was 
restrained by the officers ; and the general himself was glad of 
an opportunity of detaching Colonel Makion, at his own instance, 
toward the interior of South Carolina, with orders to watch the 
movements of the enemy, and furnish intelligence." Makion 
now proceeded to the center of South Carolina with his followers, 
destroying the boats on the route, according to the instructions of 
Gates, for the purpose of preventing the escape of Cornwallis from 
the country. 

After the departure of Marion, Gates marched ahead, thinking 
of nothing less than the speedy capture of the British army. 
August 15th, 1780, found him encamped at Rugely's mills. Leav- 
ing that point near midnight, and pursuing his march, he came 
upon the enemy, without so much as knowing they were any- 
where in the vicinity. Prudent man, truly ! Resting under arms, 
the two armies closely watched each other until daylight, which 
found the Americans partially formed for battle. They were 
already worn out by long and fatiguing marches, and murmurs 
of discontent ran along the lines as they found themselves thus 
pitched against the foe. De Kalb was stationed on the right, 
at the head of the Maryland and Delaware troops ; Stevens on 
the left with the Virginians; Caswell in the center with the North 
Carolinians, — while the artillery was placed in the road. The 
British came to action in a single column, with both wings pro- 
tected by select reserves. Gates' militia became frightened the 
moment they saw the enemy. The battle began by an attack 
upon Stevens' troops on the left, who, panic stricken, fled im- 
mediately, many of them without firing a shot. The North 
Carolina militia did the same thing ; Armand's cavalry followed 
their example, and Gates, under pretense of rallying, did the 
same thing. 

The brave veterans of De Kalb were now left alone to bear up 



358 FRANCIS MARION. 

under the efforts of the entire British army. Steel to steel now 
rushed the combatants in bloody fight. With hearts of oak, led 
by De Kalb, the old continentals stood their ground, and fought 
with the courage of desperation. Like a Roman Dentatus, the 
old veteran braved every peril, and urged on his men. The 
contest was too unequal. A sweeping charge from the British 
cavalry, and the inclosure of the Americans by their reserves, put 
them to flight. De Kalb fell, pierced with eleven wounds, — each 
of which opened its bloody mouth to proclaim his undying glory. 
The American loss was heavy, that of the enemy, comparatively 
light. Thus ended the battle of Camden, — the results of which 
were peculiarly embarrassing to the cause at that time. Sumpter 
had, by a successful attack upon the enemy at another point, taken 
several hundred prisoners, and a large quantity of stores and 
provisions. Flushed with his victory, he was hastening toward 
the foe, whren he learned the dispersion of Gates' entire army. 
It was too late to take precautionary steps to avoid the collision, 
and falling in with the dragoons of Tarleton, he, too, lost the 
fruits of his hardy and intrepid enterprise, and became a fugitive 
without a command.* 

Upon these results. South Carolina was virtually a British 
province. It was now, that the high qualities of Makion de- 
veloped themselves, and revived the hopes of the disheartened 
people. 

Marion, it will be remembered^, left the army of Gates, with his 
leather capped followers, for Carolina ; he left, in compliance with 
the request of the patriots of Williamsburg, to take command of 
a newly raised corps, that was ready to take the field. This corps 
was composed of men of intrepid bravery, who excelled in horse- 
manship, and could bring a squirrel from the tops of the tallest 
trees, without difficulty. These men had met spoutaneouslj', for 
the purpose of considering measures for the defense of the country, 
and profiering their services in whatever capacity they might be 
required. Clinton's proclamations, issued after the fall of Charles- 
ton, offering pardon to all who would return to allegiance, induced 
the idea with many who looked upon the cause as hopelessly lost, 
that, by accepting the terms, they could, at least, enjoy repose at 
their own homes. The first proclamation, upon this presumption, 

* Weems. Simms. 



FRANCIS MARION. 359 

had weighty effect ; but, iipou the issue of the second, setting forth 
the expectation, that all who accepted the terms of British pro- 
tection^ guaranteed in the first, would rally to the standard of the 
British army, rather changed the face of afiairs. If fight they 
must, it was but reasonable that they should fight their own 
battles. The hardy Williamsburgers, not being very well versed 
in proclamations, after forming themselves into the brigade just 
mentioned, placed themselves temporarily under the command 
of Major John James, a hardy yeoman of intelligence and 
considerable mettle. James' first duty was to go to George- 
town, and inquire of the British captain, Ardesoif, what they 
were to understand by the proclamations. In answer to his inter- 
rogatory, the insolent captain replied, that : " His Majesty offers 
you pardon of which you are undeserving, for you all ought to be 
hung ; but, it is only on condition that you take up arms in his 
cause." To this James tartly replied : " The people whom I have 
the honor to represent, will never submit on such conditions." 
"The people whom you have the honor to represent!" said 
Ardesoif, " you d — d rebel, if you dare speak such language to 
me, I will have you hung up in an instant." The sentence was 
scarcely uttered, when, springing to his feet, the gallant James, 
with his chair, knocked the English captain full length on the 
floor. He then mounted his horse, and was soon on his way to 
Williamsburg, and beyond the reach of pursuit. On his return, 
he gave the result of his interview to eager listeners, who highly 
extolled his conduct, and resolved to fight to the death for their 
native soil. Such was the formation of Marion's famous brigade. 
Under Major James, they immediately commenced operations. 
Marion met their advance at Lynch's Creek, on the 12th of 
August. He was now General Marion, duly commissioned by 
Rutledge, who well knew his sterling worth. Judge James, then 
a boy of fifteen, serving in the brigade, has left the following 
of Marion's personal appearance, at the time he received this 
commission: "He was a stranger to the ofiicers and men, and 
they flocked around him to obtain a sight of their future com- 
mander. He was rather below the middle stature, lean and 
swarthy. His body was well set, but his knees and ankles were 
badly formed, and he still limped upon one leg. He had a 
countenance remarkably steady ; his nose was aquiline, his 
chin projecting ; his forehead large and high, and his eyes black 



3G0 FRANCIS MARION. 

and piercing. He was then forty-eight years of age, with a frame 
capable of enduring fatigue and every privation. He was dressed 
in a close round-bodied crimson jacket, of a coarse texture, and 
wore a leather cap, part of the uniform of the second regiment, 
with a silver crescent in front, inscribed with the words : ' Liberty 
or Death.' " 

Such was the man who was to change the face of affairs. 
Marion's first duty, on assuming his command, was to supply his 
soldiers with good heavy broadswords. These he had manufactured 
of the old saws procured from the various mills in the country. 
Having made this provision, he put his troops in motion. His 
first attempts were against the Tories. Learning that a large body 
of these were in the neighborhood of Nelson's Ferry on the main 
road leading from Charleston to Camden, at which points the 
larger portions of the British army were posted, he resolved to 
surprise them. Concealing his men in the swamp, during the 
day, he sent active scouts to watch the road and bring in intelli- 
gence; these soon reported that a body of ninety Tories, with 
some three hundred prisoners, were on the way to Charleston. 
Near night-fall, Marion and his men started in pursuit, and 
crossed the river just after the enemy, resolving to surprise them. 
The Tories halted at the first tavern, called the Blue House. 
Marion and his men, by a little circuit, came upon them the next 
morning about daylight. The surprise was nearly complete. The 
whole party was captured without the loss of a man on his part, 
and but three on the other side. All their prisoners, arms, etc., 
fell into the hands of the Americans, Strange as it may seem, 
not one of the liberated prisoners could be prevailed on to shoulder 
a musket, and join their deliverers. 

Marion now retired to Britton's Neck, where he remained but 
a short time, when learning that a large body of Tories were 
gathering on the Pedee, he determined upon another bold 
stroke. By a forced march of forty miles, they reached the Tory 
camp before the wretches knew they were in the vicinity. Again 
he was successful. Nearly the entire party were either killed or 
taken prisoners. He again returned to Britton's Neck, without 
the loss of a soldier. The British determined to put a stop to 
these proceedings, and sent a large force to take the brigade. 
Marion retreated before them, until the enemy fell back and be- 
came separated into three divisions. One of these, a body of Tories, 



FRANCIS MARION. 3(5 ]_ 

was stationed at Black Miugo. These Makion resolved to attack. 
Facing about, they took up their line of march, crossed the Black 
Mingo, and fell upon them when least expected. 

Over half their number was killed, mortally wounded, or taken 
prisoners. After these brilliant engagements, Marion and his 
men went into the valley of Waccamaw, among good friends, for 
the purpose of taking some rest. They were received by the over- 
joyed Whigs with open doors and open arms. They were not 
long permitted to repose in this miniature Capua oil plenty. 
They had not more than fairly recruited themselves, when a young 
man, the son of a good patriot from the interior, dashed up to the 
outposts and informed Marion that the Tories were gathering in 
mass, about seventy miles above, on the Pedee. Marion's reso- 
lution was instantly taken ; he resolved to surprise them. His 
brigade was immediately put in readiness, to begin a rapid march, 
in the night time, the light of the full moon greatly facilitating 
their progress. By daylight they had gained the swamp, where 
they effectually concealed themselves. His spies were sent to 
watch the road, and bring in intelligence of the enemy. Toward 
evening, they returned to the ambush of the troop, with marvelous 
accounts of the Tories that had lined the road through the day 
with loaded wagons and furbished arms, marching toward the 
Pedee. Soon as it was fairly dark, Marion and his men dashed 
ahead at full gallop in pursuit. A few hours brought them in 
sight of the camp fires. They now dismounted, and noiselessly 
tied their horses. The Tories were regaling themselves in high 
glee ; drinking, smoking, cooking their supper and playing cards, 
a livelier party was scarce ever seen to grace a wedding feast, — 
they had not even posted a guard to watch their outposts. Mari- 
on's lip curled with pleasure as he saw they were in his power. 
Surveying them for a moment, he separated his men into three 
divisions, which, circling around their foes on as many sides, 
crouched, like tigers, to pounce upon their prey. So cautiously 
had these movements been effected, that each division reached its 
post, and had their steady muskets pointed to the Tories, without 
their even dreaming of danger. So close were they, that the 
"jibes and jeers " of the card-players could be easily heard. 
Marion took a central position, and was to fire his pistol as the 
signal. All things were ready. Marion raised his pistol and 
fired. Three livid streams of death poured upon the Tories, who 



362 FRANCIS MARION. 

conld not have been more snrprised had a volcano burst under 
their feet. The scene that followed was indescribable. The sliarp 
crack of the rifle echoed far and near ; the horses snapped their 
bridles and ran furiously away ; the woods blazed with the lurid 
flash of the powder ; the shouts of the victors, the groans of the 
dying, the shrieks of the survivors, all conspired to make that 
night scene sublimely terrible. Victory could not have been more 
signal. On their first fire, twenty-three Tories fell dead. Makion 
capture^ almost the entire party, took eighty-four stands of arms, 
and a large quantity of baggage and provisions, without the loss 
of a man. 

These brilliant achievements gave fresh hopes to the country, 
and induced many to rally to the cause. To capture "J/r. 
Marion," as Coruwallis called him, now became an object of 
leading interest with the British, and Tarleton was deputed for 
the task. He rose from a sick bed, and undertook its execution. 
He set out from Charleston to join his legion, then at Camden. 
Marion, in the meantime, made an efibrt to capture his dragoons, 
but, owing to some misunderstanding on the part of his scouts, 
did not succeed. Tarleton, by rapid marches, after having joined 
his legion, encamped in the immediate vicinity of Marion's force. 
The latter resolved to fall back. Reaching a strong position, trees 
were piled across the road, and other rude defenses prepared. 
This being done, he resolved to await the enemy's approach. 
About the time, however, he made this stand, Tarleton abandoned 
the pursuit, and, directing his thoughts to Sumpter, remarke<] to 
his troops, " Come, my boys ! let us go back, we will soon find 
the game cock; but as for this d — d swamp-fox (Marion) the 
devil himself could not catch him." 

Marion now directed his movements against Georgetown. His 
bold dashes at the enemy, aroused the country and perplexed, the 
invaders, more than any other species of warfare. The position 
of the British was highly favorable. With a chain of posts stretch- 
ing from Charleston to Augusta, embracing Ninety-six, George- 
town, Camden, and Winnsboro', the coast was secure. These 
posts were protected, in front, by a chain of smaller posts, con- 
sisting efforts Granby, Watson, and Motte. Beside these, nearly 
all the towns and cities of importance, were in their possession. 
Nothing but this bold partisan species of warfare, to carry on which 
no one was better qualified than Marion, could have succeeded 



FRANCIS MARION. 363 

against such combined preparation and strength. Dashing from 
point to point, with his ubiquitous brigade, like a Roderick Dim, 
his bold warriors would constantly cut off, from the enemy, small 
detachments, when least expected, and then escape to their hiding- 
places with a celerity that bid defiance to pursuit. 

Crossing Black River, Marion now concealed himself in the 
swamps whence Horry was sent to reconnoiter Georgetown. 
Lying in concealment for some time, without making any dis- 
covery, Horry took his little band to a Mr. White's for refresh- 
ment. Before they were procured, however, he was surprised by 
seventeen mounted British, under Captain Merrit. They imme- 
diately sprang to their saddles and faced the enemy, who as 
quickly turned and fled. A brisk chase ensued. Every man of 
the surprising party, save three, are said to have fallen, Merrit 
reached a dense swamp, after a narrow escape, and, in the night, 
made his way into Charleston, according to Weems, " as gray as 
a badger," in consequence of his fright. Another party, dis- 
patched on the same business, under Captain Melton, did not fare 
80 well. They fell in with a party of Tories, and were driven off 
with the loss of some prisoners ; among whom was young Gabriel 
Marion, a nephew of our hero, who was most inhumanly murdered. 
Thus warned of Marion's designs upon Georgetown, the British 
so strengthened it, that the Americans withdrew to Snow's Island, 
aud pitched their camp. Snow's Island was well adapted to his 
operations. Having secured the boats, and fortified the place as 
well as circumstances would permit, he prepared to cut ofi* what- 
ever parties of the enemy vigilance and caution could bring in his 
way. 

The cruelties now practised over the country, by the enemy, 
created a revengeful spirit in the minds of the yeomanry, and 
induced daily accessions to his little force. Thus was Marion 
situated in December, 1780. 

During the encampment at Snow's Island, many daring exploits 
were performed by both Marion and his officers. The Horrys, 
the Conyers, the Witherspoons, and the Baxters, brave men all, 
were true as steel to his fortunes. Of Peter Horry, several amus- 
ing incidents have been related. He was a man of true courage 
and devotion, but no great martinet. Though no rider, he had a 
passion to lead mounted men, aud was often saved from death by 
his soldiers. Swimming a stream, on one occasion, he became 



364 FRANCIS MAE ION. 

taugled in the boughs of a tree, where, Absalom like, he remained 
swinging over the water, while his horse swam to the shore. 
He would certainly have perished, had not his men come to his 
relief. On another occasion, he was sent to intercept a detach- 
ment of the British. He concealed his men in a thicket, most dex- 
trously, and awaited the enemy's approach, with orders for them 
to tire immediately on his giving the word. He stammered con- 
siderably, particularly when excited. The British came on right 
in the midst of the ambush. All excitement, Horry attempted to 
give the word, fire! It was no go. ''''Fi — fi — ;/?/" he cried, but 
the " ?'-(?" would not out. At length, irritated beyond measure, 
as the enemy was about stepping unhurt through the ambush, he 
bawled out : " Shoot ! d — n you, shoot ! you know what I would 
say. Shoot^andhed — d to you!'''' At another time, while he 
was engaged in a skirmish, Captain Baxter was posted where he 
was much exposed to the fire of the enemy. Being struck by a 
ball, he cried out: "I'm wounded. Colonel." ''Think no more 
of it, Baxter, but stand to your post," said Horry. A moment 
after, being struck by another bullet, Baxter said : " I 'm wounded 
again, and can't stand." '' Lie down then, Baxter, but don't quit 
your post," coolly answered the Colonel. " 1 'm wounded a third 
time, and, if I stay here any longer, I shall be shot all to pieces," 
immediately exclaimed the seeming martyr. " Be it so, Baxter, 
but stir not," replied the incorrigible Colonel. Baxter obeyed, 
and received another shot soon after. 

It was about this time, that a British officer, whose object was to 
confer wnth Marion in regard to the exchange of prisoners, was 
carried to his camp, and so politely feasted on sweet potatoes. 
Asking Makion if it was his usual fare, and being answered in 
the affirmative, and that his men thus lived among their forests, 
and fought without pay for their liberty, it made such impression 
on his mind, that he is said to have returned to camp a changed 
man, and to have immediately resigned the service. 

The efforts of Maeion and his brave colleagues, had kept the 
banner of liberty waving, and the camp-fires of resistance burn- 
ing, until a more glorious page in the records of southern warfare 
was about to be turned. In 1781, General Greene assumed the 
command of the forces of the south. Not so haughty and self- 
willed as Gates, he knew full well how to appreciate the daring 
heroes, who, unaided, had breasted the storm against odds over- 



FRANCIS MARION. 3G5 

whelming, resources, between which and their own, no shade of 
comparison could justly be instituted. The hopes infused into the 
minds of the people, on this assumption of command by Greene, 
were elevated by the fall of Clermont, a British post of consider- 
able strength, commanded by Colonel Rugely. It was attacked 
by Colonel Washington, and taken. This seemed to be a good 
omen of Greene's successes in the south, and was so construed by 
the people. 

Greene immediately addressed the following letter to Marion, 
which shows he had the proper estimate of the brave partisan : 

" I have not the honor of your acquaintance, but am no stranger 
to your character and merit. Your services in the lower part of 
South Carolina, in awing the Tories and preventing the enemy 
from extending their lines, have been very important ; and it is 
my earnest desire that you continue where your are until further 
advice from me. Your letter of the 22d of last month, to General 
Gates, is before me. I am fully sensible that your service is hard 
and that your trials are great, but how great the prize for which 
we contend ! I like your plan of frequently shifting your ground. 
It frequently prevents a surprise, and perhaps the loss of your 
whole party. Until a more permanent army can be collected 
than is in the field at present, we must endeavor to keep up a 
partisan war, and preserve the tide of sentiment among the 
people in our favor as much as possible. Spies are the eyes of 
an army, and without them a general is always groping in the 
dark, and can neither secure himsef nor annoy his enemy. At 
present, I am badly off for intelligence. It is of the highest im- 
portance, that I get the earliest intelligence of any reinforcements 
which may arrive at Charleston. I wish you, therefore, to fix 
some plan for procuring such information and convejnng it to me 
with all possible dispatch. The spy should be taught to be par- 
ticular in his inquiries, and get the names of the corps, strength, 
and commanding officer's name, — place whence they came, and 
where they are going. It will be best to fix upon somebody in 
town to do this, and have a runner between you and him to give 
you the intelligence ; as a person who lives out of town can not 
make the inquiries without being suspected. The utmost secrecy 
will be necessary in the business." 

Marion was at Black River, still watching a favorable moment 
to attack Georgetown, when he received this letter. It is needless 



366 FRANCIS MARION. 

to say its contents were carefully noted, and the requests, as far 
as possible, complied with. Mc Arthur and Coffin, with some 
British troops, were between Hick's Creek and the High Hills of 
San tee. To watch their movements, Marion took position at 
Lynch's Creek ; pretty strong forces were also sent to the vicinity 
of Georgetown, while others were busily engaged in storing pro- 
visions and necessaries at Snow's Island. Quite a series of 
maneuvers were now directed against Georgetown, which, owing 
to the want of artillery, proved of little avail. Not long after, 
Marion was joined by Lee and his famous legion. The following 
impressions left by Lee of Marion, at this time, are, no doubt, 
about correct: "Marion," he says, "was about forty eight years 
of age, small in stature, hard in visage, healthy, abstemious and 
taciturn. Enthusiastically wedded to the cause of liberty, he 
deplored the condition of his beloved country. The common- 
weal was his sole object ; nothing selfish, nothing mercenary 
sullied his ermine character. Fertile in stratagem, he struck 
unperceived, and retiring to those hidden retreats selected by him- 
self in the morasses of Pedee and Black River, he placed his corps, 
not only out of the reach of his foe, but often out of the discovery 
of his friends. A rigid disciplinarian, he reduced to practice the 
justice of his heart; and, during the difficult course of warfare 
through which he passed, calumny itself, never charged him with 
molesting the rights of persons, property, or humanity. Never 
avoiding danger, he never rashly sought it, and acting for all 
around him, as he did for himself, he risked the lives of his troops 
only when necessary. Never elated with prosperity, nor depres- 
sed by adversity, he preserved his equanimity, which won the 
admiration of his friends and exalted the respect of his enemies."* 

Marion and Lee now made a bold attempt to surprise George- 
town, but owing to a variety of causes, were unsuccessful. Had 
they possessed the requisite artillery, they would, no doubt, have 
taken the place. They next undertook the surprise of Colonel 
"Watson at Nelson's Ferry, and pushed rapidly forward for that 
purpose ; the colonel was apprised of their designs, and threw his 
men into Fort Watson, some distance above. 

Lee was now ordered to rejoin Greene ; and, deprived of his 
co-operation, Marion was again thrown comparatively upon his 



* Lee's Memoirs. Simms. 



FRANCIS MARION. 367 

own resources. Far from relaxing his efforts, he sent active 
parties across the Santee and in the vicinity of Monk's Corner, 
with instructions to destroy the British stores and annoy the 
enemy. Tliese were very successful, and rendered important 
service. Marion now organized a troop of cavalry, the command 
of which was given to Colonel Horry ; he, also, had new swords 
manufactured for his soldiers. The cavalry proved of considerable 
service. This troop it was, to which Scotch McDonald belonged, 
who wheedled the old Tory out of his fine horse, Selim, astride 
of Mdiich he galloped through Georgetown, and had such a chase 
after Major Gainey. 

The direction of his course toward Virginia, by Cornwallis, 
induced a temporary absence of Greene from Carolina, of which 
the British availed themselves to pour their myrmidons over the 
country, pillaging and plundering in every direction. Marion 
and his gallant followers were the chief obstacles to their progress. 
Colonel Watson was sent to take the " Swamp-fox," as Tarleton 
styled him, on his failure to accomplish the same business. 
Colonel Tynes, in the meantime, had collected another stout 
force, with which, smarting under his former defeat, and burning 
for revenge, he went into the forests to encounter the Americans. 
Marion proved more than a match for him, and he was again sur- 
prised and beaten, with the loss of almost the entire party. His 
next operations were against Major Mcllraith, a British officer, 
who was sent in advance of Watson, to watch the movements of 
the Americans. Marion started in pursuit of that officer, whom 
he overtook at " Half-way Swamp." An attack immediately took 
place. With little loss to either party, the Major drew his troops 
to open ground. Here, Marion challenged him to a combat 
between twenty picked men from each side. Mcllraith consented, 
and the preliminaries were arranged. No sooner, however, had 
the twenty Americans started to meet their antagonists, than the 
twenty British selected for the fight, wheeled round and fell back 
to their own lines. That night Mcllraith abandoned his heavy 
baggage, and retreated to a strong position. 

Watson and Doyle were now coming with a strong force upon 
the partisan hero. Marion, by a rapid march, hastened to meet 
Watson at Watboo Swamp. Colonel Horry was sent in advance 
with the horse. Colonel Richbourg was sent in advance by the 
enemy, with their horse, also. The two colonels met. Each 



368 FRANCIS MARION. 

being surprised, seemed disposed to Ml back. Recovering, how- 
ever, Horry charged the foe with great coolness and drove them 
back, until arrested by the main body of the enemy. He now 
retreated, and was pursued in turn, until falling back to the 
advance of the regular forces, a stand was made. Here, after a 
series of brilliant displays of personal daring, the Tories were 
again driven to the shelter of Watson's regulars. Marion, next 
morning, began a slow retreat, hoping to lure the enemy into an 
ambuscade. In this hope he was not wholly disappointed. Cross- 
ing Black River, he destroyed the bridge, and so posted his sharp- 
shooters as to dispute its passage. Watson came up, and opened 
his artillery against them across the stream, but with no effect. 
Every British soldier that approached the river was shot down. 
Watson was in great perplexity. He sent Marion a note, com- 
plaining of the uncivilized manner of his fighting, to which the 
latter paid no attention. An attempt was now made to pass the ford, 
but no sooner did the men approach the river than they were shot 
down. Some of Marion's men, in fact, climbed trees with their 
rifles, in order to get better aim at those who would not approach 
the stream on the opposite side. McDonald, the Murat of the 
southern army, was quite conspicuous on this occasion. He sent 
Watson word, that if he did not return his wardrobe, which had 
been stolen from him by the Tories, some time before, he would 
kill eight of his men. Knowing he would do what he said, his 
clothes were returned. "Tell Watson," said McDonald to the 
bearer, " that I will 7ioio kill but foui' of his men." He kept his 
word. Watson, after being harassed to death, retreated rapidly 
to Ox Swamp. Again he found Marion ready to intercept him. 
He now took to the woods, and made for the Santee, but again 
Marion was on his back. Horry's cavalry was in full pursuit, 
and cut off his men at every turn. At Sandpit Bridge, he was 
again discomfited by an ambuscade prepared for his reception. 
Beaten at every turn, and filled with mortification, he finally 
reached Georgia. 

Watson, Doyle, and the Tories of Gainey, now aimed to com- 
bine their forces, for the purpose of making a final effort at 
Marion's expulsion from the province, which would leave it 
entirely in the hands of the British. Greene having returned to 
South Carolina, Lee hastened with his legion to rejoin Marion. 
Soon after the junction, these oflScers formally invested Fort 



FRANCIS MARION. 3(59 

Watson, built upon an Indian mound, immediately on the banks 
of the Santee. After a siege of eight days, the fort was sur- 
rendered to the Americans, with its garrison and contents. 
Watson and Doyle were, soon after, called to assist Rawdon at 
Camden, which considerably weakened the enemy's forces in that 
part of the country. After the fall of the fort, Lee was recalled 
to the main army of Greene, and Marion again left upon his own 
resources. 

Maeion now did every thing possible to second the efforts of 
Greene. The brave Colonel Harden was sent against Fort Balfour, 
which soon surrendered to his men. He continued his efforts 
with success, cutting the enemy's small parties to pieces, annoying 
their foragers, and stirring up the people. So energetic was he, 
that from ninety, his command had soon swollen to two hundred 
effective men. Makion next invested Fort Motte, which, after a 
stout resistance, was forced to surrender. 

The manner in which this fort was taken must be recorded. 
It was named Fort Motte, after the owner of the fine mansion 
adjoining it. He had been some time dead, but the house was 
still owned by his widow, Mrs. Motte (her name should be written 
in gold.) After the fort was invested, and operations began, 
Rawdon hastened from Camden to its relief. He was near at 
hand, with forces twice the number of the Americans. Before it 
could be forced to surrender by the ordinary process, he would be 
there. What was to be done ? To set Mrs. Motto's house on fire, 
would force the garrison to a speedy surrender. Marion reluc- 
tantly suggested the idea to the lady. With a noble virtue, worthy 
the Spartan mothers, when they buckled the armor to their sons- 
and sent them to battle, she said she would be proud to make the- 
sacrifice for her country. By means of fi*iction arrows, which she- 
herself provided, the house was fired on the roof and was soon in-, 
a blaze. As the flames curled up, the commander, McPherson, 
hung out the white flag of surrender. The tide of affairs began 
now to exhibit a favorable change. After the investiture of Ninety- 
six by Greene, Marion and Sumpter were directed to hold Rawdon 
in check, who, it will be remembered, had reduced Camden to 
ashes, and hastened to the protection of the British posts. Marion 
had withdrawn from the regular army, after the fall of Fort Motte, 
and had joined Sumpter ; the two made bold and successful 
assaults on the enemy whenever opportunity offered. Emboldened 
25 



370 FRANCIS MARION. 

bj their successes in this way, Marion resolved npon another 
attempt against Georgetown. The place was formally invested on 
the 6th of June. The garrison, dispirited by their late losses, 
made little resistance, and fled to their vessels in the bay adjacent. 
Thus the place fell into the hands of the Americans. After 
destroying the works, and removing the valuables to a place of 
security, not being able to detach a garrison from bis army to hold 
the town, he departed for St. Stevens. The arrival of reinforce- 
ments, enabled Rawdou to elude the vigilance of Marion and 
Sumpter, and hasten to the relief of Ninety-six, closely besieged 
by Greene. The loyalists around Charleston gathered, about this 
time, and under Colonel Ball, determined to lay waste the whole 
adjacent country. Hearing of their movements, Marion hastened 
himself, and drew off all the movable valuables, and destroyed 
the balance. He was, soon after, joined by Colonel Washington 
with his command. Operations were now directed against the 
enemy in the vicinity of Charleston, whither they had been forced 
to concentrate by the combined efforts of the Americans. A large 
detachment, under Sumpter, was sent against the British in that 
quarter. Before reaching the enemy, Sumpter separated his men 
into three divisions. Lee was sent against Dorchester, which 
quickly yielded to his arms. Colonel Hampton attacked the 
quarter-house, and penetrated to the very gates of the city. 
Marion and Sumpter, attacked Colonel Coates, stationed in force 
at Biggen. This was a strong redoubt, protected by a brick meet- 
ing-house. The post took its name from Biggen Creek, one of 
several small streams among which were Watboo and Quinby 
Creeks. Across the Watboo was a bridge leading from the 
enemy's post to the opposite shore. Marion sent a small de- 
tachment ahead to destroy this bridge. Unwilling to risk an 
engagement with superior numbers, they waited for reinforce- 
ments. Horry soon arrived, and attempted the destruction of the 
brigde. A brisk engagement ensued, in which each party seemed 
alternately successful. Various maneuvers, such as feints of 
attack, etc., were resorted to by the British to gain time, design- 
ing in the night to retreat. These partially succeeded. About 
midnight, setting fire to their stores and baggage, they began a 
retreat. The Americans were quickly on the alert. Hampton 
started in pursuit of the cavalry, but in vain ; they effected their 
escape. Marion was more successful. Dashing ahead after the 



FRANCIS MARION. 371 

enemy's infantry, he came up with them near Quinby Creek, and 
charged them furiously. They threw down their arms in cowardly 
confusion, without firing a shot. Coates had passed the Quinby 
bridge, and planted a howitzer to dispute its passage by the 
Americans. The cavalry dashed ahead over the bridge, drove 
the men from the howitzer, and opened the way for the other 
troops. Desperate encounters ensued. The crossing of Quinby 
bridge was a perilous undertaking ; but the legion was used to 
peril, and so was Marion. Armstrong and Macauley, who, with 
their followers, succeeded in crossing the bridge, now finding 
themselves separated from the main army, and being exposed to 
Coates' superior numbers in front, headed the stream and made 
good their escape. Coates now retired to an adjacent farm, 
resolved to protect himself under cover of the buildings. Late in 
the afternoon, Sumpter came up with the main army. The British 
were drawn up for battle in front of Shubrick's dwelling. Sump- 
ter attacked it with much courage. Marion's men bore the brunt 
of the day. The fight lasted several hours, and raged with intense 
fury. Sumpter was, at length, compelled to retreat, which he did 
in tolerable order, across the Santee. He lost many brave men, 
fifty of whom were of Marion's chosen troops, the entire body of 
whom fought like lions, imperiling their own for the lives of their 
comrades. The latter success of this expedition, may be mainly 
attributed to the breaking up of the forces into small detachments, 
by Sumpter. 

After this engagement, Sumpter went up the Congeree, leaving 
Marion on the Santee. It was about this time that the execution 
of Colonel Hayne took place, which left a stain upon the char- 
acter of Rawdon, and elicited the execrations of humanity eveiy- 
where. Marion remained on the Santee but a short time, when 
he moved his forces to Pon-Pon. Colonel Harden was in that 
neighborhood, and menaced by the enemy, with numbers vastly 
superior to his own. After a rapid and secret march of over a hun^ 
dred miles, he reached the neighborhood, and set a successful snare 
for the British. He concealed his men in the swamp near Parker's 
Ferry, by the road along which he knew Major Frazier would 
soon pass with a body of British cavalry. He then sent out a 
small body of horse to lure them into the ambush. The trick was 
successful. Frazier pursued the horse, who retreated as directed, 
until the eremy were completely in the snare. Every musket of 



372 FRANCIS MARION. 

Marion's party, instantly hurled a mesenger of death upon the 
pursuing party. They aimed to charge the swamp, but another 
volley poured upon them with equal effect, made them recoil. 
Had Marion's ammunition held out, the entire party would 
have been captured. Their loss was very heavy. Near thirty 
horses were found dead the day after ; there must have been twice 
that number of men killed, as many horses, without their riders, 
were known to have run frantically from the scene. Thus, by a 
bold stroke, he had relieved Harden, and thinned the enemy's 
numbers without the loss of a man. These actions took place 
about the last of August, 1781. 

Marion, now, by a dextrous movement, effected a junction 
•with Greene in time to participate in the memorable battle of 
Eutaw Springs, of which enough has been said. As elsewhere 
said, a check was forever put to British, power in the south, at that 
battle. The enemy retreated from the field, and Marion and Lee 
were the first in pursuit. The British, feeling that their vaunt- 
ed power was near an end, gave themselves up to plunder and 
rapacity. 

Stewart, Doyle, and the other ofllcers, now seemed disposed to 
lay in large supplies of provisions, etc., at Charleston, preparatory 
to a siege, and make arrangements for eventual flight, if unsnc- 
cessftil. Rutledge issued a proclamation, calling on all who had 
accepted the terms of the English generals, to enroll under their 
true flag, promising pardon and protection to all who would 
comply. The American general, Greene, continued a close watch 
upon the movements of Stewart. Thus, the year 1781 passed by. 
Marion, in the meantime, had been elected a member of the 
Assembly, for which he surely was not so well adapted as the 
field. This was the same Assembly convened by Rntledge at 
Jacksonboro, where he was so careful to have sufiicieucy of rice 
prepared for their feasting^ on the occasion of his resignation of 
the dictatorship. General Leslie was now in chief command of 
the British forces in Charleston, the only very important place 
remaining in their possession. Many minor skirmishes ensued, 
though the war was virtually at an end. Marion was called to 
the camp of Greene, in consequence of a rumor to the efiect, that 
Leslie had been largely reinforced, which proved to be false. 
Shortly after, he had a slight affair with a small body of British 
horse at St. Thomas, which he defeated. 



FRANCIS MARION. 373 

Marion now gave the command of his troop to his old friend, 
Horry, and took his seat in the Assembly at Jacksouboro, as 
senator from St, John's. The Confiscation Act, the approval of 
which by Butledge, drew upon him the dislike of many, was the 
most important measure acted upon. During Marion's absence, 
his brigade was attacked by a detachment of the enemy from 
Charleston. They lost several valuable horses, and some equi- 
page ; though, but few men. Marion returned shortly after, and 
resumed its command. 

In a spirited affair that took place with a body of British horse 
shortly after his resumption of the command, his brigade fully 
vindicated its past reputation. Unimportant skirmishes, like 
these, continued to take place between small parties, until the 
evacuation of Charleston by the British. After that event, which 
Moultrie describes, as " a grand and pleasing sight," Marion 
separated from his brigade, and retired to his farm. Though the 
war was over, — the great battle of liberty fought and won, — his 
fields, like those of many others, were but a desolated waste. 
After devoting himself, for a short time, to repairing his farm and 
getting it into tilling condition, he was again sent to the Senate 
from St. Johns. With motives pure, a judgment clear, a mind 
practically, at least, well informed, and eminently patriotic, he was 
sure to subserve the interests of his country to the best of his abil- 
ity ; though of Francis Marion as a legislator, we think but little 
can be said. 

He was opposed to the Confiscation Act, of which more will be 
said in the Life of Rutledge, and used every endeavor against its 
passage. In 1784, by legislative enactment, Fort Johuson was 
built in Charleston harbor, and garrisoned. Marion was made 
commander, with a salary of five hundred pounds. 

During the same year, Marion was married to Miss Mary 
Videau, a lady of sterling qualities, fine sense, and considerable 
wealth. He was now over fifty years of age ; his wife was not 
young, but is said to have watched his movements and listened to 
the recital of his exploits with all the pride of early girlhood for a 
length of time. This marriage proved eminently happy, qualified 
only by a want of issue. Thus in the bosom of 2, family he passed, 
quietly upon his farm, the residue of his life, leaving the influence 
of untarnished example to all posterity. 

In 1794, he was addressed by a committee appointed by the 



374 FRANCIS MARION. 

citizens of Georgetown, in flattering but modest terms. To this 
he made a short but appropriate verbal reply. His retiracy from 
all public cares, was the result of his knowledge of the fact that he 
was failing. He knew well that his life's sands were ebbing 
gently away. 

He talked of approaching death with the serenity of a mind 
" soothed and sustained by an unfaltering trust." " Death may 
be to others," said he, " a leap in the dark, but I rather consider 
it a resting-place, where old age may throw ofi*its burdens." He 
afterward said to his wife : " I am not afraid to die ; for, thank 
God, I can lay my hand on my heart and say, that since I came 
to man's estate, I have never intentionally done wrong to any 
one." 

Thus died Francis Marion, on the 25th of February, 1795, in 
the sixty-fourth year of his age. Enduring as truth itself, he will 
live where he rose, among the patriots of that day, till the War 
of Independence be forgotten. 




JOSEPH WARREN. 



JOSEPH WARREN. 



" lioMANs know not only how to act, but how to suffer," ex 
claimed the heroic young Mutius, as he held his hand to the 
burning flames in presence of Etrurian Porsenna, who was endea- 
voring to re-establish the tyranny of the Tarquins over his beloved 
country. He held it there till it burned from his arm ; thus show- 
ing the terrified king what Romans could endure for their homes 
and household gods. 

"While a foreign potentate was forging fetters for our country, 
many brave Americans, young, gifted and accomplished, proved 
that they knew " not only how to act, but how to suffer !" as they 
freely laid down their hopes, their fortunes, their lives for liberty. 
Among these, who will not remember the first hero martyr of the 
Revolution, Joseph Wakren? Accomplished, ardent, generous 
and esteemed, in the morning of a future of promise and useful- 
ness, soon as the first war-note had sounded, tearing himself from 
life's endearments, he hastened to Bunker Hill, to make of his 
name a talisman, of himself an example throughout the struggle, — 
and that name, that example, will live when the proud granite 
that marks the spot where he fell, shall have crumbled to the dust. 

Though materials are not abundant for an elaborate sketch of 
the patriot, from such as are at hand, we shall endeavor to draw 
his outline, as deserving a place among those who are "Freedom's 
now and fame's." 

Joseph Warren was born in the year 1741, in the town of 
Roxbury, Massachusetts. His father was a tiller of the soil, and 
possessed those sterling qualities of virtue and industry, for which 
the early New Englanders were so justly renowned. Warren 

(375) 



376 JOSEPH WARREN 

was no exception to the generality of our great men, nearly all 
of whom had excellent, devoted mothers. His, early trained him 
to rigid principles of truth and honor. She lived to be a vener- 
able woman, and died universally beloved and regretted. His 
father fell from an apple tree, and was instantly killed, while 
Joseph was a mere child. 

Young Warben, after reaping the benefits of the best schools 
in Roxbury, entered Harvard College in his fifteenth year. His 
college years were marked by afiable manners, strict application, 
and a high courage. It is related of him that his classmates, 
wishing to engage in some species of frolic, in the upper story of 
the building, and knowing he would not relish it, locked the door 
of the room in which they assembled, to prevent his presence. 
He made his way out, however, through a window at the top of 
the house, and, letting himself down from the roof, by a gutter, 
to the window of the room in which the boys were engaged, he 
sprang into their midst, just as the gutter fell to the ground below. 
Though narrowly escaping death, he instantly commenced lectur- 
ing the boys upon their conduct.* This incident showed, at 
least, a heroism worthy of Bunker Hill. After leaving college, 
he began the study of medicine, which was every way congenial 
to his nature, feelings and talents. His open, frank manners, 
correct habits, fine talents, and noble bearing, won the esteem of 
all. In the study, he made extraordinary proficiency, and when 
he commenced the practice, rose rapidly into professional favor. 

About the close of the French and Indian war, he removed to 
Boston, for the purpose of attending to the duties of his profession, 
in which he would certainly have attained high distinction, had 
not the sound of arms called him to the battle-field. Notwith- 
standing his courtly qualities and refined nature, he possessed 
a degree of military enthusiasm, and much civic tact. After the 
convention of the First Continental Congress, to which the Adamses 
and other older patriots had been sent as delegates, to take steps 
of resistance to the aggressions of England, he became an active 
leader in the movements going on, in and around Boston. 

The occasions on which he first particularly distinguished him- 
self, were at the anniversaries of the Boston riots. The day on 
which these riots took place, in 1768, was annually celebrated by 

* Sparks' American Biography. Everett. 



JOSEPH WARREN. 377 

the Bostonians, until the Declaration of Independence furnished a 
more worthy day of commemoration. In 1772, Warren deliv- 
ered the address, which was said to have been so chaste, fervid, 
eloquent and able, that the attention of all was directed toward 
him. Three years afterward, he performed the same service. 
The oration was delivered in the old South Church, to an immense 
auditory. At that time excitements in Boston were intense. 
Never was speech listened to with more eagerness. Everett tells 
us that, while he was speaking, an excited individual sprang to 
his feet on the stairs, and, stretching his arm toward the speaker, 
disclosed a number of pistol balls in the palm of his hand. War- 
ken, who was exceedingly graceful, proceeded with his discourse, 
but happily dropped a white handkerchief in his hands over the 
balls. 

In 1772, Warren and others formed the Committee of Corre- 
spondence in Boston, the labors of which proved invaluable to the 
revolutionary party. In 1774, he was elected as delegate to the 
Massachusetts Congress, a high evidence indeed, of the position 
he had attained among the people in the city of his adoption. Of 
that body he was chosen president, and was also made chairman 
of the Committee of Safety. This Congress, after sitting briefly 
at Salem and Concord, opened its deliberations in Watertown, in 
the spring of 1775. As chairman of the Committee of Safety, 
Warren was untiring in his vigilance ; and to him, perhaps, 
more than to any other one man, are due the results of the attempt 
of the British upon the military stores at Concord. Two days 
before the attack, Warren, by his acute vigilance, notwithstand- 
ing the secrecy observed by the enemy, had divined their inten- 
tions, and spread the alarm. Finding they were discovered, every 
attempt was made by Lord Percy to keep the Americans in town. 
It was too late, Warren had sounded the alarm. 

On the 18th of June, 1775, the British embarked upon the ex- 
pedition. The keen eye of Warren was upon them. Knowing 
their destination, he sent a swift courier to Lexington, and another 
to Charlestown, to give notice. These messengers were faithful. 
Knocking at the doors, and hastening through villages and plan- 
tations on their route, they had the people thoroughly aroused. 
Teams were left in the fields, the wedge in the log, and the tree 
half felled. The hardy sons of the soil rushed from all directions 
with their hunting-pieces, to the scene of action. Arriving at 



378 JOSEPH WARREN. 

Concord, the British met a large body of sturdy men, who knew 
how to " aim their guns aright." In response to Major Pitcairn's 
order, to lay down their arms, and disperse, they returned a deadly 
fire. The British were compelled to retreat with considerable 
loss. The Americans followed, pouring upon them a galling fire 
at every step. Had the enemy not met Percy with reinforcements, 
the loss would have been very heavy. The agency of Warren, 
in this afiair, is readily perceived : had he not been so active in 
giving the alarm, the surprise would doubtless have been com- 
plete. When the British reached West Cambridge, Warren, with 
his gun, went out to join the assailants, and exposed himself freely 
to the enemy. A musket ball is said to have cut a lock of hair 
from his head, without causing the least intimidation. 

Blood had now flowed, and the war commenced in earnest. 
Steps were early taken by the Massachusetts Congress, to raise 
an army of thirty thousand men. By the 21st of May, fifteen 
thousand men, stern of purpose, but lax in discipline, had assem- 
bled in the neighborhood of Boston. These were placed under 
the command of General Artemas Ward, a man of bravery, and 
skilled in military tactics. He made Cambridge his head-quarters. 
General Putnam was placed at the head of the Connecticut and 
New Hampshire troops, and took his position on the Charlestown 
road. General Thomas commanded the Rhode Island troops, and 
some militia from Massachusetts and Connecticut. His position 
was at Roxbury. Colonel Gerrish was stationed with his com- 
mand at Chelsea, while Stark and Read held Medford. These 
soldiers were men of " sterner stuff" than mixed bodies of mere 
adventurers, engaged in some Utopian scheme. They were the 
men of New England, called to service by hard necessity, to fight 
on the very thresholds of their homes and firesides. 

Such was the state of things when Joseph Warren, changing 
his surgical for battle instruments, came into the army with the 
commission of Major-General, conferred by Congress. Though 
young and unpracticed in the art of war, his commission was a 
familiar dress, and as such he wore it. Let us now take a hasty 
glance at the enemy. They were comfortably quartered, ten 
thousand strong, within the city of Boston, and commanded by 
the most distinguished military talent in the British service, 
Clinton, Burgoyne, Howe, Gage, and Percy, each accom- 
plished veterans in the science of war. Percy was stationed 



JOSEPH WAEREN. 379 

on the Common. Beacon Hill glittered with the arms of the 
infantry, while the cavahy desecrated the hallowed precincts of 
old South Church. The British general, with pompous compla- 
cency, selected and fortified Cop's Hill for himself and staff, as a 
point of observation. Strong batteries were stationed on Fort 
Hill, and near Cambridge ; barriers, also, had been placed across 
Boston Neck. In the Charles River, between Boston and Charles- 
town, they had four vessels of war, well armed, to act in concert 
with the land troops. 

It now became clear that a general action would shortly take 
place. On the 13th of June, the British general evidently mani- 
fested a desire to take possession of Dorchester and Charles- 
town Hights. The Americans were apprised of his intentions. 
Whether they themselves should first take possession of these 
Hights, became a question of momentous consideration in the 
Council of Safety. Warren, who, as before remarked, was an 
efficient member of the council, opposed the movement. While 
the veterans, Putnam and Prescott, were equally urgent that it 
should be immediately undertaken. In accordance with the 
suggestions of the latter, the movement was attempted, but failed 
utterly, the scarcity of powder being the main cause. On strict 
reconnoissance, it was resolved to occupy Bunker, Prospect, and 
Breed's Hills forthwith, and Dorchester Hights if possible. Pres- 
cott, therefore, took possession of the former point on the 16th of 
June, and threw up fortifications. His forces, amounting to about 
a thousand strong, paraded near Cambridge, and held religious 
exercises previous to setting out on the perilous undertaking. 
The reliance of our ancestral fathers upon Divine aid, through 
the eventful struggle, was everywhere manifest. This was at 
early eventide. On arriving upon the ground, whether Bunker 
or Breed's Hill, was the one designated for fortifications, became 
a matter of dispute. They finally decided to throw up their works 
on the latter eminence, to be protected by smaller fortifications 
on the former. A strong redoubt was immediately constructed, 
fronting toward Charlestown. The night had half waned when 
these works were begun. Sentinels were posted so close to the 
enemy to watch their movements, that the cry from their patrols 
of " All's well," could be distinctly heard. By daylight, they had 
completed, quite strong, though rude fortifications. The surprise 
of the British at seeing them thus posted and intrenched on the 



380 JOSEPH WARREN. 

Hig'hts, was very great. A furious canuonade was immediately 
opened upon them from the vessels of war and from Cop's Hill, 
though with little effect. Application was immediately made to 
General "Ward and the Safety Council, for reinforcements. After 
some hesitancy, occasioned by prudential considerations, colonels 
Eead and Stark were sent with their detachments from Medford, to 
their assistance. By the time these forces reached the Hill, the 
Americans had considerably strengthened their positions by erect- 
ing a fence, parallel with one of stone and rails, running from the 
fort to Mystic River, in the rear, and filling the space between 
with hay, which they found in close proximity. At nine o'clock 
on the morning of the ITth, the stir and commotion of the British 
troops, showed clearly that an attack might soon be expected. A 
company of the Connecticut and a portion of the New Hampshire 
troops, were stationed at the fence, under command of Captain 
Knowlton, while Putnam continued to strengthen Bunker Hill. 
At one o'clock, General Ward sent heavy reinforcements to the 
scene of action. Had this step been taken in the morning, the 
victory of the Americans would have been sure. That Pres- 
cott, with a thousand men, sustained by the reinforcements of 
Read and Stark, should have been left alone to defend Bunker 
Hill, while the main army remained idle at head-quarters, until 
too late to render efficient aid, seems most unaccountable. The 
American forces now prepared for action. Prescott, colonels 
Bridge and Brickett, manned the redoubt which the first thousand 
had erected. The artillery under Gridley and Callender was 
stationed between that and the breastwork. The reinforcements, 
as before stated, were at the rail fence. Old Putnam was riding 
to and fro over the field, encouraging the troops, telling them 
not to fire till they could "see the whites of their eyes." At 
this moment, General Pomeroy, without commission or com- 
panion, having "smelt the battle afar off," came rushing across 
the Neck, with his loaded musket, hastened up the Hill and 
fell into ranks with the privates at the fence, amid enthusiastic 
cheers. 

Tlie British resolved to attack the works in front. A little after 
noon, they lauded in force and good order, at Morton's Point. A 
mistake in regard to balls caused some detention, — those they 
brought being too large for their pieces. This difficulty, however, 
was soon overcome. By two o'clock, sanguine of victory, the 



JOSEPH WAEKEN. 381 

British, amounting in all to four thousand men, under the com- 
mand of General Howe, assisted by generals Abercrombie, 
Nesbit, Pigot and Clark, had crossed over to the point, and were 
ready for action. Such was the state of things on that lovely day 
in June. Let us contemplate it a moment. The Charles River 
meandering its silver stream between Boston and Charlestown, 
bore upon its bosom the ships of war, whose cannon frowned upon 
the latter place ready to vomit death upon its brave defenders. 
Boston, on the other side, had her steeples, spires, and observatories, 
filled with spectators, looking down with breathless anxiety upon 
the result of the action. Morton's Point glittered with the uni- 
forms, arms, artillery and plumes of four thousand British regulars. 
The adjacent hills, clothed in the vernal bloom of summer luxuri- 
ance, on which herds were wont to browse in undisturbed repose, 
were soon to re-echo with the roar of cannon, and the stirring 
drum-beat. 

Yonder on Bunker Hill, rides jolly-faced, heroic Putnam, 
among a small worn down band of hardy yeomen, to whose 
honest vision no such scene had ever opened before. Filed 
behind their works of hay and wood, the gallant Stark, Knowlton, 
and Read, awaited the approach of the foe. Eagerly anxious to 
give them a warm reception, the accomplished Prescott, cheers his 
men within the redoubt, while Gridley stands to his artillery 
frowning down upon Morton's point with a look of "I'm ready 
for you." 

But, during the awful stillness that reigns over the combatants, 
there is an object near Charlestown ISTeck, of such interest, as to 
attract universal attention. A skillful horseman is seen urging 
his charger at full speed toward the Hights. On and on he 
dashes right to the Hill. Putnam's eye was quick upon him, 
and he rode forth to meet him. " Joseph Warren !" he exclaimed, 
as the latter, flushed with ardor, bowed gracefully to the old veteran. 
" I rejoice and regret to see you," said Putnam, as he rode up. 
" Your life is too precious to be exposed in this battle ; but, 
since you are here, I take your orders."* "General Putnam," 
he replied, " I have none to give. You have made your arrange 
ments. I come to aid you as a volunteer. Tell me where I can 
be useful." " Go then," said the veteran, " to the redoubt ; you 

* Wareen, it must be remembered, was a Major-General. 



382 JOSEPH WARREN. 

■will there be covered." " I came not to be covered," answered 
"Warren ; " tell me where I shall be most in danger ; tell me 
WHERE THE ACTION WILL BE HOTTEST," " The redoubt will be the 
enemy's object," continued Putnam, " if that can be defended, the 
day is ours." 

Warren hastened to the redoubt. On reaching it, Prescott 
asked his orders. "Colonel Prescott," said Warren, "give me 
your orders ; give me a musket. I have come to take a lesson of 
a veteran soldier in the art of war." Warren was, also, urged 
not to expose his person, by Elbridge Gerry, who pointed out the 
dangers to be encountered. " I am aware of the danger," replied 
he, " but I should die with shame if I were to remain at home 
in safety, while my friends and fellow-citizens are shedding 
their blood and hazarding their lives in the cause." " But your 
ardent temper," said Gerry, " will carry you forward into the 
midst of peril, and you will probably fall." "I know that I may 
fall," replied Warren, " but where is the man who does not think 
it glorious and delightful to die for his country ?" 

Such were the feelings of this noble hero, who to defend hia 
country from the exactions of tyranny, thought it " delightful " to 
shed his blood in battle, to make his home a desolation, and over- 
whelm his wife with grief. 

" Oh ! monarchs, did ye know the peace ye mar, 
The hoarse dull drum might cease, uud uiau be happy yet." 

Soon after Warren reached the redoubt, a booming roar of 
artillery announced the approach of the enemy. In two strong 
bodies they ascended the Hill. To storm the redoubt, was left to 
General Pigot, while Howe, in person, advanced against the men 
stationed at the fence. As they wound up the Hill in brilliant 
colors and good order, the American artillery stationed in front 
of the redoubt, scarce reserving their fire till arriving in point 
blank shot, leveled their guns with deadly effect. The first 
discharge was, indeed, inopportune, so much so, that Prescott 
said: "Fire again at your peril, — the next man who disobeys 
orders shall be instantly shot." 

They now remained quiet until the proper moment. On came 
the British, to notes of martial music, expecting scarcely a check 
from their opponents. When they arrived near the redoubt, or 
as Putnam said, when "the whites of their eyes" were visible, 
Prescott exclaimed promptly : " Now men ! now is your time ! 



JOSEPH WARREN. 383 

Make ready ! take aim ! ! fike ! ! Simultaneous streams of death 
immediately paved the slope with the bodies of the enemy. Re- 
turning an ineffectual fire, the British quickly fled down the Hill. 
Nothing now but want of ammunition prevented a glorious victory. 
Had Ward sent the reinforcement early in the morning, as directed, 
the day would have been won ; or, had Gridley not abandoned his 
position behind the breastworks, and removed the artillery against 
the injunctions of Putnam, to, as he thought, a more eligible po- 
sition, the results would, doubtless, have been different. Gridley's 
object was to cover the retreat. While in this position, Colonel 
Frye, an officer of considerable military repute, approached and 
asked : " What do you mean here ?" " Waiting to cover the re- 
treat," replied Gridley. '•'' Retreat V said Frye, "who talks of 
retreating ? This day, thirty years ago, I was present at the first 
taking of Louisburg, when your father, with his own hand, lodged 
a ball in the citadel. His son was not born to talk of retreating. 
Forward, to the line!" Gridley, however, could be induced to 
think of nothing but retreat ; some of his officers, more brave 
than himself, despising his authority, tore themselves from his 
command, rushed up the Hill and engaged in the action. Gerrish, 
also, though he had served gallantly on former occasions, on 
reaching the Hill, refused, or was unable to engage with his regi- 
ment. It was in vain that Putnam expostulated. Deprived of 
their commander, his men were of little service in the action. 
He was dismissed from his command by a court-martial, for his 
unworthy conduct during the day, as was Gridley also, and 
Callender shared the same fate. The latter, however, redeemed 
his character in a series of heroic exploits, and was finally honored 
and respected. 

Soon as the British were driven back, an awful stillness mo- 
mentaril}' prevailed over the battle field. They soon renewed 
the attack, however, with spirit and discipline. Their efforts 
were directed against the defenses at the rail fence, protected by 
the hay thrown up by the soldiers. To render the scene more im- 
posing, Charlestown was discovered to be in flames. Rapidly the 
fire spread, circling spire and dome, and covering the gi'ound 
with crackling timbers, and smoldering ruins. It was fired by 
orders of the British, to prevent future annoyance from a body of 
Americans stationed in the town. The place was soon nearly 
destroyed. House burning seems to have been a favorite method 
26 



384 JOSEPH WAEREN. 

of carrying on the war of the Revolution by some of the British 
officers; it was a species of warfare worthy only the Mongolian 
hordes of a Ghengis Khan ; the Tartar tribes of a Tamerlane, 
or the atrocious genius of an Attila or an Alaric. Proud 
Britannia ! over Copenhagen, Charlestown, and St. Helena, 
yet gleams for thee the sword of retribution. Amid the confla- 
gration, the enemy proceeded to the second attack, while calmly 
the Americans, uuawed by the terrible scenes around them, awaited 
their approach. Near them was burning Charlestown, whence 
smoke and ashes curled in clouds over their heads ; before them 
approached the armed hosts of England to storm their rude fortress, 
and manacle them with fetters by the same hands that had set the 
torch to their homes. Yet they were dauntless. According to 
instructions, they held their fire till the British arrived within a 
few' yards of the works. The word was then given, and an 
instantaneous discharge followed, more murderous than the first. 
The enemy fell by hundreds. Howe's stafi* was cut to pieces; 
what few remained, recoiled and fled in great confusion. 

Clinton now opportunely arrived with reinforcements, while 
the powder of the Americans as inopportunely began to give out, 
and they were compelled to slacken their fire. Howe and Pigot 
changing the plan of assault, prepared for a third charge. The 
soldiers were disencumbered of their knapsacks, and ordered 
to charge with the bayonet, through the opening at the upper end 
of the fence, which was comparatively insecure and undefended. 
For this charge, the entire strength of the army in the action was 
combined. No bayonets, and but few rounds of powder, the 
Americans again awaited the onslaught. The British succeeded 
in reaching the redoubt, and boldly made the attack. Mounting 
the parapet, " The day is ours," cried Pitcairn, who was immedi- 
ately shot through with a musket ball. The struggle, hand to 
hand, now became desperate. "With the agility of a gazelle, and 
the heroism of a Bayard, Pigot climbed a tree and threw himself 
into the redoubt, at which, loud shouts arose from his men who 
immediately followed. Without any efiective means of defense, 
the Americans tried to beat them back with the butts of their 
guns, stones, or whatever weapon they could wield. Bleeding 
from a flesh wound, Gridley was taken from the scene ; cut almost 
to pieces, Colonel Bridge was no longer fit for duty ; with arms 
swinging to their sides, splintered by ball or pierced by bayonet, 



JOSEPH WARREN. 335 

several officers remained at their posts, till death relieved them of 
duty. PossessiDg no means to defend themselves, and falling on 
all sides before the enemy, who were gaining still greater advan- 
tages, Prescott gave orders to abandon the redoubt and retreat, 
which were obeyed with promptness and without serious loss, so 
far as numbers were concerned. 

Like Laurens at Savannah, the gallant "Wakren, on hearing 
the order to retreat, chafed like a wounded lion. It was a word 
unknown to his patriot heart. Remaining in the redoubt, after 
most of the troops had left, though British balls were riddling it 
to pieces, he seemed willing to fall with it. Seeing his exposed 
condition, Major Small (of the enemy), whose life had, in the 
early part of the action, been saved by the gallant Putnam, with 
voice and gesture, begged him to surrender, ordering his men, at 
the same time, to cease firing. Hearing his voice, Warren 
turned his classic brow to the foe to see whence it came. Fatal 
moment. No sooner was his face turned full upon them, than a 
large ball struck his forehead, which produced instant death. 

Thus fell Warren, a man eminently endowed with the requisites 
of usefulness and honor in public capacities, and well calculated 
to adorn the walks of private life, by an exhibition of the rarest 
combination of virtue, refinement, and gentleness. Justice has 
not been withheld to his memory. In letters and marble, his 
name has been perpetuated. Eloquence, for the exhibition of 
its powers, hath chosen him as a favorite theme, while 

" You, too, ye bards ■whom sacred rapture's fire, 
To chant your heroes to your country's lyre, 
Who consecrate in your immortal strains, 
Brave patriot souls in righteous battle slaiu. 
Securely now the useful task renew. 
And noblest themes in deathless song pursue." 

The battle of Bunker Hill was glorious to the American arms.. 
It resulted in the inspiration of confidence in themselves, and, 
the justness of their cause. They lost near one hundred and 
twenty men, killed and missing. The British lost over five times' 
that number, and though they kept possession of the Hill, 
had ever reason to regret the results of the day. Warren was 
buried on the field of battle, near the redoubt, where he gave up 
his life. The next year his remains were taken to Boston. They 
now lie in the vault under St. Paul's Church. His services and 
sacrifice were suitably noticed in the proceedings of Congress, 



386 JOSEPH WARREN. 

which body designated him as " a man whose memory will be 
endeared to his countrymen, and to the worthy in every part and 
age of the world, so long as virtue and valor shall be esteemed 
among mankind." 

Waeren left a wife and four children, — ^two boys and two girls. 
His wife survived him till about the close of the war. His sons 
both died early, the daughters grew up to womanhood, — amiable 
and lovely. They both married, and lived exemplary lives, worthy 
their hero father. The name of the patriot is linked inseparably 
with Bunker Hill, " and there it will remain forever." Unborn 
sires, with their children, will go there, and pointing to the 
monumental pile, reared upon the spot, will teach them to lisp 
the name of Joseph Wakren. 




EGBERT MORRIS. 



EOBEET MORRIS. 



The accomplished warrior who, after the overthrow of his ene- 
mies, assumed the title of '' Imperator,"* and effected the destruc- 
tion of his own commonwealth, understood well the combined 
powers of the purse and the sword. But if ancient history afford 
the example of a man who, by this combination of power, de- 
stroyed a republic, modern history has recorded that of a financial 
patriot who used the purse as effectually for those who drew the 
sword in the establishment of one ; that patriot was Robert Mok- 
Kis, — Liberty's great banker through the Revolution. 

He was born in Lancashire, England, January, 1734. Soon 
after his birth, his father came to America, leaving him with a 
relative, until in his fourteenth year, when he also reached this 
country. His father settled in Talbot county, Maryland. Edu- 
cational facilities were then very meager, and young Morris, like 
most of the stern men of his times, received no benefit from col- 
leges or universities. He was sent, on his arrival in the country, 
to an ordinary teacher of a common school. His progress was 
not rapid, though he soon said to his father : " I have learned all 
that lie could teach me." 

In his sixteenth year, young Morris lost his father, who was 
accidentally killed by being struck with a wad from one of the 
guns, on an occasion of firing a salute from the ships for which 
he was agent. 

To prepare himself for a mercantile life, Robert was placed at 

* Julius CaBsar. 

387 



388 EGBERT MORRIS 

the store of Charles "Willing, an extensive Philadelphia merchant, 
where he continued until the death of the proprietor. Willing, 
just before his death, called Morris to his bed-side, and taking 
him by the hand, said : " Robert, always continue to act as you 
have done." On the decease of his friend, his master, as he took 
pride in calling him, — having established a mercantile reputation, 
and mastered the intricacies of the profession, he entered into 
partnership with Thomas "Willing, a son of Charles, with whom 
he continued an extensive, prosperous, and agreeable business, 
for over a quarter of a century. 

The firm of Morris and "Willing were engaged in heavy foreign 
transactions, when the British Parliament began to insist upon 
the Stamp Act schemes. Without a moment's hesitancy, Morris 
took part against any, and all such assumptions of power by the 
crown. Having taken this position, he was certain to maintain 
it. On the 23d of April, 1775, Morris, in company with a 
number of friends, met, on an anniversary occasion, at the City 
Tavern. "While they were enjoying themselves with a high 
degree of social humor, the news of the battle of Lexington was 
told to them. No more social laughs, nor strains of mirth were 
heard in that room. Almost the entire party sprang to their feet, 
and made toward the door. Tables were upset, chairs were over- 
turned ; a thunder crash would scarce have produced confusion 
more sudden or apparent. Morris and a few friends were all 
that remained. He was soon absorbed in deep thought upon the 
condition of matters. He then arose, and with the firmness of an 
Amilcar, pledged himself to the Revolution. 

The succeeding fall, Morris was sent by Pennsylvania, as 
delegate to the Second Continental Congress. His weight of 
character, known business qualities, high position, and extensive 
connections, early marked him as among the most influential 
members of the body. He was placed on the " Secret Committee, 
to procure arms and ammunition," the Committee of "Ways and 
Means, and in several positions of importance, the duties of which, 
he faithfully discharged. 

During the years 1776-'77, he took an active part in public 
concerns, insisting upon the proper regulations and restrictions 
of foreign trade. We have elsewhere referred to the gloomy state 
of afiairs, at the period when Congress adjourned to Baltimore. 
The same day this took place, so hopeful was he of a successful 



ROBERT MORRIS. 3g9 

result to the struggle, so high above all selfish, mercenary feelings, 
that on his own personal responsibility, he borrowed ten thousand 
dollars for the prosecution of the war, relying upon Congress to 
liquidate, when better times would fill the public cofiers. After 
Congress had left the city, Morkis and a few others, were ap- 
pointed a species of Continental Committee, to superintend any 
important business in that quarter. Washington was now on the 
Delaware. He wished to begin offensive operations against the 
enemy, but could not. His army was almost starving. In this 
strait, he wrote to Mokris for a certain sum of money. The noble 
merchant was in his counting-room. The request was made at a 
time when it would be impossible to comply. That was the most 
troublous day of his life. The idea of writing to the commander 
that he could not aid him, stung his soul. On his way from the 
store, he met an acquaintance who interrogated him in the familiar 
style of old friends, with, " What's the news." " The most impor- 
tant news is, that I require a certain sum of specie, and you 
must let me have it," replied Morris. His friend rather hesitated. 
" My note and my honor is to be your security," added the patriot 
with seriousness. The friend looked up and said : " Robert, thou 
shalt have it." Morris, greatly relieved, procured the funds, and 
forwarded them immediately to Washington, who was thus enabled 
to commence active movements, — the brilliant affairs of Trenton 
and Princeton followed. 

In the Spring of 1777, he was again elected to Congress. The 
Secret Committee, of which he was a member, was now done 
away with. In the fall, he was appointed on the Conference 
Committee, in connection with Gerry and Jones, to visit head- 
quarters, and arrange with Washington, plans for the further prose- 
cution of the war. He had, all along, been the financial manager, 
as it were, of Congress, a position for which his eminent character, 
strict business habits, and devoted patriotism, eminently fitted 
him. Having thus been identified with that department, in 1778, 
he was made chief of the Committee on Finance. 

Never did man live more exclusively for his country than did 
Morris. Possessing means beyond most men in the country, and 
a commercial credit everywhere conceded, he used them freely 
and cheerfully, for the cause in which we were engaged. The 
following, from Judge Peters, is an instance of one of the many 
acts of self-sacrifice and devotion, which he exhibited during these 



390 ROBERT MORRIS. 

trying times. The Judge and himself were warm and intimate 
friends, enthusiastically wedded to their country. " In 1779-'80," 
says the Judge, " two of the most distressing years of the war, 
General Washington wrote me an alarming account of the pros- 
trate condition of the military stores, and enjoined my immediate 
exertions to supply the deficiencies. There were no musket 
cartridges, but those in the men's boxes, and they were wet ; of 
course, if attacked, a retreat or a rout, was inevitable. 

" We (the board of war), had exhausted all the lead accessible 
to us, having caused even the spouts of houses to be melted, and 
offered abortively the equivalent in paper of two shillings specie 
per pound for lead. I went iii the evening of the day on which I 
received the letter, to a splendid entertainment given by Don 
Juan Mirailles, the Spanish minister. My heart was sad, but I 
had the faculty of brightening my countenance even under gloomy 
disasters ; yet it seems then not sufficiently adroitly. Mr. Morris, 
who was one of the guests, and knew me well, discovered some 
casual traits of depression. He accosted me in his usual blunt, 
disengaged manner: 'I see some clouds passing across the sunny 
countenance you assume ; what is the matter ?' After some hesita- 
tion, I showed him the General's letter, which I had brought from the 
office, with the intention of placing it at home in a private cabi- 
net. He played with my anxiety, which he did not relievo for 
some time. At length, however, witli great and sincere delight, 
he called me aside and told me that the Holkar privateer had just 
arrived at his wharf with ninety tons of lead, which she had 
brought as ballast. It had been landed at Martinique, and stone 
ballast had supplied its place ; but this had been put on shore, 
and the lead again taken in. ' You shall have my half of this 
fortunate supply ; there are the owners of the other half (indicat- 
ing gentlemen in the apartment). ' Yes, but I am already under 
heavy personal engagements, as guarantee for the department to 
those and other gentlemen.' ' Well,' rejoined Mr. Morris, 'they 
will take your assumption, with my guarantee.' I instantly, on these 
terms, secured the lead, left the entertainment, sent for the proper 
officers, and set more than one hundred people to work, during tlie 
night. Before morning, a supply of cartridges was ready and sent 
off to the army. I could relate many more such occurrences." 

Notwithstanding these high and disinterested manifestations of 
patriotism, he was not exempt from those shafts of detraction, 



ROBERT MORRIS 391 

leveled by the breath of envy, at the best and first men during 
the Revolution. Willing and Morkis, it was intimated by a 
member of Congress, then in session at Yorktown, had been de- 
frauding the public in various transactions. At the instigation 
of Morris' personal friends, a searching committee was appointed 
to investigate the charge. The committee went to work and sifted 
the whole matter to the bottom. The accusation seems to have 
been based upon a suspicion that Willing and Morris had in their 
commercial shipments, availed themselves of the chartered vessels 
of the government to send their private cargoes. After a thorough 
investigation, it was shown beyond question that, the firm had 
sedulously avoided any connection, whatever, of their private, with 
the public interests, and the whole matter was cleared up. That 
Morris and Willing, intrusted as they were, with a large amount 
of public business, and lending their commercial credit, as well 
as opening their individual purses, as they freely did, should be 
arraigned before public opinion in any disreputable connection, 
whatever, is, indeed, most strange. 

In 1780, it will be remembered, the condition of the southern 
army was distressing, and their appeals to the north for aid, in- 
cessant and imperative. To accelerate their provision with need- 
ful supplies, Morris organized and established, in Philadelphia, a 
bank of specie. By heading the subscription with his own name, 
to the amount of ten thousand pounds, and using his great influ- 
ence among others to further the object, a capital basis of three 
hundred and fifteen thousand pounds was soon subscribed, and 
the Bank of Pennsylvania pat into successful operation. This was 
the first extensive moneyed institution established in the United 
States. 

" The directors were authorized to borrow money on the credit 
of the Bank, and to grant special notes bearing interest at six 
per cent. The credit of the members was to be employed, and 
their money advanced, if necessary, but no emoluments, whatever, 
were to be derived from the institution. Congress, while they 
expressed a high sense of this patriotic transaction, pledged the 
faith of the United States efiectually, to reimburse and indemnify 
the associators. Thus, at a time when the public credit was at its 
lowest ebb, and the public exigencies most pressing, an institution 
was erected on the credit and exertions of a few patriotic indi- 
viduals, for the purpose of supplying and transporting to the army 



392 ROBEKT MOERIS. 

three millions of rations, and three hundred hogsheads of rnm , 
it continued until the ensuing year, when the Bank of North 
America was established." 

Previous to this, in 1777, Morkis had been again sent to Con- 
gress, in which body, as a member from Pennsylvania, he main- 
tained his dignity, honor and reputation, as being among the 
most energetic and laborious members. A large portion of our 
foreign correspondence devolved on him, and was kept up with 
zeal and ability. His fellow-citizens, too, were fully advised as 
to the nature of this correspondence, and the attitude in which we 
stood toward nations abroad. 

We have had frequent occasions to advert to the deplorable 
condition of the finances, during this period. Nothing but the 
timely aid, individually furnished by Morris, it seemed, at differ- 
ent periods, kept the cause from hopeless ruin. So well had his 
patriotism and capacity been tested in this way, that he was now 
looked upon in connection with a position of vast interest and 
importance, and in 1781, was placed at tlje head of American 
finances. No adequate conception, at this day, can be formed of 
the difficult and numerous duties imposed by this position. "He 
was required to examine into the situation of the public debts, 
expenditures and revenue ; to digest and report plans for improv- 
ing and regulating the finances, and for establishing order and 
economy in the disbursement of the public money ; to direct and 
control all persons employed in procuring supplies for the public 
service, and in the expenditure of public money ; to obtain 
accounts of all the issues of the specific supplies furnished by the 
several States ; to compel the payment of all moneys due to the 
United States, and in his official capacity, to prosecute in behalf 
of those States, for all delinquencies respecting the public revenue 
and expenditure ; and to report to Congress the officers necessary 
to conduct the various branches of his department. By successive 
resolutions of Congress, he was subsequently empowered to 
appoint and remove, at pleasure, his assistants in his peculiar 
oflflce." These, and various other duties came within his sphere 
of action. This position was assumed at a period of general 
prostration, with a broken down currency, and not a dollar in the 
treasury, and but little national credit at home or abroad. Though 
he had reached a period in life, when he said, himself, his "mind, 
body, and inclination, combined to make him seek for relax- 



HOBERT MORRIS. 393 

ation and repose," he never shrank from these onerous hibors. 
In his acceptance to Congress, of the position, after giving, at 
some length, his views and feelings in regard to it, he thus 
patriotically speaks: "Another consideration to which I must 
also pray the attention of Congress is, the present public debts. 
I am sure that no gentleman can hope that these should be imme- 
diately paid out of an empty treasury. K I am to receive and 
consider the application on that subject ; if I am to be made 
responsible, that alone will, I fear, be full employment for the life 
of one man, and some other must be chosen to attend to the 
present and provide for the future. But this is not all ; if, from 
that, or any other cause, I am forced to commit a breach of faith, 
or even to incur the appearance of it, from that moment my 
utility ceases. In accepting the office bestowed on me, I sacrifice 
much of my interest, my ease, my domestic enjoyment, and 
internal tranquillity. If I know tny own hearty I must make 
these sacrifices with a disinterested view to the service of my 
country : I am ready to go still further; and the United 
States may command every thing I have, except my integrity ; 
and the loss of that would effectually disable me from serving 
them more." 

With these feelings, and in the midst of a depre'^sion, to which 
financial history affords no parallel, Morris entered upon the 
labors of his office, and became, at once, the motive power of 
military operations. With a treasury, not only without a copper, 
but near three millions of dollars in debt, and a national credit, 
tottering, it seemed, to inevitable ruin, he soon changed the 
whole face of afi'airs, and restored both credit and confidence. 
Congress stopped the issue of the Continental paper, with which 
the country had been unavoidably flooded, without provision for 
its redemption, until it was utterly worthless. The issue of the 
" red money ^''^ which followed, was also soon discontinued. The 
Continental paper, at the commencement of the war, and during 
its early progress, served its purpose quite well. It was an 
undesirable necessity of ready resort. But, when it fell, it fell 
utterly. An enormous bulk of it was buried in Rhode Island, 
with great pomp, and all the honors of war. The States, sevcraUy, 
were now required to furnish supplies for the army by mpro rata 
regulation of Congress. They proved very remiss, however, in 
this, and the soldiers were soon in a state of utter destitution. The 



394 ROBERT MORRIS. 

elevation of Morris to the superintendence of the finance, was 
very timely and opportune. A long and successful mercantile 
experience, had shown him that strict punctuality in dealings, 
from which he himself never departed, was indispensable to the 
consummation of his objects. Careful, therefore, to meet all his 
engagements with promptness and precision, he soon reduced the 
disordered condition of aiiairs to regularity and system ; so much 
BO, that Washington himself said : " The abilities of the present 
financier have done wonders." The commencement of his adminis- 
tration of this department, presented the remarkable aspect of the 
credit of a nation, being backed by that of an individual, — he was 
emphatically the indorser of his government, at a time when it 
was in danger of being protested. 

Morris early directed his vast energies to the establishment of 
the Bank of North America, in the incorporation of which he suc- 
ceeded. Its capital was fixed at four hundred thousand dollars, in 
shares each of four hundred dollars. The bills of this institution, 
were to be considered legal money in each of the States. It was to 
be placed in charge of twelve directors, the books, papers, etc., to be 
accessible at all times, to a proper superintendent. When it was 
decided upon as a necessary measure, Morris published his bank 
plan, and appealed to the people of the country in its behalf. 
"To ask the end," he said, "which it is proposed to be answered 
by this institution of a bank, is merely to call the public attention 
to the situation of our aflairs. A depreciating paper currency 
has, unhappily, been the source of infinite private mischiefs, 
numberless frauds, and the greatest distresses. The national 
calamities have moved with an equal pace, and the public credit 
has received the deepest injury. This is a circumstance so 
unusual in a republican government, that we may boldly affirm, 
it can not continue a moment after the several legislatures have 
determined to take those vigorous and efiectual measures to which 
the public voice now loudly commands their attention. In the 
meantime, the exigencies of the United States require an antici- 
pation of our revenues ; while, at the same time, there is not 
such confidence established as will call out for that purpose, the 
funds of individual citizens. The use, then, of a bank, is to aid 
the government by their moneys and credit, for which they will 
have every proper reward and security ; to gain from individuals 
that credit, which property, abilities and integrity, never failed to 



ROBERT MORRIS. 395 

command; to supply the loss of that papei money, which, 
becoming more and more useless, calls, every day, more loudly 
for its final redemption ; and to give a new spring to commerce, 
in a moment, when, by the removal of all restrictions, the citizens 
of America shall enjoy and possess that freedom for which they 
contend." 

In 1782, with less than one hundred thousand dollars sub- 
scribed, this bank began operations. Chiefly through the untir- 
ing energies of Morris, it attained permanent stability, and proved 
of infinite service to the country. In the spring, having practical 
evidences of the institution's ability, the diiferent States passed 
laws for its protection, and the whole country became an imme- 
diate recipient of its advantages. So successful were its oper- 
ations, that by midsummer, the bank had loaned the government 
four hundred thousand dollars, and had released it, in the mean- 
time, from its subscription of two hundred thousand dollars, 
assumed from his stock shares by Morris. Its advantages were 
universally felt and conceded, while, through its influences, public 
credit was immediately restored. Delighted beyond measure at 
the success of his financial scheme, Morris thus wrote: "The 
establishment of the National Bank, answers all the purposes 
expected from it, and even exceeds, in success, the most sanguine 
hopes that had been indulged by its warmest advocates. As the 
operations of the Bank become extended, the benefits of the insti- 
tution will be felt to the extreme parts of the United States. 
Their notes acquire, every day, a greater extent of circulation, 
and they have obtained the most perfect confidence hereabouts." 
Possessing an ample fortune, erroneous ideas were entertained as 
to its increase, by the ignorant and invidious, and falsehoods were 
readily put in circulation to the effect, that speculative purposes 
actuated him in his connection with the institution, and solicitude 
for its prosperity. To these he replied, saying: "By accepting 
the oflSce which I now hold, I was obliged to neglect my own 
private affairs. I have made no speculation, in consequence of 
my office, and instead of being enriched, I am poorer this day 
ilian. Iioas a year ago.'''' 

At the time when "Washington was authorized to procure sup- 
plies wherever found, and "the laws of necessity" were about 
being enforced, the severest sufferings were prevented by the 
efforts of Morris. Principally upon his own private credit, a 



396 EGBERT MORRIS. 

large quautity of flour was procured and placed in possession of 
the army. This somewhat embarrassed him, and he said in a 
letter to a friend, that he had taken " a load on his shoulders which 
it was not possible to get clear of, without the faithful support and 
assistance of those good citizens, who, not only wish, but will 
promote the service of their country." These acts of self-sacrifice 
and devotion, did not and could not fail to elicit merited consider- 
ation, and draw the attention of the country toward him. He 
was selected by the government to superintend the delivery 
of all the supplies for the army furuished by the State of 
Pennsylvania. A large part of the resources of the army, par- 
ticularly flour, was drawn from that State, and Mokkis agreed to 
see that it should be furnished on requisition. He performed the 
duties of this, as of all other positions, with zeal and efiiciency, 
and showed the commander-in-chief, that however remiss other 
States might be in bringing forward their respective portions of 
the supplies, Pennsylvania would promptly furnish hers. The 
subjoined extract, written by Mokris at this time, to a public 
ofiicial, will convey some idea of his exertions and assumptions 
in behalf of the government. 

"Sir, — I have this day settled an account with Thomas Smith, 
Esq., the loan ofticer, and have his receipt for one hundred and 
fifty-four thousand and seventy-four dollars and twenty-six nine- 
tieths, on accouut of the four-tenths of the new emissions due by 
this State to Congress. As yet, I have not drawn one shilling 
from the treasury of Pennsylvania ; and am of consequence so 
much in advance. There still remains due to Mr. Smith, on these 
four tenths, a balance of two hundred and thirty-five thousand 
nine hundred and twenty dollars and fourteen ninetieths. Those 
who have the warrants on him for this money, are clamorous to 
obtain paymeut. I had procured on account of Pennsylvania, a 
considerable quantity of flour. In the State of New York, one 
thousand barrels ; in the State of New Jersey, four thousand 
barrels, and in this city, four thousand barrels. 

" For all these I obtained credit, and with respect to the last, not 
finding consumption for it here, I have lately made payment of 
part by the re-delivery of three thousand three hundred and 
ninety barrels ; which was a desirable circumstance : first, because 
the consumption of that article was, and probably would be, in 
places where it could be so purchased as to save on the transpor- 



ROBEET MORRIS. 397 

tation. Secondly, because the risk of spoiling, or other loss 
which I began to apprehend was not incurred ; and thirdly, because 
as this article would probably fall in price, it might be procured 
hereafter on easy terms. 

" My reason for purchasing in New York and New Jersey, were, 
that there would be a saving in the carriage, which was a benefit 
to the United States, and that there would also be a saving in the 
price, which is a benefit to this State. From what has been said 
then, your Excellency will perceive that my credit stands pledged 
for five thousand six hundred and ten barrels of flour. Some of 
the payments have already become due, and I have found means 
to satisfy them ; the rest will shortly be so, which will create new 
difiiculties. 

"Had I drawn money from the state treasury at the time when 
the purchases were made, I must have exchanged it for specie. 
The rate at those times was from five to six, and even seven for 
one ; but whenever it should have been known that it was drawn 
from the treasury, and sold on public account, in all human prob- 
ability it would have depreciated still more. The credit, therefore, 
which I have obtained, has been beneficial, by giving time for 
that change of opinion which could alone operate an appreciation. 
Had the collection of taxes taken place as early as I was induced 
to believe it would, the paper would now be nearly if not entirely 
equal to specie ; but at the present rate of exchange, it will 
require from eighty to a hundred thousand to fulfill my engage- 
ments for this flour. 

" The payments on my contracts for rations, will shortly com- 
mence, and your Excellency, from the former expenditures at the 
several posts, will be able to form a more adequate idea than I 
can, what those payments will amount to. To all this I must 
add that I have every reason to believe that other considerable 
supplies from this State will soon become indispensable, and of 
consequence the most urgent demand for mono}'' be immediately 
created. I have also engaged, if his Excellency, George Wash- 
ington, should obtain a quantity of flour, to be delivered on the 
North River to the use of tlie army, as part of this State's quota 
of supplies, to repay the same quantity of flour to his order here, 
or on the Chesapeake, as he may direct. 

" I have thought it proper to make this full communication, that 
the supreme executive of the State may be informed of what is 
27 



398 EOBEET MOEKIS. 

passing in their affairs. You will clearly perceive that my situ- 
ation is far from agreeable ; yet such as it is I will struggle 
under it, and adopt every expedient that may probably afford 
• relief; being determined not to draw money from the treasury, 
until the interest of the State shall invite, or inevitable necessity 
compel me to it." 

For the insertion of this extract, though somewhat lengthy, it 
is presumed the slightest apology is unnecessary. It gives some 
idea of the unwavering fidelity with which he clung to his country, 
and the amount of liabilities assumed in its behalf. During the 
period of Greene's operations in the south, when his suffering 
troops, almost starving and naked " were galled by their cartridge 
boxes, and while a folded rag or tuft of moss protected their 
shoulders from sustaining the same injury from their muskets," 
MoRKis made every effort to relieve them. He sent George 
Abbot Hall to the south, as secret agent, with instructions to inform 
himself of the necessities of the American general, and wheuever 
he became so embarrassed that he could not relieve himself, to 
furnish a draft on him for whatever sum might be deemed indis- 
pensable. These drafts were several times accepted by the finan- 
cier, whose patriotism was as wide as the limits of his country, 
and whose liberality was bounded only by his resources and 
energy. It must be remembered that the pledged faith of the 
government was all the surety required or obtained, for the reim- 
bursement of all these heavy advances, and that the government 
was bankrupt, with a heavy debt, threatened with extermination 
by the invaders against whom it was waging a war, the result of 
which was doubtful to the most sanguine. Mokris has been 
accused of neglecting to furnish Greene the means necessary to 
supply his army. Such an accusation, against such a man, 
scarcely needs a word to brand it with falsity. The following, 
from numerous extracts of the same tenor, to be found in his cor- 
respondence with Greene, will show his disposition toward that 
oflicer : 

"In my former letter, I mentioned that his Excellency, Gov- 
ernor Rutledge, would pay you any money for subscriptions, he 
may receive to the National Bank. Herein you will find a bill 
drawn by Hon. John Matthews, Esq., of this date, at ten days' 
sight, on Charles Drayton, for one hundred and seventy-three 
dollars. Major Burnet will also receive some money and stores 



EGBERT MORRIS. 399 

for your department, to which I give all the facility in my power. 
I can with truth assure you that I have every disposition to pro- 
vide those things which are really necessary for the use of the 
array. * * * Your circumstances have long been arduous, 
but you have hitherto risen so superior to them, that we should 
be almost as much surprised now, if you were not successful, as 
we formerly were at your successes. I wish I could contribute to 
render you more easy. As far as my abilities extend, I shall do 
them most cheerfully, but they, unfortunately, are very limited. * 
* * I hope it is unnecessary to make assurances of my dispo- 
sition to render your situation both easy and respectable. I am 
sure it is unnecessary to remark how inadequate the provisions 
have been, which the States have hitherto made ; at least, it is 
unnecessary to you. Much less need I display the detail of 
expenditures which have been requisite for the accomplishment of 
that happy event which has taken place in Virginia. I have 
neither forgotten nor neglected your department. I have done 
the utmost to provide clothing, arms, accouterments, medicine, 
hospital, stores, etc.; and I flatter myself you will derive, through 
the different departments, both benefit and relief from my exertions. 
I have detained Pierce a day, in order to make up with infinite 
difficulty, one thousand pounds, Pennsylvania currency, in gold,, 
which he is the bearer of, and which will, I hope, be agreeable 
and useful." Judge Peters, himself, who was well acquainted 
with Hall, the agent for supplying Greene with whatever meana 
could be commanded, and who was in constant correspondence with- 
Greene, affirms that no complaint or murmur ever came from that 
officer to him, reflecting the least upon the sterling worth of the 
great financier. Greene, himself, testified subsequently in the 
city of Philadelphia, to Morris' energy and solicitude, and said 
he " had acted perfectly right " and proper. 

Enough has been said upon this subject, to exculpate Morris 
from the charge of proving recreant to the interest of the South, — 
his devotion to the country, and sacrifices to the cause in which 
she was engaged, show suflSciently that he served her to the 
fullest extent of his ability. 

The surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown, in the meantime, 
had taken place, and filled the country with joy. The agency of 
Morris in that glorious transaction, must not be passed unnoticed. 
The entire energies of the American army, it was decided, should 



400 ROBERT MORRIS. 

be directed against New York, aud the campaign had been plan- 
ned and agreed upon to that eifect. Sanguine of success, Wash- 
ington was waiting at Fhillipsburg, the arrival of the French fleet, 
the admiral of which, had agreed to co-operate. Things were in 
this condition, when Judge Peters, of the board of war, and 
MuRKis, were deputed by Congress to visit the camp of Washing- 
ton, at York Island, and see, by conference with him, what could 
be done to further his designs upon the city. They found the 
General in high hopes, — not the least doubting a successful issue, 
and in daily expectation of the French admiral with his fleet. 
Instead of the fleet, however, Washington received a letter from 
Admiral De Grasse, who, refusing to bring his ships into New 
York bay, as he had positively agreed to do, announced his early de- 
parture for the Chesapeake, where he would "remain a few weeks." 

Washington, on this occasion, doubtless, manifested as much 
warmth as he was ever known to do. The whole design, owing 
to this refusal, was a complete and inevitable failure, and a new 
plan of operations had to be settled on. 

With as much deliberation and judgment, as though nothing 
unusual had happened, after his mortification had subsided, 
Washington calmly sat down, and formed a new plan of oper- 
ations. The leading idea of this, was the pursuit of Cornwallis 
into Virginia. This being settled on, he unfolded to Judge 
Peters and Morris, his designs, enjoining the strictest secrecy. 
To Judge Peters, he then said: "Well, what can you do for me 
under this unexpected disappointment ?" Peters fixed his eye on 
Morris, and said: "Every thing with money, — without it, noth- 
ing." " I understand you," replied Morris, " but I must know 
the amount you require." Morris, then, told Washington that 
his credit was the only resort, and questioned him as to the pru- 
dence of reliance upon it. " The measure is inevitable ; and, 
therefore resolved on, and I must pursue it at all hazards," replied 
the commander. That credit, he promised to the fullest extent. 
He now returned to Philadelphia, and by the issue of his own 
notes, to the amount of near a million and a half of dollars, pro- 
cured cannon, battering apparatus, powder and ball, and all the 
requisites for successful operations around Yorktown. These 
were placed at the disposal of the Board of War, by whom they 
were transferred to their destination. Thus, when the army 
passed through the city in September, on this enterprise, fraught 



ROBEBT MORRIS. 401 

with momentous results to the country, they were well provided 
with the necessaries for the expedition, furnished by the will and 
energies of one man, in a most pressing exigency. Who knows, 
but the destinies of this country might have been changed for all 
coming time, but for the timely assistance furnished on different 
occasions by this patriot, which, as a golden cord, bound our 
army together, when naked and hungry, it seemed verging 
annihilation ? Enough of his influence, at least, was manifested 
during the long and terrible struggle, to stamp his impress upon 
the young Republic, in part his own creation, until it widened 
and brightened in proportion to its development. 

Soon after this, other drafts were made upon his liberality, 
which were promptly met. Be the personal consequences what 
they might, he determined to stand by the commander-in-chief. 
Says he, in a private letter: "The late movements of the army 
have so entirely drained me of money, that I have been obliged 
to pledge my personal credit very deeply, in a variety of instances, 
beside borrowing money from my friends, and advancing it to 
promote the public service, every shilling of my 6»w;i." 

The failure of the several States to comply with requisitions 
made upon them for the service, inv^olved Morris in infinite per- 
plexities, and increased the difficulties of his position. At the 
same time, public creditors, who had little faith in the govern- 
ment ever redeeming its pledges, grew clamorous in regard to 
their claims, for the liquidation of which, they looked chiefly to 
Morris. To governors of the various States, he wrote the 
strongest appeals couched in the following style : he addressed the 
governor of Virginia, in 1782: "What, in the name of Heaven, 
can be expected by the people of America, but absolute ruin, if 
they are so inattentive to the public service ? Not until Decem- 
ber, will Virginia give any thing you say, toward the expenses of 
the current year. How, then, are we to carry on those operations 
which are necessary ? How is our country to be defended ? How 
is our army to be supported ? Is this what is meant by the solemn 
declaration, to support, with life and fortune, the independence of 
the United States ?" These appeals had little effect, however, upon 
the States. Congress, finally, in the fall of 1783, adopted a resolu- 
tion bearing upon the delinquent States, to this effect: " That Con- 
gress call upon the States for a definitive answer, whether they will 
comply with the recommendation of Congress to vest them with 



402 ROBERT MORRIS. 

power to levy a duty of five per cent, on all goods imported, and 
on prizes and prize goods." This resolution, accompanied by a 
lengthy circular, was sent to the several States by the financier, in 
the hope of yet arousing them to a sense of duty. These efibrts 
were comparatively abortive, and Morris still remained the self- 
immolated victim of invective and abuse. Day after day came, 
and passed, without relieving him from the trying monotony of 
responding to importunate duns, and the vindictive efiusions of 
clamorous creditors. Yet, he was determined to continue his 
efibrts to the last moment. Matters continued to grow worse. 
Finally, those who had agreed to furnish the army with supplies, 
notified Morris that, unless some guarantee was given that they 
would be reimbursed as soon as their agreements were fulfilled, 
they would no longer attend to the business. lie would not, 
could not comply with this demand, and warned the authorities 
that, unless immediate means, by indulgence or otherwise, should 
be made, the law of necessity would yet have to be resorted to by 
the army. In spite of his mighty energies and devotion, he now 
began to fall behind in his payments, and said, himself: "My 
credit has already been on the brink of ruin ; if that goes, all is 
gone." The feelings of the noble financier, when signs of his 
waning influence began to be manifest, on account of immense 
liabilities, individually assumed for the government, were ex- 
tremely painful. He applied to Congress to know what was to 
be done, and again wrote to the States, urging them to the rescue. 
Thus, in a position of unexampled financial distress, greatly 
magnified by the reiterated and irritating calls upon him for 
liquidation of claims, with a mind keenly sensitive to the smallest 
insinuation, where honor was the object, he knew no ease nor 
comfort, save the consoling consciousness of having tried to do 
his duty. So clamorous became some creditors, that they wrote 
him taunting, abusive letters, to the efiect, that they wanted, and 
would have payment. It is not strange that his great mind, 
though usually placid, and uurufiled as a clear evening sky, should 
at length, momentarily lose some of its evenness, and reply 
thus tartly to an application of this nature, made by some French 
officials : 

" Gentlemen, — I have received, this morning, your application. 
I make the earliest answer to it. You demand instant jp ay ment. 
I have no money to pay you withy Under circumstances like 



ROBERT MORRIS. 403 

these, the busy tongue of slauder was not idle. Patriotic, and self- 
sacrificing- as he had always been, he was charged with speculating 
with the public funds, — draining the country of its hard money, — 
establishing the bank, only with a view to the enrichment of his 
private coffers. Having extensive business relations with the Penn- 
sylvania merchants, by whom the whole matter was understood, 
and a total neglect to make exertions in favor of the southern 
army ; each of these allegations was groundless and false. The 
successful operations of the bank, and the infinite good redound- 
ing to the whole country, was a fact practically demonstrated, and 
well justified Mokkis in the assertion that it would " exist in spite 
of calumny, operate in spite of opposition, and do good in spite 
of malevolence." 

It is not surprising when, amid duties so onerous and unthankful, 
he was the object of abusive vituperation, that he should deter- 
mine to resign his position. The success of the war being placed 
beyond question, the danger being past that called him to the 
post in the darkest hour of peril, in January, 1783, he sent to 
Congress a letter of resignation, couched in the language of 
patriotism and manly firmness. He gave that body to under- 
stand that, if they made provision to meet the assumptions in- 
curred, he would continue his labors a few months, but if they 
failed to do it, they must take immediate steps to appoint a suc- 
cessor. " I shall be unworthy," said he, " of the confidence reposed 
in me by my brave fellow-citizens, if I do not explicitly declare, 
that I will never be the minister of injustice." Congress knew 
well the country possessed but one Robekt Moeris, and that a 
general knowledge of his intention to resign, would result in the 
utter prostration of what credit remained. Strict secrecy was, 
therefore, enjoined upon his communication. Two months passed, 
and that body had done nothing. Mokris wrote them again, 
telling them that the time for the payment of some of the debts 
could no longer be postponed, and urged the withdrawal of the 
secret injunction. 

At the urgent solicitations of Congress, Mokris, at length, con- 
sented to remain in ofiice, with the understanding that his sphere 
of labors was to be confined exclusively to those engagements, 
already contracted by himself. Had not the war virtually been 
at an end, painfully distressing as was the position of the financier, 
he would never have thought of taking the step. The question 



404 ROBEKT MORRIS. 

* 
was asked him, If the war continued, what his course would be ? 
'' The same motives that first induced my acceptance, would, ic 
that case, contiuue to operate," was the reply. 

The general joy prevailing throughout the country, on receiving 
tidings of a formal peace, was marred greatly by the gloom of 
bankruptcy that hung over us. Peace, of course, brought no funds, 
and caused little less financial embarrassment. 

In the spring of 1784, the bills of the United States were pro- 
tested abroad, — Holland being first to pursue that course. The 
finances sinking continually to a more deplorable condition, with 
little indication, on the part of the States, to come to their relief, 
and calumniators still pouring their abuse upon his well-meant 
efibrts, Morris determined to resign, and gave formal notification 
of the fact. Congress was not so blind to the deepest interests 
of the country, as to be ignorant of the vast advantages, of which 
she had been the recipient at the hands of the financier, or to 
withhold a merited eulogium upon his character, energy, and 
talents, which was conferred at the time a board was instituted to 
attend to the duties incident to his resignation. May 6th. The 
ensuing fall, he informed the people, through a widely-circulated 
circular, that all liabilities taken upon himself, for the govern- 
ment, during his administration, would be liquidated, and warned 
them not to submit to any sacrifice of claims, as he held himself 
''^personally responsible " for their payment. In the month of 
November, he formally resigned his post of superintendent of 
finance, and penned an address to the people of the United States, 
tliat closed with the following words : 

"The inhabitant of a little hamlet may feel pride in the sense 
of a separate independence. But if there be not one govern- 
ment, which can draw forth and direct the efibrts, — the combined 
efforts, — of united America, our independence is but a name, our 
freedom a shadow, and our dignity a dream. To you, fellow 
citizens, these sentiments are addressed, by one who has felt their 
force. In descending from that eminence, on which your repre- 
sentatives had placed him, he avoids the shafts which calumny 
had aimed. lie has no longer, therefore, 2kMy personal interest in 
those jealousies and distrusts which have embarrassed his adminis- 
tration, and may prove your ruin. He no longer asks confidence 
in himself, that if you will not repose in the members of that 
general federal government, which you yourselves have chosen. 



ROBERT MORRIS. 405 

that confidence, and those powers which are necessary, you must 
and you will (in no very distant period), become the dupes of 
European politics. What may be the final event, time only can 
discover ; but the probability is, that first divided, then governed, 
our children may lament, in chains, the folly of their fathers. 
May Heaven avert these evils, and endow us with wisdom, so to 
act, as may best promote the present and future peace, prosperity, 
and happiness of our country." 

He was now appointed marine agent, and superintended the 
afiairs of the navy, in conjunction with other labors, for some 
time after. His connection with the public finances, was now draw- 
ing to a close. His labors had been arduous and efficient ; whatever 
calumny may have then dictated, or oppression wrung from an 
embarrassed country, and a disordered people, posterity will do him 
justice, and admit that " Americans certainly owed, and still owe 
as much acknowledgment to the financial operations of Robert 
Morris, as to the negotiations of Benjamin Franklin;" — the rest 
of the sentence ; — " or even the arms of Washington,"* we are 
not prepared to indorse. 

In 1785, the charter of the Bank of North America, formed and 
fostered by the exertions and solicitude of Morris, principally 
through the efforts of his enemies, and a bitter party spirit, was 
withdrawn. To the people of Pennsylvania, especially the stock- 
holders of the bank, this was a serious inconvenience, and they 
resolved to make every eflbrt for its re-charter. At the earnest 
wish of the citizens, Morris was elected, in 1786, to Congress, for 
this purpose. A warm friend to the institution, he was zealous 
in his efforts to effect their object. He failed, however, and it 
was not till the next year a new charter was obtained. 

Actuated by the same patriotic spirit that induced him, from 
the outset, to serve his country, and affix his signature to the 
Declaration of Independence, Morris consented to serve in the 
convention that formed the Federal Constitution. It might here 
be remarked, that Morris, when he signed the Declaration, felt 
as though it was a hond by which the '•'■fortunes and lives " of the 
signers were pledged to the country it severed from other coun- 
tries. It is clearly evident that, though his life was not required, 
the pledge, on his part, so far as ''''fortune^'* was concerned, was 

* Botto. 



406 EGBERT MORRIS. 

redeemed to the letter. In the convention, he met many of his 
old companions, whose names, along with his, will reach the 
remotest hours of time, as signers of the Declaration, Franklin, 
Sherman, Gerry, and Wythe, were there. They had met in a 
different capacity, but with the same hearts, energies, and high 
purposes. '" A firm, wise, manly sj'stem of Federal government," 
was his desire, and thongh he was not a scholar, nor a brilliant 
speaker, in that convention he labored with as much zeal, and 
evinced a solidity of judgment, and sternness of will, surpassed 
by no one. 

After the submission and ratification of the Constitution, Morris 
was sent by Pennsylvania to the first Senate of the United States, 
which met at Philadelphia. This was in 17S9. Morris, in that 
body, was a working, influential member. Though he seldom 
made speeches, when he did address the house, he elicited undi- 
vided attention. He possessed a good fund of historical knowledge, 
and was well- versed in political matters. His speeches, thongh 
not brilliant, were serious, earnest, brief, and direct to the point. 
His manners were plain, simple, and unaffected, while his firm- 
ness and decision were unsurpassed. While he possessed an 
intuitive discrimination of correct principles and rules of action, 
no man more carefully studied the full scope of his relative duties 
or labored more faithfully in their discharge. His services in the 
Senate closed his political life. 

It is painful to know that this great patriot, who lavished means 
freely for his country, was, in old age, when the comforts of life 
were so much needed, reduced to poverty. Heavy and unfor- 
tunate land speculations, and commercial transactions with India 
and China, opened by the peace to which he so much contributed, 
hurried his private affairs to a disastrous catastrophe, swallowed. 
up all his means, and left him a bankrupt. Wearied with the 
toils of a laborious life, and harassed to death by private anxieties, 
his old age, which should have been serene and quiet, was bitter 
and mournful. He was a large fleshy man, approaching to 
corpulency, with a full open face, that bid defiance to lines of 
misfortune and personal griefs. Tliough married at the age of 
thirty-nine, he never had issue. In his domestic life, no one was 
more kind, generous and hospitable. Worn down with accumu- 
lated infirmities of both mind and body, he died of asthma, to 
attacks of which, he had long been subject, on the 8th of May, 



EGBERT MORRIS. 407 

1806. Posterity will scarcely believe that this great man died in 
confinement, imposed by legal coercion ; yet, such seems to have 
been the fact. At a time when ease and comfort were most need- 
ful to his failing frame, he was imprisoned for debt, and passed 
in confinement his latter days, from among men.* The sad close 
of his eventful life, brings us toward the last of those who figured 
through the Revolution, of whom we shall attempt a portraiture. 
The name of each, thus far in our work, has been more or less 
connected with that memorable event. Cotemporarie^of a mighty 
era ! we look back upon your struggles with admiration and 
awe, — sigh with reverence at the spots where you sleep, and ask 
if, for the conclusion of our task, there are not other names ant^ 
other deeds worthy your gigantic labors, — heirs to your inflexible 
virtues ! We think there are, and, admonished by your purity, 
will aim to place them faithfully along with yours, proud to claim 
them as part of your illustrious progeny. 

* Encyclopaedia Americana. 



■JOHN EUTLEDGE. 



TiiKocGii the revolutionary struggle, men of distinction, both 
civic and military, simultaneously appeared upon the stage of 
action, imbued with firm resolve, energetic will, and talents 
adapted to the crisis. The hardy yeomanry of the soil, who with- 
out prior experience proved themselves equal matches for the 
veterans of many a battle-field, were equaled only by the states- 
men and jurists who, though seemingly the creation of emer- 
gencies, gave evidences of superior mind and attainments. In no 
part of the country were the examples of individual patriotism 
and heroic efibrt more manifest, than in South Carolina, and few 
names more adorn the galaxy of early patriots, than John Rut- 
ledge. 

The eldest of seven children, and son of Dr. John Rutledge, he 
was born in South Carolina, in the year 1739. His father was 
a native of the Emerald Isle, but came to America in 1735, and 
took up his residence in South Carolina, where he married the 
beautiful Miss Hexe, then in her fifteenth year, a native of that 
State. She, it is said, was remarkable for her beauty, energy of 
mind and mental accomplishments. Few women have given 
birth to sons more eminent than John and Edward Rutledge, 

Dr. Rutledge died when his son John was but a small lad, 
leaving the entire superintendence of the family to his mother. 
She proved herself competent to the task. She was left in pos- 
session of a large fortune, which was judiciously managed, and 
its proceeds applied to the education of her children. John 
Rutledge, after receiving the best instructions his native State 
could afi'ord, was sent to London for the completion of his studies, 
(408 ) 




JOHN RUTLEDGE. 



JOHN EUTLEDGE. 409 

where he was soon led to decide upou law as his vocation. 
Having passed the regular course, as student of the Temple, he 
obtained license as barrister : he returned to Carolina, and began 
the practice in the city of Charleston, in 1761, in the twenty-third 
year of his age. 

He rose rapidly in his profession, and took an immediate stand 
amoug the most successful at the bar. In addition to a mind 
uncommonly strong, vigorous, and inquisitive, he had all the 
advantages wealth, education, and travel could give. His first 
case was a breach of contract. A man in his county had promised 
to marry a lady, and afterward refused. She brought suit for 
damages, and young Rutledge was her attorney. He gained 
her cause without difiiculty, and managed it in such a way as to 
establish a legal reputation in the outset of his career. 

He enjoyed a long and lucrative practice ; his services were 
sought after by all kinds of clients, who had great confidence in 
his ability. His attributes, as a lawyer, could not, perhaps, be 
better expressed than in the language of Dr. Simms : "He was," 
says he, " equal at once, to the boldest flights of passion and fancy, 
and to the strictest and severest processes of ratiocination. His 
reason and his impulse wrought happily together. His enthusi- 
asm was never suflered to cripple his induction, nor the severity 
of his analysis to stifle the ardor of his utterance. A happy com- 
bination of ail the essentials of the lawyer and the orator were 
soon acknowledged to be in his possession." He might have 
added also, that the whole was stamped with an independent ori- 
ginality, amounting almost to haughtiness, and a defiant disre- 
gard of opinions, bordering on recklessness. 

In 1763, in his twenty-fifth year, Rutledge was married to 
Elizabeth Grimke, by whom he had seven children, one of which 
subsequently became a member of congress. After enjoying an 
honorable practice in his profession, and taking a position at the 
bar surpassed by none in the colony, he was elected, in 1765, a 
delegate to the first continental Congress that assembled after the 
passage of the Stamp Act. Foremost among the most bold and 
denunciatory against the aggressions of England, in that body, 
stood John Rutledge. The creditable manner in which he dis- 
charged his duties, as delegate, won for him a bright name among 
the patriots of the day. Speaking of him as a lawyer and legis- 
lator, Ramsay pays him the following tribute : " In both capaci- 



410 JOHN EUTLEDGE. 

ties he was admitted as a public speaker. His ideas were clear 
and stroug, his utterance rapid, but distinct ; his voice, action, 
and energetic manner of speaking, forcibly impressed his senti- 
ments on the minds and hearts of all who heard him. At reply, 
he was quick, instantly comprehending the force of an objection, 
and saw at once the best mode of weakening or repelling it. He 
successfully used both argument and wit for invalidating the 
observations of his adversary. By the former, he destroyed or 
weakened their force ; by the latter, he placed them in so ludi- 
crous a point of light, that it often convinced, and scarcely ever 
failed of conciliating and pleasing his hearers." 

He continues these remarks by an hyperbolical comparison 
between Rutledge's and Demosthenes' eloquence, that is too far 
fetched to possess any weight, in arriving at a correct estimate of 
the South Carolinian's characteristics. 

On tlie adjournment of Congress, he resumed his labors as a 
lawyer in Charleston, which he pursued with energy and marked 
success, until the commencement of hostilities. He was then 
regarded as among the ablest advocates in his native State. 

At the beginning of the revolution, no colony made a more 
decided stand, nor acted with greater unanimity, than did South 
Carolina. Her citizens met in general convention at Charleston, 
July 6, 1774, denounced in strong terms the Parliamentary en- 
actments, established corresponding committees, and appointed 
delegates to a general Congress. Two of these w^ere John, and 
Edward Rutledge. 

Some one proposed instructing the delegates as to how they 
should act. Eutledge boldly opposed being trammeled by 
instructions, and desired to act with his colleagues as circum- 
stances might dictate. Firm as steel, in his native indepen- 
dence, he urged his countrymen to resistance, in appeals that 
struck to their hearts. Speaking of the causes of complaint and 
urging the unanimous appointment of delegates to the general 
Congress, he met some opposition. While dwelling upon the 
advantages of such a body, a strong opponent of the measure 
asked: "What shall be done with the delegates if they betray 
their constituents ?" " Hang them ! hang them ! /" character- 
istically replied Rutledge, with passionate vehemence. 

To participate in the deliberations of that Congress, the most 
eminent men in the country convened. Patrick Henry, on being 



JOHN KUTLEDGE. 41X 

questioned concerning the different members, said : "The most 
eloquent man was John Rdtledge." * * * 

On their return home, the Assembly of South Carolina gave 
her delegates a unanimous vote of thanks for the manner in which 
they had acquitted themselves, as delegates to the general Con- 
gress. He was appointed, as was his brother Edward, to the 
next general Congress, where, along with the elder Adams, he 
was among the first to advocate an entire separation from the 
mother country, and the enactment of their own laws by the 
colonies. Being made chairman of a committee to which were 
referred some memorials, he expressed in his report a recom- 
mendation to the effect that Massachusetts should, as a colony, 
regulate her own concerns, "until a governor of his Majesty's 
appointment consent to govern the colony according to its char- 
ter.'''' E.UTLEDGE was, in fact, according to John Adams, one who, 
" sink or swim, live or die," remained firm, — "completely with 
us, in our desire of revolutionizing all the governments " of the 
colonies. 

By his course in Congress, and his stirring appeals at home, 
he became the champion of revolution in South Carolina, whose 
devotion to the cause throughout is greatly attributable to his 
talent and influence. From his position in the general Congress, 
he took his seat in the provincial Assembly of South Carolina, 
and devoted himself to the object of State reform. Having deter- 
mined, after much opposition, to adopt an independent State con- 
stitution, RuTLEDGE was made one of the committee to draft that 
instrument. He made his report soon after, when the constitu- 
tion, which was the result of the committee's labors, was adopted. 
By its provisions, the legislature was divided into three branches, 
an assembly, council, and privy council, with a president and 
commander-in-chief, who was the executor of general matters. 
Soon after the adoption of the constitution, Rutledge was selected 
president unanimously, and entered upon the duties of his station 
at a time of eminent peril to South Carolina, as well as to Amer- 
ica generally. 

He was a member of the Assembly at the time of his election, 
and addressed that body, after receiving their pledges of support, 
in remarks of some elegance, much zeal, and decided firmness. 
Thanking them for the confidence reposed in his capacity, he 
reviewed the series of aggressive acts, insisted upon by the Eng- 
28 



412 JOHN RUTLEDGE. 

lish ministry, and concluded by expressing his hopes " that, under 
Providence, the liberties of America might forever be preserved." 
After these remarks, he took the oath of office, and became gov- 
ernor of South Carolina. Speaking of this a short time after, he 
said : " On my part, a most solemn oath has been taken for the 
faithful discharge of my duty. On yours, a solemn assurance has 
been given to support me therein. Thus a public compact be- 
tween us stands recorded. You may rest assured that I shall ever 
keep this oath in my mind : the Constitution shall be the invari- 
able rule of my conduct ; my ears shall always be opened to the 
complaints of the injured ; justice and mercy shall neither be de- 
nied nor delayed ; our laws and religion, and the liberties of 
America shall be maintained and defended to the utmost of my 
power. I repose the most perfect confidence in your engage- 
ments." 

These promises were not made to be forgotten, — Rutledge 
redeemed them. 

He commenced his duties as president of the colony, just before 
its invasion by the British troops, a period of critical moment in 
southern history, memorable alike for the heroism of her sons, and 
the displays of wisdom by her public servants. In June, 1776, 
Rtjtledge was advised of the approach of Clinton with an over- 
whelming force, which, it will be remembered, left Boston for that 
purpose. Rutledge felt the importance of the crisis, promptly 
ordered out the militia, and took preliminary steps to meet him. 
His energy in concentrating the resources of the country, his 
unwavering firmness in infusing the proper spirit into the 
troops, and his iron-will in execution were acknowledged every- 
where, and contributed much to the acceleration of subsequent 
events. 

By his activity, six thousand men responded to the call, and 
rallied to the standard, raw recruits, but of dauntless hearts. 
Among them were Marion, Moultrie, Horry, Jasper and Motte. 
Eutledge inspired them with his own proud ardor for the defense 
of Charleston. On Sullivan's Island, a rude fort was constructed 
of palmetto logs ; the soldiers appearing as joyous while building 
it, as though they were preparing a feast. Meantime, reinforce- 
ments arrived ; with them came General Lee. He gave the fort, 
which was called Fort Moultrie, a hasty examination. He con- 
demned it at once: " It is a slaughter-pen, sir," said he; "they 



JOHN EUTLEDGE 



413 



will knock your fort about your heads in half an hour,"* and 

advised its evacuation. Rutledge thought differently, and replied 

that, " while a soldier remained alive to defend it, it should not 

be abandoned." At length, the British fleet hove in sight, — the 

day of battle arrived. The gallant Moultrie slipped in his pocket 

the directions of E-utledge, and prepared for action. They read 

as follows : " General Lee wishes you to evacuate the fort. You 

will not do so, without an order from me, I would sooner cut 

off my hand than write one. t -r> 55 

'*' ^ J. Kutledge. ' 

KuTLEDGE gathered the citizens together in the city, — assigned 
them certain advantageous posts, — armed them as best he could ; 
and, walked about among them, inspiring them with reso- 
lution to defend their homes, in case the British succeeded in 
landing. Meantime, the cannonade opened like a hail-cloud upon 
the little fort. The flag-staff was cut away, and it did seem as 
though they would knock the fort about their heads in half an 
hour ; but, just then, Jasper leaped courageously upon the beach, 
among lead and ball, snatched up the broken banner, and replaced 
it upon the fortress. Rutledge witnessed the scene. Leo 
Btill thinking a retreat advisable, sent to Moultrie the follow- 
ing order: "If you should expend your ammunition without 
beating off the enemy, or driving them on ground, spike yotir 
guns and retreat ivith all possible order ^ Rutledge still think- 
ing differently, contrived a supply of powder into the fort, with 
the following characteristic note to Moultrie : " I send you five 
hundred pounds of powder. You know our collection is not 
great. Honor and victory, my good sir, to you and our worthy 
countrymen. Do not make too free with your cannon^ — cool 
and do mischief.'''' They did do mischief. Some of the enemy's- 
vessels blew up, others had their entire force killed or disabled- 
After a cannonade of eight hours, with the loss of the com- 
mander, Lord Campbell, and many of their brave troops, they 
hauled off. By the victory of Moultrie, South Carolina purchased 
repose sufficient for breathing time, prevented the investment of 
Charleston, and diverted the efforts of the enemy from her borders. 
For these results, all praise is due the lion-hearted Rutledge, wlio^ 
was the soul of the gallant army. 



HoiTy. 



414 JOHN RUT LEDGE. 

The day after the victory, Rutledge visited the brave army, 
and with his countenance full of animation, addressed them with 
fervid eloquence, — his whole soul full of emotion. After con- 
cluding his speech, he called the intrepid Jasper from the ranks, 
and presented him his own sword. Years after this event, when 
age had silvered his locks, he stood upon the same spot, and with 
animated face, recounted its incidents, as memory transferred him 
back among his former comrades. 

" I remember," said he to a friend, " the engagement, as though 
it were fought but yesterday ; I remember my perfect confidence 
in Moultrie ; I have all the scenes before me, too, when I visited 
the post to express the thanks of the country to the heroes who 
defended it. Here stood Moultrie, — tliere Motte, — there Marion, 
Horry, and the intrepid band they commanded. I addressed 
them with an energy of feeling that I had never before ex- 
perienced ; and if ever I had pretensions to eloquence, it was at 
that moment." 

Gordon, in his Anecdotes, says : that during this recital, Rut- 
ledge seemed animated, as though he was actually fighting the 
battle over again, and talking to the old companions he had 
mentioned. Meantime, independence had been declared ; a copy 
of the Declaration was transmitted to South Carolina. Rdt- 
LEDGE sent it to the Assembly, with the following words : " It is 
a decree worthy of America ; we thankfully receive the ratifi- 
cation, and rejoice at it ; and we are determined at every hazard, 
to endeavor to maintain it, so that after we have departed, our 
children, and their latest posterity, may have cause to bless our 
memory." It was joyfully received throughout the State. Ou 
the convention of the Assembly, Rutledge was again elected 
provincial president. For this post he was eminently fitted, and 
much prosperity happened to the State through the eflforts of his 
administration. After the Declaration of Independence, South 
Carolina adopted a new constitution. As president, he had to 
ratify it. This he refused to do. The new constitution,' for 
the name Colony, substituted State, — for President, Governor, — 
changed the legislature from three to two branches, — provided 
for the election of the second branch by the people, instead of 
the first, and declared rotation in the executive office. His 
objections were based upon a want of legislative jurisdiction in 
the premises, and an averred choice of the people to election of 



JOHN RUTLEDGE. 415 

one branch of the legislature by the other. The consequence of 
his refusal, was a resignation. Lowndes succeeded to the office 
of governor, and ratified the constitution. 

RuTLEDGE, in his refusal, was conscientious, though his imperi- 
ous nature was not the most susceptible of being convinced ; his 
opinion was almost immovable, and principles fixed as the laws of 
his nature. After the ratification of the new constitution, and the 
election of his successor, he retired to private life, with a name 
untarnished. Soon after his retirement, an invasion more formi- 
dable than the first, threatened South Carolina, and filled the 
State with alarm. On the appearance of danger, all eves turned 
to RuTLEDGE, as the man most suited to the emergency. General 
Lincoln assumed command in the south, while Rdtledge became 
the heart of the revolutionary movement. His energies were 
taxed to the utmost in preparing for the defense of Charleston, 
then threatened with formal investment by the troops of Sir Henry 
Clinton. The Assembly was in session, and sensible of the crisis, 
invested him with plenary powers. He called upon the militia; 
but, chilled by the host of Clinton, they did not comply. He 
issued a proclamation, threatening all with confiscation, who 
refused to assist in the defense; it was vain, — the spirit of 
Moultrie had departed, — subdued by the preparation of the foes. 
By great efibrts, however, rude fortifications were thrown up, and 
manned with four thousand troops, after which, Rutledge, as 
being almost the entire government, returned from the city. The 
British, soon after, opened a destructive fire upon their works, 
which were soon captured, and General Lincoln was forced to 
surrender the city. 

South Carolina, which had not hitherto felt the heel of the 
invader, now became the theater of operations, and seemed almost 
subdued. All that firmness and decision could do to avert 
the storm was done by Rutledge. No man loved his State 
better, or hated England with a more deadly hate. Failing in 
his endeavors to fly to the relief of the capital, and to assemble 
the State troops, he turned to Congress and importuned aid. He 
succeeded. The brave old De Kalb, with a body of regulars, was 
sent to rescue the almost conquered State, while Horatio Gates 
was placed at the head of three thousand troops for the same 
object. Flushed with the success of Saratoga, he thought of 
nothing but victory, nor made the slightest preparation for a 



416 JOHN RUT LEDGE. 

reverse. He marched his army to Camden, where, though much 
larger than that of the enemy, it was entirely routed. Gates did not 
lack activity on this occasion, as he loas found a great distanoe 
from thefield^ in an almost incredible short space oftirae^ after the 
attack hegan. Ilis greatest faults were arrogance and cowardice. 
After the battle of Camden, the greatest consternation prevailed 
throughout the State, and the firmness of Rutledge was all that 
kept the remains of the army together, and prevented entire de- 
spondency. He remained in the field, reassuring the crest-fallen 
soldiers of Gates, until the arrival of General Greene to take the 
southern command, under whose management, prospects began to 
brighten up again. 

General Greene commenced operations under very inauspicious 
circumstances ; and, but for his being so nobly seconded by Rut- 
ledge, it is questionable, whether, from such military chaos, he 
could have derived means of sustenance. These two distinguished 
men labored in concert, in a manner highly creditable to both. In 
one of his earliest dispatches, Greene said: "We are obliged to 
sustain ourselves by our own industry, aided by the influence of 
Governor Rutledge, who is one of the first characters I ever 
met with.'''' 

That campaign of Greene, was one of the most arduous of the 
revolution, and to the series of victories that ultimately attended 
it, the influence of Rutledge contributed much, and was fully 
appreciated by the commander. He was several times at the 
camp of Greene, during his most distressing difficulties, and 
continually exerted his great influence with Congress, to procure 
needful supplies for the army. Marion, Pickens and Morgan, 
too, were singled out for usefulness by his penetrating sagacity, 
and elevated to efficient co-operators with Greene, through all his 
achievmeuts that terminated with such happy results at Eutaw 
Springs. 

He went in person to Congress, for the purpose of obtaining 
necessaries, and was not unsuccessful. After these efibrts, when 
victory began to perch upon Greene's southern banner, he re- 
turned to his more appropriate sphere, — the civic department 
of his State. Among the fragments of the desolating invasion, 
were the wrecks of civil government, that had to be reconstructed 
from the general chaos, by the hand of Rutledge. He issued pro- 
clamations, — reorganized the courts of justice, — punished merce- 



JOHN BUT LEDGE. 417 

ary desperadoes, and by his bold energy, soon re-established 
order and system. Never, perhaps, was an independent, imperi- 
ons nature more peculiarly adapted to the times, nor a man more 
fitted for his position than was he ; yet, with his haughty tempera- 
ment, there was a manly impulse that spurned to retaliate upon 
the enemy, the almost unheard of cruelties practiced through the 
State, by Tarleton and Rawdon, but pursued a course lenient as 
possible, not to be inconsistent with duty. He was present at the 
battle of Eutaw Springs, encouraging the militia, among whom, 
the name of Rdtledge was a talisman ; they fought under the 
eye of Greene, and won his unbounded admiration. That battle 
was a virtual overthrow of British domination in South Carolina. 
All along, John Rutledge and the State government had been 
synonymous ; he was both branches of the legislature and the 
executive ; seldom have plenary powers been less abused, or more 
honorably exercised. He would draw up what measures seemed 
necessary, impress them with the great seal of the State, and they 
became law. After the victory, he issued a proclamation, declar- 
ing a full pardon to all who under the panic of British successes 
had joined the enemy, provided that, within thirty days, they 
would return to duty as militiamen in the American service, — 
with some flagrant exceptions. Availing themselves of the terms, 
many joined the army. 

Not wishing to exercise his extraordinary power longer than 
necessary, and the British being hemmed up in Charleston, as their 
last stronghold, Rutledge thought it a fit time to couveue the 
Assembly, which had not met since the defeat of Gates. Election 
writs were circulated throughout the State ; the Assembly was to 
moet at Jacksonborough, some ten leagues from Charleston. Fire 
and sword had swept over the State, and nowhere had the rapacity 
of the foe been more manifest, or the sufierings of the people 
more intense. 

Accompanying the election writs he sent to Marion, was the 
following order for feasting the legislators : " I wish you to pro- 
cure tuielve 'barrels of rice for the use of the Assembly^ at their 
intended meeting on the 8th of next month. Be pleased to have 
that quantity procured as high up San tee river as it can be got, 
and let me know as soon as possible where it is, that I may 
order wagons to fetch it down from thence to Camden in time." 

It would be well enough for pampered Congressmen now -a- 



418 JOHN RUTLEDGE. 

days, to look back along Edisto river, to that rice-fed assembly, 
convened on the 8th of January, 1782. Marion was there, 
Gadsden was there, and there, too, was Rdtledge to give np his 
dictatorship. No interest but their country, no pay but liberty, 
they met as patriots for the public good. Rutledge addressed 
them in one of his characteristic impetuous displays of spon- 
taneous oratory, reviewing the list of wrongs endured by their 
injured country. He said : " Indians, slaves, and a desperate 
banditti of the most profligate characters, were caressed and 
employed by the enemy to execute their infamous purposes. Devas- 
tation and ruin marked their progress, and that of their adherents ; 
nor were their violences restrained by the charms or influence of 
innocence and beauty. Even the fair sex, whom it is the duty of 
all, and the pleasure and the pride of the brave to protect ; they, 
and their oflspring, were victims to the inveterate malice of an 
unrelenting foe. Neither the tears of mothers, nor the cries of 
infants, could excite in their breasts pity or compassion. Not 
only the peaceful habitation of the widow, the aged and infirm, 
but the holy temple of the Most High were consumed in flames, 
kindled by their sacrilegious hands. They have tarnished the 
glory of the British arms, — disgraced the profession, and fixed 
indelible stigmas of rapine, cruelty, perfidy and profaneness on 
the British name. But I now congratulate you, and I do so most 
cordially, on the pleasing change of affairs, which, under the 
blessing of God, the wisdom, prudence, address, and bravery of 
the great and gallant General Greene, and the intrepidity of the 
oflScers and men under his command, has been happil}^ effected ; 
a general who is justly entitled, from his many signal services, to 
honorable and singular marks of your approbation and gratitude." 
The Assembly immediately passed a law, which, though ap- 
proved by Rutledge, may very well be called in question ; this 
provided for the confiscation of property belonging to such as 
adhered to the British, throughout the State. During the brief 
period of the enforcement of this rigorous measure, Rutledge was 
violently assailed for giving his assent to it. On the expiration 
of his executive term, not being re-eligible under the Constitution, 
which provided, that the same man could fill the oflSce of gov- 
ernor but two years out of six, he was superseded by John 
Matthews. He was immediately elected to Congress, and took 
his seat. May 2d, 1782. 



JOHN RUTLEDGE. 419 

Partaking in common, with the wisest members, of the appre- 
hension lest recent successes showed an inactive spirit on the part 
of the States to terminate the war, that would be dangerous, he 
was selected to frame an address to the southern States, to counteract 
it. This was done in a very masterly style. Ramsay says: "■ He 
drew such a picture of the United States, and the danger to which 
they were exposed by the backwardness of the particular States to 
comply with the requisitions of Congress as produced a very 
happy eifect. He acquitted himself with so much ability, that 
the Virginians began to doubt whether their Patrick Henry, or 
South Carolina Rutledge was the more accomplished speaker." 

This Congress numbered names since become historical ; the 
bold and eloquent Rdtledge, the peerless Hamilton, the sagacious 
Madison, the erudite Ellsworth, the classic Dyer, and others were 
there. At the close of a mighty revolution, they stood contem- 
plating the game of destiny which had just been decided, — each 
having figured considerably therein. Of its important trans- 
actions, we have spoken elsewhere. The difficulties incident to 
the depreciation of national credit, — the definitive treaty of 
peace, — the threatened anarchy of the army, — the inefficient 
regulations of Federative power, and the unsettled state of things 
generally, just after the war, made this a laborious Congress. 
Rdtledge leaned to the Federalists, politically, though his inde- 
pendence was his main monitor, and he eschewed partyism, unless 
its individual tenets were accordant with his own notions. He 
usually acted with Hamilton and his friends on national questions, 
and had great influence as a member of Congress. He favored the 
treaty of peace concluded with Great Britain, and defended Jay 
and its authors from the charge of having violated instructions in 
not consulting the French ministers in the negotiations, upon the 
high ground that, " instructions ought to he violated hy represen- 
tatives^ when jpuhlic good reguiresP He was an influential 
working member, and was upon committees for the investigation 
of all important measures coming up for consideration. 

Others may have acted a more important part, and occupied a 
wider sphere in the nation's eye, but none were more zealous 
or patriotic in the discharge of duty, or more correct in its con- 
ception. He closed his Congressional career in 1T83, when that 
body was menaced by the Pennsylvania mutineers, and forced to 
adjourn to New Jersey. 



420 JOHN EUTLEDGE. 

E.UTLEDGE, in ITSl, was elected judge of the Chancery Court 
in his native State. Prior to this, the State judiciary had been in 
the hands of men, who, though possessed of excellent sense and 
the sternest patriotism, were not very remarkable for dignity of 
manners or rigidity of morals. Judge Burke was a fair specimen. 
He wore the robe through a part of the Revolution, and though he 
had a good practical mind, great wit, and some attainments, he 
indulged in the follies, not to say the vices that would not be 
tolerated now ; he was especially fond of his daily potations, for 
the day before he died of dropsy, on being tapped, he addressed 
his physician with : " Well Doctor, what am I to expect, — life or 
death?" "Life," he replied, "you are an Irishman, and will yet 
last a long time." Then, with an oath, exclaimed Burke, " / 
sJiall he the first thing that ever lasted long in the house^ after 
heing tajpped.'''' lie used to attend the courts, with his books and 
papers, to defend the law, and a couple of loaded pistols to defend 
himself. This would look oddly enough in our day. Just before 
Rutledge's election, new courts had been organized, and the old 
proprietary manner of adjudication done away with. He framed 
the bill in part, establishing Courts of Equity, with three judges 
regulating its jurisdiction, etc. 

He performed his duties, in this capacity, with his accustomed 
firmness and ability, until 1791, when he was elected Chief Jus- 
tice of the supreme court of the State. This may be regarded as 
the first permanent step toward the purification of the State presi- 
dency. Prior to this, most of the incumbents had become so by 
foreign appointment, and were, as a general thing, unworthy men. 
One of them, Futurel, it is said, never saw a law book until he 
reached America. He it was, who, lying on a bench in a state 
of intoxication, observed a gentleman, at no great distance, chang- 
ing his dress, and, supposing he was preparing for fight, cried 

out: "Oh! d you, if you are for that sport, I am at home, — 

come on !" 

RuTLEDGE soon produced a change of things: Drayton, indeed, 
one of his predecessors, had taken the initiatory steps to reform, 
and RuTLEDGE consummated it. The South Carolina bar, then 
numbered among its practitioners, the Pinckneys, the Rutledges, 
and others of note. To follow Rutledge, as he sat upon the 
bench of the supreme court, through the numerous decisions of his 
judicial term, would be to recapitulate the old Reports of South 



JOHX RUTLEDGE. 421 

Carolina, and to collate arguments and opinions in no wav un- 
common in the annals of jurisprudence. 

He donned the ermine with the requisite abilities to preserve 
its purity, administered justice with rigorous impartiality, asserted 
and maintained the supremacy of the law, and contributed much 
to elevate the judiciary of his State. K the haughtiness of his 
nature dictated summary renditions, the honesty of his heart sub- 
dued the impulse ; and if the independence of his will suggested 
a rejection of precedent and opinion, the soundness of his judg- 
ment prevented him from falling into extremes. As a whole, 
taking into consideration the peculiarities of the people among 
whom he acted, and the manifest necessity of bold and vigorous 
action, on many occasions, it seems as though John Rutledge 
was a man born for the times. "Whether resisting the grasping 
policy of England in its earliest manifestations, — at the bar as 
an attorney, — traversing the State to stir up the militia, — plead- 
ing with Congress for supplies, — encouraging the troops at Sulli- 
van's Island, — marching with the half-starved troops of Greene to 
Eutaw, — procuring rice for the Assembly, — holding over his 
State the dictatorial scepter, — making his bold voice heard in the 
continental Congress, — framing new laws for the people, — filling 
the executive chair, or wearing the ermine robes, he was the same 
stern, inflexible, matter-of-fact John Rutledge. 

While chief justice, or chancellor, — as this position must not 
be associated with his future eminent post as Judge of the Su- 
preme Court, — he was elected a delegate to the convention that 
formed the Constitution. 

In that body he acted with his associate, Pinckney, and proved 
a working, zealous member. In the discussions that arose after 
the submission of the several plans elsewhere mentioned, he took 
an active part, and exerted a potential influence excelled but by 
few members of the convention. 

After these protracted discussions, and the necessity of a com- 
promise became manifest, he was placed on a committee of 
eleven to draft one, regulative of State representation. The draft 
of a Constitution was afterward submitted to a re visionary com- 
mittee of five of the ablest men in the convention, among whom 
was John Rutledge ; who finally submitted, in person, the result 
of their revision to the convention, — the rough draft of what was 
to be the Federal Constitution. It was modified, and underwent 



422 



JOHN RUTLEDGE, 



considerable change in phraseology, but most of the principal 
features were retained. 

The subject of Slavery seems to have come before that body for 
consideration. A proposition was made to prevent their impor- 
tation into the States. This Rutledge opposed, as virtually ex- 
cluding the Carolinas and Georgia from the Federal Union, as 
they would reject the Constitution upon the insertion of such pro- 
hibitory restrictions. But when provision was made not to inter- 
fere with their right of importation for twenty-one years, he sig- 
nified his approval ; careful, however, in providing for future 
constitutional revision, to insist upon a clause, preventing any 
change upon that subject during that time. September, 17S7, the 
convention adjourned, and Rutledge returned home, a zealous 
co-operator with the Federal party. On the submission of the 
Constitution to conventions of the diiferent States for approval, 
many opponents, everywhere, stepped forth against it ; this was 
the case in South Carolina. Rutledge was a champion for rati- 
fication, and urged its importance before the people. His most 
formidable opponent was Lowndes. In discussion with that gen- 
tleman, on one occasion, while replying to one of his shrewdest 
and ablest efforts, Rutledge said : " My friend's obstinacy brings 
to mind a friend of his country, once a member of this House, 
who said: 'It is generally imputed to me, that I am obstinate: 
I am not obstinate, — l)iit hard to he convinced !^ " 

The friends of the Constitution, however, succeeded in carrying 
through the House the proposition to call a State convention, 
which met in the spring of 1788, and ratified the Constitution, 
Rutledge and the Pinckneys being members. 

The government being organized by the ratification of the Con- 
stitution, in the election of the chief oflScers, Rutledge received 
the vote of his native State for first Vice-president. On "Wash- 
ington's election as president, and the organization of the Ameri- 
can judiciary, John Jay, as we have seen, was appointed first 
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, with the name of John 
Rutledge next, as one of his associates, who Avas destined to 
be next at the head of that tribunal. This post he continued 
to occupy until Jay retired from the bench as chief justice, 
when the following, from the President, announced him as his 
successor : 



JOHN RUTLEDGE. 423 

Deak Sir: — Your letter of the 18th iilt., and Mr. Jay's resigna- 
tion of the office of Chief Justice of the United States, came to 
hand yesterday. The former gave me much pleasure ; and, with- 
out hesitating a moment, after knowing you would accept the 
latter, I directed the Secretary of State to make you an official 
offer of this honorable appointment ; to express to you my wish 
that it may be convenient and agreeable to you to accept it ; to 
intimate, in that case, my desire, and the advantages that would 
attend your being in this city the first Monday in August ; at 
which time the next session of the Supreme Court will commence ; 
and to inform you that your commission, as Chief Justice, will 
take date on this day, July 1st, when Mr. Jay's will cease ; but 
that it would be detained here, to be presented to you on your 
arrival. 

Geo. AVashington. 

Rdtledge accepted the commission and became the second 
chief justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. Though 
he had been uniform in his adherence to the measures of the Fede- 
ral party, up to the adoption of the Constitution, he opposed Jay's 
treaty violently, and made himself obnoxious to many of that 
party, so that his appointment to the supreme judgeship was not 
very well relished by them. 

Speaking of the course of the Rutledges in regard to the treaty, 
Ellsworth says in a letter: "that Edward Rntledge should not 
act at all is less surprising, than that John Rctledge should act 
like the devil. I wait for the unraveling, when more is to be 
known." 

After the appointment had been tendered, Wolcott thus wrote 
to Hamilton : "To my astonishment, I am recently told that John 
Rutledge has had the tender of the office of Chief Justice. By 
the favor of Heaven, the commission is not tendered, and now, I 
presume, it will not be ; hut how near ruin and disgrace the 
cou7itry has heen .'" Hamilton, in his reply, said : " I find it is 
true, Rutledge has been invited to be Chief Justice ; but he is 
not commissioned, and I must presume, he will not be, after his 
late conduct." 

These, however, were but ebullitions of partisan rancor, and 
had no influence with "Washington in continuing the appointment, 
notwithstanding his opposition to a measure whose ratification he 
himself thought judicious. In Rutledge he saw a man eminently 



424 JOHN RUTLEDGE. 

qualified by nature, experience, and education, for a seat on the 
bench of the Supreme Court, and whether his political opinions 
were exactly accordant with his own, was a question, with him, 
wholly subservient to the good of the country. The appointment 
in no way detracted from his happy discrimination in selecting 
good, capable, and worthy public servants. 

The opposition to this appointment, though it moderated, was 
not discontinued. Ellsworth wrote: "With regard to Mr. Rut- 
ledge, it was certainly difficult, after he had come, not to com- 
mission him. If the evil is without a remedy, we must, as in 
other cases, make the best of it." Others remarked: "Many 
are hurt by his, Rutledge's appointment, and are unable to 
account for it, but impute it to want of information of his hostility 
to the government, or some hidden cause, which justifies the 
measure. We shall be loth to find thbt faction is to be courted 
at so great a sacrifice of consistency." \ 

This was not the cause. The opposition of Rutledge to Jay's 
treaty, was well known by the President, and every one else ; he 
was not the man to conceal his sentiments. In Charleston, soon 
after the treaty, he made a speech, perhaps the boldest and' most 
denunciatory of his life, at an indignation meeting. This speech 
was published, denounced, carped at, garbled, and criticized by 
the federal press everywhere. 

The newspapers denounced the appointment, and the Senate 
signified a reluctance to confirm it. Washington was stigmatized 
with much virulence. Edtledge was attacked through the public 
press, his political actions aspersed with the bitterest acrimony, 
and his personal character abused with remorseless cruelty. The 
controversy was continued for some time, until a friend of his from 
South Carolina, roused by the gross charges against the favorite 
son of the State, repelled them with ability and triumphantly vin- 
dicated his name. All this grew out of his opposition to the Jay 
treaty, and shows into what extremes men may be hurried by the 
blind zeal of partisan favor. 

Rutledge, however, presided as chief justice but a short time, 
during which there were no cases of peculiar interest adjudicated. 
He exhibited, during the brief period he held the office, his usual 
firmness, discretion and good sense; this was in the intermediate 
time, afler his commission, and prior to the convention of the 
Senate. When that body met, Washington sent in his name, but 



JOHN RUTLEDGE. 425 

they steadily refused to coufirm it. Their refusal, Jefferson said, 
was " a bold thing, because they could not raise any objection to 
him but his opposition to the treaty." 

Their rejection was well enough. Rutledge had, years before, 
contracted a disease, it was said, by undue exposure among the 
swamps, during the war. While his commission was being dis- 
cussed in the Senate, and about the time they refused confirmation, 
he was attacked with it in a manner more violent than hitherto, 
which resulted in an entire prostration of both mind and body. 
Heretofore we have viewed John Rdtledge as a man of mighty 
intellect in his day, exerting great influence upon the destinies of 
his country, both in the field and in the cabinet. 

By regular gradations, we have seen him rise, step by step, 
from one post of honor to another, until he stood high in his 
country's estimation, but we must 

"Now look on that ruined arch, that broken ■wall, 
Those chambers desolate and portals foul," 

without seeing the light of reason that shone so conspicuously. 
A mind even of the smallest caliber, in ruins, is a mournful sight, 
but one of Rutledge's vigor to be thus shattered, is truly sad to 
contemplate. In December, 1795, while on his way to court, he 
was suddenly attacked and forced to return to the house of a friend 
he had jusc left. In a few days, so couipleie was the overthrow 
of reason, that, to prevent self-destruction, he was put under guard. 
In this distressing condition, he lingered until the ensuing year. 
He died in the summer of 1800, and was buried in the city of 
Charleston. 

He is entombed in his beloved Carolina, and to freedom and 
fame belongs the memory of John Rutledge. 



JOHI MARSHALL. 



In Fauquier couuty, Virginia, in May, 1775, soon after the bat- 
tle of Lexington, at a militia muster, acting as lieutenant, might 
have been seen a youth in his nineteenth year. "He was about 
six feet high, straight ari'd rather slender, of dark complexion, 
showing little if any rosy red, yet good health; the outline of the 
face nearly a circle, and within it, eyes dark to blackness, strong 
and penetrating, beaming with intelligence and good nature ; an 
npriglit forehead, rather low, which was terminated in a hori- 
zontal line by a mass of raven-black hair of unusual thickness 
and length, — features fully developed, — his body and limbs indi- 
cating great agility, dressed in a pale-blue hunting-shirt, and 
trowsers of the same material, fringed with white, — a round 
black hat, mounted with the buck-tail for a cockade.''* 

That youth was John Marshall. He had just heai'd of the 
afiair at Concord, and walked ten miles to the muster-ground to 
attend the duties of his lieutenancy, the captain being prevented 
by sickness from attending. He arrived on the spot, where lie 
was greeted, by all who knew him, with cries of "What's the 
news?" He told them the captain would not be there, and of the 
battle which had been fought, it being the first time they had 
heard of it. He told them that more fighting was expected, and 
that he in common with every true soldier should be ready to 
take the field, when called on. As lieutenant, he then drilled 
them through the various military evolutions of an old field- 
muster; after which, with youthful ardor and some eloquence, he 
told them all about the war, the calamitous results likely to 

* Bimiey'3 Eulogy on Marshall. 
( 426 ) 




JOHN MARSHALL. 



29 



JOHN MARSHALL. 427 

ensue, and urged them to be in readiness for active service. 
After the speech, he engaged in a game of quoits, in which he 
beat his competitor. The exercises of the day closed with feats 
of running, jumping and wrestling, after which he returned home 
as he came, on foot. 

He was the eldest of fifteen children, the son of Thomas and 
Mary Marshall, and was born in Germantown, Virginia, on the 
24th of September, 1755. On the father's side he was of Welsh 
descent; his mother's people were natives of New England. 
Thomas Marshall removed from the paternal estate in Westmore- 
land, to Fauquier county, Virginia, where he soon after married 
Mary Keith. 

He settled in the Northern Neck, on a portion of the vast domain 
which Lord Fairfax gave Washington to survey, and was also 
selected to assist in the same business. 

He was poor, but possessed great energy and firmness of pur- 
pose ; he was colonel in several severe actions of the war, and 
always gave evidences of courage. The future Chief Justice was 
often heard to say of his father, that " he is a far abler man than 
any of his sons. To him I owe the solid foundation of all my 
own successes in life." 

At an early age, his father settled in the hollows of the Blue 
Ridge, — a comparative wilderness. Here, though wholly de- 
prived of the benefits of school education, breathing the pure air 
and climbing the mountain-side, he studied Nature's volume 
and developed his physical constitution. He managed, too, to 
procure copies of Shakspeare, Pope, and other great authors, 
whom he read with pleasure and profit. He had a good memory, 
a fondness for study, and some taste for poetry. Imbosomed in 
the romance of his mountain-home, at an age of susceptibility, 
and fired by the thoughts of the poets above-mentioned, it is not 
surprising that he gave way to an inclination for poetry. Youth, 
however, is all poetry; but when awakened to manhood, the 
tinge of care and responsibility dispels the illusion, and life's 
reality develops the fact, that what we took for poetic fancy was 
only the ideal of existence. Though a taste for general literature 
is by no means uncommon, especially in their younger years 
with great minds, an indulgence in the seductive charms of poetry 
is often more injurious than otherwise ; for as to revel in the halls 
of conviviality and ease tends to enervate the physical organism, 



428 JOHN MARSHALL. 

so to wanton in the shades of the muses, as a general thing, 
tends to impair the vigor and comprehensiveness of the mental 
powers, and to divert the mind from the useful and practical 
things of life, for which it is perhaps more adapted. 

In his fifteenth year, young Maksuall was sent into Westmore- 
land county, for the purpose of his education, where he enjoyed 
the advantages of intercourse with a learned gentleman, and 
made considerable progress in the study of the classics. Two 
years would embrace the whole time devoted by him to the attain- 
ment of his education, with any assistance worthy of note. But 
he made good use of his time, and got such a start that, by his 
own unassisted hibors he eventually acquired a fund of knowl- 
edge rarely equaled ; in this way it was he read Horace, Livy, 
and other Latin authors. lie never could boast a collegiate edu- 
cation ; but as Pindar has it : 

"He that all he liath to scliooling owes, 
A shallow wight obscure 
Plants not his step secure." 

He had the "inbred nobleness" of which the same ^reat poet 
spoke, in glowing strains of eulogy, that more than made up for 
all educational deficiencies. 

He had scarcely conclufled these two years' application, how- 
ever, when, like most young men who had professional lives in 
view, he was called by the breaking out of the war, to the theater 
of action. Hence we find him, in his nineteenth year, at the 
muster-field above-named, as a young lieutenant declaring his 
readiness to embai-k in the cause. 

When the proper authorities took preliminary steps to pre- 
pare for the crisis, we find him, true to his promise, enrolled in 
a company of minute men, under a lieutentant's commission. 
This company commenced active operations, September, 1775. 

Lord Dun more had erected a fort on Elizabeth river. Against 
him was sent Colonel Woodford, with several regiments of 
troops, among which was the miniite batallion, where youug 
Marshall acted as lieutenant. Woodford, deeming it imprudent 
to attack the enemy's works, built a fort close by, into which he 
threw his men and provisions. Dunmore resolved to dislodge 
them, and sent Captain Fordyce, with sixty British troops for that 
purpose. Fordyce undertook its execution right gallantly. He 
stormed the little fort with fixed bayonets. Its occupants flew to 



JOHN MARSHALL, 429 

its defense. Foremost among those who, at the post of danger, 
nrged his men to action, might have been seen the tall, command- 
ing form of young Lieutenant Marshall. While marching at 
the head of his men npon the fort, Captain Fordyce was shot 
down, when his whole party fled in the greatest confusion. The 
British lost nearly the entire nnmber which commenced the 
attack, while the Americans did not lose a single man. Lord 
Dunmore, after this failure, abandoned his fortress on Elizabeth 
river, and retired on board some British men-of-war. In this 
spirited affair Maeshall behaved with great bravery. 

In 1776, he was promoted to a first lieutenant's commission, in 
one of the Continental Kegiments ; in which situation he re- 
mained until after the battle of Trenton, when he was made 
captain, and went with Washington into winter-quarters at Mor- 
ristown. On the resumption of offensive hostilities, Marshall's 
company, with the main army, marched to the Brandywine, and 
was attached to Maxwell's division, in the battle at that place. 
In this action he acquitted himself with gallantry, and engaged 
in a skirmish or two with the enemy, where he exercised sole 
command. At the battle of Germantown, which was the next 
that was fought, Captain Marshall and his company formed 
a part of Woodford's division. They attacked the British in- 
fantry with such spirit that they were quickly forced back ; but 
while pursuing their success, a sudden discliarge of musketry 
from the enemy checked them, and tlie Americans were com- 
pelled to retire. These engageraeiits, though they were not 
victorious, tended to confirm the faith of the American troops, 
and added luster to their arms. Marshall, in his Life of Wash- 
ington, dwells upon them, and especially the part acted by his 
commander, with the greatest animation, — careful, however, from 
a natural modest}^, not to mention his own services in higher 
terms than that "I was an eye-witness to the action," etc. 

Of Washington and those stirring times, he could never speak 
without the liveliest emotions. His soldier days, and those who 
served with him, were never forgotten. On the other hand, he 
established a place in the hearts of the officers of the army, which 
he ever maintained. For Washington he conceived the highest 
attachment, that sufficiently indicates itself in his Life of that 
illustrious man. With Hamilton, too, he became intimate, and 
others of distinction : all of whom entertained for him feelings 



430 JOHN MARSHALL. 

of ardent friendship. The kind feelings cherished for him, by his 
old companions, are evident from the testimony of Judge Story, 
who says: "I myself have often heard him spoken of by these 
veterans, in terms of the highest praise. In an especial manner, 
the revolutionary officers of the Virginia line, appeared almost 
to idolize him as an old friend and companion in arms, enjoying 
their fullest confidence." 

lie was frequently appointed a kind of deputy judge for tempor- 
ary^ purposes during this time, and gave evidences of civic ability, 
preponderant over his martial talents ; this also increased his 
chances of becoming familiar w^ith the leading men of the day, 
by throwing him frequently into their deliberations. A writer in 
the North American Eeview, during the year 1828, thus speaks 
of Marshall at the time: ''When I first saw him, he held the 
commission of captain in a regiment. It was in the trying, severe 
winter of 1777-'7S, a few months after the disastrous battles of 
Brandywine and Germantown had tested his firmness, hardiness 
and heroism. The spot where we acquired our earliest information 
of him, was the femous hutted encampment at Yalley Forge, 
about thirty miles from Philadelphia. By his appearance then, 
we supposed him about twenty-two or twenty-three years of age. 
Even so early in life, we recollect that he appeared to us, primus 
inter pares / for, amid the many commissioned officers, he was 
discriminated for superior intelligence. Our informant, Colonel 
Ball, of another regiment in the same line, represented him as a 
young man, not only brave, but signally intelligent. Indeed, all 
those who intimately knew him, affirmed that his capacity was 
held in such estimation by many of his brother officers, that in 
many disputes of a certain nature, he was chosen arbiter ; and 
that officers, irritated by difierences, or animated by debate, often 
submitted the contested points to his judgment, which being given 
in writing, and accompanied, as it commonly was, by sound 
reasons in support of his decision, obtained general acquiescence." 
At Monmouth he closed his military service, and soon after re- 
tired to prepare for the more congenial duties of a civic career, in 
which he was destined to earn immortality, by honoring the 
American judiciary. 

He devoted himself to the study of the law, and procured 
license in 1780. He commenced the practice at a time when 
business of all sorts was in a very inactive state in consequence 



JOHN MAESHALL. 431 

of the war, and peculiarly inauspicious to success in the legal 
profession ; yet, by his afiable way of demeaning himself, the 
severity of his application, and mental vigor, he soon reached an 
enviable position, and outstripped competition almost at a bound. 
As a lawyer, perhaps no better idea could be conveyed of JMar- 
SHALL, than is contained in the words of his eulogist, Binney : 
" His placidity and calmness," says he, " irresistibly won the 
esteem of men, and invited them to intercourse with him ; his 
benevolent heart, his serene, and at times joyous temper, made 
him the cherished companion of his friends ; his candor and in- 
tegrity attracted the confidence of the bar, and that extraordinary 
comprehension and grasp of mind, by which difiiculties were 
seized and overcome without effort or parade, commanded the 
attention and respect of the courts of justice." Add to this that 
truest and most infallible evidence of a truly great man, humility, 
and a seeming unconsciousness of any superiority, that placed 
him above the reach of envy, and made him regard all honest 
men as his equals, and himself simply as plain, republican John 
Marshall, and we have a pretty fair portrait. No truly great 
man ever indicates his knowledge of the fact, if he even knows 
it; it is the little and narrow-minded who permit themselves to 
become puffed up by the honors of place or the fruits of success, 
and assume to be something better than common men, as though 
six feet of earth was not the common heritage. Marshall had a 
big soul ; he loved his kind, and all his life mixed among his 
fellow-citizens, with as much ease, as he engaged in the game of 
quoits at the field muster we spoke of. 

Much of his early success he ascribed to his numerous acquain- 
tances, contracted by his uniform kindness of heart and gentle 
manners. He continued the practice of his profession with honor 
and profit, until 1782, when he entered public life as representa- 
tive to the Assembly, from Fauquier Count3\ He was selected to 
that post by his countrymen with much cheerfulness, on account 
of the unlimited confidence reposed in his ability and sound sense. 
When he took his seat in that body, politics had assumed no ordi- 
nary feature. Various measures of State policy came up for 
legislative arrangement. On the 2d of January, 1783, he mar- 
ried Mary Ambler, whose father was a prominent citizen of the 
State, and settled permanently in the city of Richmond. This 



432 JOHN MARSHALL. 

union was every way most felicitous, and continued during fifty 
years, with uninterrupted happiness. 

Marshall was re-elected to the legislature, from his native 
county for several consecutive terms, and entered zealously the 
arena of political discussion. Here he met such men as Lee and 
Madison, and proved himself able to cope with them in mental 
power. Between him and the latter gentleman, quite an inti- 
macy sprang up, which lasted for life, notwithstanding their dif- 
ferences of opinion upon political issues. Judge Story, who 
was the friend of each, said that " nothing could be more touching 
to an ingenuous mind, than to hear from their lips, in their latter 
years, expressions of mutual respect and confidence ; or to wit- 
ness their earnest testimony to the talents, the virtues, and the 
services of each other." This was the period when, aside from the 
measures of State policy coming before the legislature, the great 
question of Federal government was agitating the States, and the 
signs of the times developed a progressive tendency, showing the 
necessity of more permanent union, and that the old confeder- 
ation was tottering to its fall. 

Speaking of the times, and his own views, a long time after, 
Marshall says : " When I recollect the wild, enthusiastic notions 
with which my political opinions of that day were tinctured, I am 
disposed to ascribe my devotion to the Union, and to a government 
coiiipeLent io its preservatiou, at least, as much to casual circum- 
stances as to judgment. I had grown up at a time when the love 
of union and the resistance to the claims of Great Britain, were 
the inseparable inmates of the same bosom ; when patriotism, and 
a strong fellow-feeling with our sufiering fellow-citizens of Boston 
were identical ; when the maxhn: ' United we stand, divided we 
fall,' was the maxim of every orthodox American. And I had 
imbibed these sentiments so thoroughly, that they constituted a 
part of my being. I carried them with me into the army when 
I found myself associated with brave men from difierent States, 
who were risking life and every thing valuable in a common cause, 
believed by all to be most precious, and where I was confirmed in 
the habit of considering America as my country, and Congress as 
my government. 

My immediate entrance into the State legislature opened to 
my view the causes which had been chiefly instrumental in 
augmenting the sufierings; and the general tendency of State 



JOHN MARSHALL. 433 

politics convinced me that no safe and permanent remedy could 
be found but in a more eificient and better organized general 
government." 

With these views he identified himself with the advocates of a 
solid union, and became a zealous advocate of the federal Consti- 
tution. When that instrument was submitted to the subordinate 
conventions of the several States, Marshall was elected a dele- 
gate to that of Virginia, which met at Richmond, June 2d, 17S8. 
It was an august body. No State in the Union could vie with 
Virginia in talented men ; her most eminent were there, and 
its deliberations marked with a seriousness and attention, seldom 
witnessed. Crowds thronged the place, eager to catch the inspir- 
ation of their eloquence. '• Day after day, from morning till night, 
the galleries of the House were continually filled with an anxious 
crowd, who forgot the inconvenience of their situation in the 
excess of their enjoyment ; and far from giving any interruption^ 
to the course of debate, increased its interest and solemnity by 
their silence and attention ; no bustle, no motion, no sound was 
heard among them, save only a slight movement when some new 
speaker arose whom they were all eager to hear and see ; or when 
some master stroke of eloquence shot thrilling along their nerves, 
and extorted an involuntary and inarticulate murmur. Day after 
day was this banquet of the mind and of the heart spread before 
them with a delicacy and variety which could never cloy. There, 
every taste might find its peculiar gratification, — the man of wit, the 
man of feeling, the critic, the philosopher, the historian, the meta- 
physician, the lover of logic, and admirer of rhetoric, — any man 
who had an eye for the beauty of action, or an ear for the har- 
mony of sound, or a soul for the charms of poetic fancy, — in short, 
every one who could see, or hear, or feel, or understand, might 
find, in the wanton profusion and prodigality of that Attic feast 
some delicacy adapted to his peculiar taste. Every mode of 
attack and defense of which the human mind is capable in decor- 
ous debate, — every species of weapons and armor, ofiensive and 
defensive, that could be used with advantage, from the Roman 
javelin to the Parthian arrow, — from the cloud of ^ueas to the 
shield of Achilles, — all human activity was seen on that celebrated 
floor.*" 

* William Wirt. Van Santvoord. 



^34 JOHN MARSHALL. 

Among them, using his great influence, might have been seen 
John Marshall. lie made several speeches during their deliber- 
ations, which evinced his correct practical views of good govern- 
ment. He seems to have been pitted against Patrick Henry, 
who was the most eloquent member, and among the most violent 
opponents to some parts of the federal Constitution. It required the 
ratification of nine States, and when Virginia gave in her ad- 
hesion, that number was obtained. The Richmond convention, 
however, expressed themselves favorable to it bj a very small 
majority, to the attainment of which he contributed much. On 
the adjournment of the convention, he resumed his duties as a 
member of the legislature. In politics, upon the great question 
of national and State sovereignties, he differed widely with Jeffer- 
son and Madison. He supported the principles of Hamilton's 
financial system, especially his plan for paying the interest of 
the national debt, which, it will be remembered, Jefferson attacked 
with much bitterness. As a member of the legislature, none had 
more influence, sounder judgment, or greater powers of compre- 
hension, and few more forensic eloquence. 

But, principally as a lawyer and a jurist, we are to view Johm 
Marshall. His main ambition was to excel in his profession, — 
an ambition which was gratified to its fullest extent. He was not 
one of those who, for the short-lived honors of a present politi- 
cal station, was willing to sacrifice his prospects in his chosen 
sphere. Of his profession he never lost sight, and made every- 
thing else subordinate to success therein. Even while in the legis- 
lature, he devoted himself to its study and duties. He had for- 
merly resigned his place as one of the executive council, because 
it conflicted with his desires and prevented his applying himself 
to his business. Hitherto, he had found leisure from official 
duties, sufficient to pay attention to his private matters, but busi- 
ness accumulated so fast upon his hands, that he could not attend 
to both ; so having to give up one or the other, he most unhesi- 
tatingly abandoned that, as a general thing, meanest of all trades, 
politics, and devoted himself entirely to his profession as a 
lawyer. 

To follow him through his distinguished career, and notice, 
however briefly, the various important causes in which he was 
engaged, and whose decision he controlled, would fill several 
volumes ; he continued in an extensive and honorable practice, 



JOHN MARSHALL. 435 

and so elevated the profession, that his name and the first talent 
of tlie American bar became syuonjans. His was the ponderous 
weapon of truth and logic ; where others led by rhetorical flourish, 
and lulled the sense with exotics of poesy, he drove his juries to 
conviction by his powers of argument. With such men as Henry, 
Bushrod Washington, and Campbell, he came in contact. Speak- 
ing of a suit of interest in which he was engaged with this latter 
gentleman, when quite an assemblage had met to witness the 
proceedings, Wirt says, that " Campbell played off his Apollonian 
airs ; but they were lost. Marshall spoke, as he always does, to 
the judgment merely, and for the purpose of convincing. Mar- 
shall was justly pronounced one of the first men of the country. 
He was followed by crowds, looked upon, courted with every evi- 
dence of admiration and respect for the great powers of his mind. 
Campbell was neglected and slighted, and came home in disgust. 
Marshall's maxim seems to have always been, '"aim exclusively at 
STRENGTH ;' and," continues the writer, " from his eminent success, 
I say, if I had my life to go over again, I would practice on this 
maxim with the most rigorous severity, until the character of my 
mind was established." 

After the issue of the neutrality proclamation, and the excite- 
ments it fomented, increased by the hostility to the Jay treaty, 
Marshall yielded a reluctant consent to the wishes of the people, 
and re-entered upon the duties of public life. He was elected as 
follows : Two gentlemen were candidates, and on the morning 
of the election, Marshall voted for the one entertaining views 
similar to his own. After he voted, some urged that a poll be 
opened for him ; Marshall objected and went about his business. 
The poll was opened, however, in his absence, which changed the 
whole aspect of things. At night he was surprised to learn that 
he had been actually placed on the track, and elected over both 
the other candidates. Such instances of popularity are very rare. 
Sternly identified with the federal party, he entered the legis- 
lature a firm friend to the administration ; armed with the 
powers of Ciceronian strength, he stood a bold colossus before 
his opponents during the controversies that followed. During the 
protracted discussion, while the ratification of Jay's treaty was 
pending, he so triumphantly vindicated it from the main objections 
urged against it, that the opponents abandoned them, and confined 
themselves to its inexpediency, instead of its averred illegality. 



436 JOHX MAESHALL. 

The speech he made ou this subject, is said to have been one of 
the ablest of his life. Be this as it may, it was circulated through- 
out the States, and the fame of Marshall became extensive with 
their limits, and also reached Europe. He served several terms 
in the legislature, with marked ability and success. 

In 1797, he was, in conjunction with Elbridge Gerry, and 
Pinckney, appointed minister to France. They reached Paris, 
October 4th, 1797, when flushed with success, Bonaparte was play- 
ing his great national tragedy upon the theater of continental 
Europe. Humiliated in defeat, Austria had grasped a forced 
reprieve at the bayonet's point, at Campo Formio; the bloody fields 
of the peninsula were strewn with memorials of the vanquished, 
and the tri-colored banners waved from the walls of Madrid ; 
everywhere the spirit of nationality seemed crushed out, and Hol- 
land and Portugal bowed submissively to the imperial mandate ; 
while stretching her vine-clad fields across the Alps, Italy forgot 
her mighty memories and paid reluctant tribute to power. In the 
cabinet a wily Talleyrand, more artful than a Macedonian 
Clineas, acted as premier, and, aided by his subtle genius, the 
power of the conqueror. It was too, not long after the recall of 
Monroe by our government, and the haughty rejection by the 
French Directory of Pinckney, as minister to the court of Ver- 
sailles. 

Under this unpleasant state of things, our miniaters opened 
negotiations on the 17th January, 1798, by the submission of a 
paper, of which Mabshall was the principal drafter, setting forth 
with particularity the existent difierences. This has been regarded 
as among the ablest productions of the American State papers. 
It elicited no reply. Talleyrand had frequent interviews with 
them, but not in official capacity. Some days elapsed, when the 
premier was asked whether he had any reply to make ; he gave 
notice that he had not, but in compliance with requests for an 
interview, appointed the 2d of March. On that day they were 
received, but not as ministers. After playing this game for some 
time, Talleyrand unmasked himself by demanding a loan, as the 
first step to negotiation : the ministers rejected it. This propo- 
sition he rather coated over to make it more palatable ; Gerry, at 
length, consented to swallow it; Marshall and Pinckney still 
refused. The ministers were now divided, and slipping into the 
breach, the artful negotiator thought he could manage them to his 



JOHN MAESHALL. 437 

wishes. All his diplomacy, skill, address, and cunning, were 
brought into action. But it was of no avail. Marshall under- 
stood him, and thought as little of compromising the dignity of 
his nation, as of imitating the trickster's cunning. 

Disgusted with the shameless conduct of the Directory, and the 
vain arrogance of Talleyrand, Marshall and Pinckney returned 
home, leaving Gerry in France, who, however, refused all of the 
premier's propositions upon the basis that his powers were con- 
joined with his colleagues, and he had no right to act without their 
co-operation. Speaking of this embassy afterward, Marshall 
says: "History will scarcely furnish the example of a nation 
not absolutely degraded, which has received from a foreign power 
such open contumely and undisguised insult, as were on this 
occasion suffered by the United States in the persons of their 
ministers," 

At a public dinner given him, soon after his return, his exem- 
plified laconic " millions for defense, but not a cent for tribute," 
received the enthusiastic approval of his fellow-citizens. After 
reaching home, he fully determined to devote himself to his pro- 
fession. His profession he loved, and it was almost a species of 
mental coercion to labor in any other sphere. In this expectation 
he was doomed to disappointment. He received a note from 
Washington, requesting his attendance at Mount Yernon. He 
complied, not thinking what was the object. In private con- 
versation the President, after giving him to understand he did 
not deem it necessary to enlarge upon the troublous times, 
or the importance of correct men to meet their emergencies, dis- 
closed himself by urging him to engage in national politics, and 
become a candidate for Congress. To Marshall's feelings, 
nothing could have been more repugnant, yet, urged by Washing- 
ton, whom he knew to be actuated by motives purely for the public 
good, he sacrificed personal preferences and became a candidate. 

This election, however, was far from unanimous ; not that his 
personal popularity had waned, but the violence of party politics 
had increased, and personal considerations actuated men less in 
the bestowal of their suffrages. He took his seat in the national 
legislature, as ar valuable accession to the Federal party, in 
December, 1799. The 'triumphs of that party, in electing heavy 
majorities to both houses, somewhat chagrined their opponents. 
Jefferson, speaking of the members of Congress, said: "Many 



438 JOHN MARSHALL. 

of them were new aud moderate men, and soon saw the true 
character of the party to which they had been well disposed at a 
distance." This included Marshall. Wolcott, speaking of the 
same subject, says : '' A number of distinguished men appear 
from the southward, who are not pledged by any act to support 
the system of the last Congress ; these men will pay great respect 
to the opinions of Marshall ; he is, doubtless, a man of virtue and 
distinguished talents, but he will think much of the State of Vir- 
ginia, and is too much disposed to govern the world according to 
rules of logic ; he will read and expound the Constitution as if it 
were a penal statute, and will, sometimes, be embarrassed with 
doubts of which his friends will not perceive the importance." 

Unbiased, save by his own conclusions, Marshall labored for 
the public good ; though as tending most to promote it, he 
generally acted with the Federal party. He voted affirmatively 
on the bill abolishing the Sedition laws, which had become so 
odious to the people. In the deliberations of that body, he exerted 
a potential influence, and was looked upon as a man unsurpassed 
for soundness of judgment, by any member on the floor. He was 
not to say one of the talking members, but when occasion required, 
he gave displays of compact, solid reasoning that had more weight 
than the most eloquent appeals. While he was a member, reso- 
lutions reproaching the President were presented for adoption by 
Livingston. This grew out of the compliance of the President 
to a demand made by the British government, for the person of a 
man, who, it was proved, had outraged the law on board one of 
their vessels ; the individual was delivered up and executed. 
This called for the resolutions denouncing the course of the Presi- 
dent. Here was a focus of centrality for party feelings, as they 
were favorable or uutavorable to the administration. Livingston 
had just made an able speech in their support ; Marshall replied. 
It was a speech of some length, and was pronounced " one of the 
most consummate judicial arguments which was ever pronounced 
in the halls of legislation ;" " an answer so irresistible that it ad- 
mitted of no reply," etc. The consequence of this talented oppo- 
sition was the defeat of the resolution by a good majority. We 
have said that Marshall was not to be called really an eloquent 
man, perhaps we had better let Judge Story, who knew him best 
and loved him best, speak of him as a debater. He says : " In 
regard to eloquence, if by that be merely meant an ornamental 



JOHN MARSHALL. 439 

diction, splendor of style, impassioned delivery, and fine flourishes 
of rhetoric, it could scarcely be said to belong to his forensic ad- 
dresses. But if by eloquence be meant the power to address other 
men's minds in language expressive and luminous ; to present the 
proper topics of argument in their just order and fullness ; to con- 
vince the understanding by earnest and sententious appeals; and by 
the force of reasoning to disarm prejudice, to subdue passion, and 
dissipate popular delusion ; if these be the attributes of eloquence, 
then, indeed, few men might more justly aspire to such distinc- 
tion. I would not claim for him that he possessed the power to 
seduce men's understandings by persuasive insinuations or hon- 
eyed accents ; but I aflirm that he withdrew their understand- 
ings from the potency of such artifices, so that they fell lifeless at 
his feet. To him may unhesitatingly be applied the language of 
Cicero, pronounced upon one of the greatest lawyers of Rome, that 
he possessed a mastery of the highest art of oratory , — the art of 
analyzing, defining, and illustrating a subject ; separating the 
true from the false ; and deducing from each other the appropri- 
ate consequences." The same gentleman, speaking of his con- 
versational powers, adds that there were times " in which he was 
roused, by the interest of the subject, to such a glowing strain 
of animated reasoning, that 1 am convinced that he was no 
stranger to appeals to the heart; and that when he chose, he could 
call up from the very depths of the soul its most powerful feel- 
ings." Divest the above of a little too high a coloring, incident 
to the most exalted friendship, and it is, doubtless, a fair estimate 
of Marshall's speaking attributes. 

Congress closed its session. May the 14th, and with it ended 
his political career. For the ensuing quarter of a century, we 
are to view him in the august robes of Chief Justice of the 
Supreme Court of the United States. True, he was appointed 
Secretary of State by Mr. Adams, to fill the unexpired term 
caused by the dismissal of Pickering, but it was of short duration. 
An important correspondence occurred during his secretaryship, 
wherein the national dignity was sustained with his usual judg- 
ment and firmness. From his espousal of the doctrines of the 
Federal party, he was accused by some of doing every thing the 
President required; and indeed, Adams himself affirmed, in 
excusing himself for dismissing Pickering, that his " new secre- 
tary, Maeshall, did everything to his entire satisfaction." With' 



440 JOHN MARSHALL. 



i„ 



regard to this, au eDiiuent writer remarks, that "every one who 
knew that great man, John Maksiiall, knew that he possessed, to 
an extraordinary degree, the faculty of putting his own ideas into 
the minds of others unconsciously to them. The secret of Mr. 
Adams' satisfaction was, that he obeyed the "secretary of State 
without being conscious of it." So it would seem that the Presi- 
dent rather did everything to Marshall's " entire satisfaction." 
Fifty-eight years have elapsed since Marshall was appointed 
chief justice, in 1801, to fill the vacancy occasioned by the resig- 
nation of Oliver Ellsworth. In regard to this appointment, 
McHeni-y, who had been secretary of war, said: "Mr. Adams 
has committed another blunder." Pity that executives now-a-days 
are not prone to commit such " blunders." He took his seat on 
the bench in February, 1801, with Chase, Patterson, Gushing, 
Moore, and Bushrod Washington for his associates. Seldom, if 
ever, has the Supreme Court been filled by so rare a combination 
of talent and learning. We can not think of following the chief 
justice through his long and honorable judicial career, with a 
view of particularizing the individual cases he decided, and which 
decisions are every where referred to as precedents, and safe exposi- 
tions of the laws of the country ; such a course would be a repe- 
tition of the most expansive and luminous collection of legal 
acumen upon the American records. In regard to the duties of 
his position, he entered upon their discharge, entertaining the fol- 
lowing views: "I have always thought," says he, "from my 
earliest youth till now, that the greatest scourge an angry Heaven 
ever inflicted upon an ungrateful and sinning people, was an 
ignorant, a corrupt, or dependent judiciary." With the above 
conceptions in regard to his station, he combined the following 
personal appearance, which we have from Judge Story : " Mar- 
shall is of a tall, slender figure, not graceful or imposing, but 
erect and steady. His hair is black, his eyes twinkling, his 
forehead rather low, but his features are, in general, harmonious. 
His manners are plain, yet dignified, and an unaffected modesty 
diffuses itself through all his actions. His dress is very simple, 
yet neat ; his language chaste, but hardly elegant ; it does flow 
rapidly, but it seldom wants precision. In conversation, he is 
quite familiar, but is occasionally embarrassed by a hesitancy and 
drawling. His thoughts are always clear and ingenious, some- 
times striking and not often inconclusive ; he possesses great 



JOHN MARSHALL. 441 

subtlety of mind, but it is only occasionally exhibited. I love his 
laugh, — it is too hearty for an intriguer, and his good temper and 
unvaried patience are equally agreeable on the bench and in the 
study. His genius is, in my opinion, vigorous and powerful, less 
rapid than discriminating, and less vivid than uniform in its light, 
lie examines the intricacies of a subject with calm and persevering 
circumspection, and unravels the mysteries with irresistible acute- 
ness. He has not the majesty of Johnson ; but in subtle logic, he 
is no unworthy disciple of David Hume."* With the above 
personal appearance, his views of an independent judiciary, before 
named, and inflexible firmness, with "always aim at strength" 
for his maxim, and the whole adorned with high moral purity, we 
can picture Marshall upon the bench fifty years ago. At his 
career there we can give but a hasty glance. His de- 
cisions are a part of the American law, — his opinions, its fair- 
interpretation, — his laborious term, a bright page of judicial: 
hist'ory. 

Among the first of his many important cases, was that of 
Marbury against Madison. Without elaborating upon the case 
in detail, we will give the main principle involved and settled by 
his decision, which was, for the first time, established by supreme 
authority, and one upon which hinges the proper M'orking of the- 
judiciary. It was this : " That it is the right and the duty of the 
judicial deparLineac to dcfceniiiue lue cunBtiLUiiouaiity oi a legis- 
lative act, and if such act be found repugnant to the provisions of 
the Constitution, to declare it null and void." This was placing 
the department upon its deserved high grounds. In his able and 
somewhat lengthy opinion, he uses this language: "It is em- 
phatically the province and the duty of the judicial department 
to say what the law is. Those who apply the rule to particular- 
cases, must of necessity, expound and interpret that rule. If two 
laws conflict with each other, the court must decide on the opera- 
tion of each. So, if the law be in opposition to the Constitution." 
Henceforth, this doctrine became forever a settled point. 

Soon after, another legal principle was settled by his decision 
in the case of the United States against Judge Peters. It was 
this : "That the legislature of a State could not annul the judg- 
ment, or determine the jurisdiction, of the courts of the United: 



* Van Santvoord. 

30 



442 JOHN MARSHALL. 

States, or destroy rights acquired under those judgments." 
"Otherwise," he continues, "the Constitution itself becomes a 
solemn mockery ; and the nation is deprived of the means of 
enforcing its laws by the instrumentality of its own tribunals." 

Another principle was settled in the case of Fletcher against 
Peck. The State of Georgia granted to the State Company a 
large parcel of land ; Peck, by right of the company, conveyed 
by deed, a portion of the same land to the plaiutifi" Fletcher, 
relinquishing all State and company rights. Just before this 
transfer, Georgia had repealed the act whereby it was made 
Fletcher sued Peck for a breach of contract. Here was an express 
contract impaired by legislative enactment, against which was 
constitutional provision. The question then was, could Georgia 
or any other State annul an act under the Constitution, when the 
result would be a rescission of the contracts it originated. Mae- 
shall established the doctrine, " that a grant of lands is a contract 
within the meaning of the Constitution, and that when a State* iaw 
was in its nature a contract, and absolute rights have vested under 
it, a repeal of the law could not divest these rights or impair the 
title so acquired." "Since then, in fact, a grant is a contract 
executed, the obligation of which still continues, and since the 
Constitution uses the term contract, without distinguishing be- 
tween those which are executory and those which are executed, 
it must be construed to mean the latter as well as the former. A 
law annulling conveyances between individuals, and declaring 
that the grantors should stand seized of their former estates, not- 
withstanding these grants, would be as repugnant to the Consti- 
tution as a law discharging the vendors of property from the 
obligation of executing their contracts by conveyances. It would 
be strange if a contract to convey was secured by the Constitution, 
while an absolute conveyance remained unprotected." 

For these cases and opinions at large, the reader is referred to 
that golden casket of legal lore, Cranch's Reports, where he will find 
as bright a treasure of facts, as ever sparkled from the light of mind, 
and as fine a literary feast as ever regaled the taste of a student. 

Inasmuch, as we can not dwell at length, upon the many cases 
both of general and local interest, adjudicated during Marshall's 
judicial career, we shall select, as one that excited the popular 
mind to a degree rarely equaled, the trial of that singular combi- 
nation of genius, talent, cunning and energy, — Aaron Burr. 



JOHN MARSHALL. 443 

Entertaining, it was said, schemes of separating the Union, and 
establishing a " Western Confederacy" after his disappovitnient 
in getting to the Presidency, he was forced to see the project was 
too stupendous for him, enterprising and intellectual as he was. 
Having little moral principle, his highest quality being an inordi- 
nate ambition, he next turned his attention to Mexico, where, a 
second Cortez, he designed enthroning himself among the domains 
of the Thiscalan. Both of these projects were unlawful. The 
rumors against him became so strong, and were so corroborated by 
various movements set on foot, that a warrant was issued for his 
arrest. He was apprehended in January, 1807, while descend- 
ing the Mississippi, and kept in close custody. He contrived to 
escape, and in disguise turned his course to Mobile, Alabama, 
but was recaptured on the Tonibigbee river, soon after. It is 
mortifying to see one of the first intellects of his day, who had 
been Vice-president, thus pursued by outraged justice, as a culprit, 
to answer the charge of treason against a country by which he 
had been so highly honored. The lesson is not without its moral. 
It teaches aspiring young men that under our institutions, energy 
will lead them to the highest position, and that a total disregard 
of moral principle, which is, after all, man's true measurement, 
will as certainly hurl them to the lowest. 

Burr was brought to trial. May 22d, 1807, before Chief Justice 
Marshall, in the city of Washington. On the side of the prose- 
cution, were arrayed William Wirt, McRea, and Hoy. Burr 
appeared for himself, and managed the defense in a very able 
manner ; he was assisted by Baker, Botts, and Luther Martin. 
Burr, it is said, evinced, during his trial, all the traits of an ele- 
vated mind and unsurpassed abilities as a lawyer. Despite the 
popular prejudice against him, both personal and general, Mar- 
shall presided over the court with stern inflexibility, determined 
justice should be done to the State prisoner. During the trial. 
Burr moved for a writ of subpoena duces teoutn to the President, 
for the purpose of obtaining some documents, then in possession 
of General Wilkinson. This was strongly opposed by the prose- 
cuting attorneys. Marshall decided in favor of the prisoner, and 
made the following just remarks: "It is not for the court to 
anticipate the result of the present prosecution. Should it termi- 
nate, as is expected, on the part of the United States, all those who 
are concerned in it should certainly regret that a paper, which the 



444 JOHN MARSHALL. 

accused believed essential to his defense, which may, for anght 
that now appears, be essential, had been withheld from him. I 
will not say that this circumstance would, in any degree, tarnish 
the reputation of the government; but I will say that it would 
tarnish the reputation of the court, which had given its sanction 
to its being withheld. Might I be permitted to utter one senti- 
ment with regard to myself, it would be to deplore most earnestly 
the occasion which should compel me to look back on any part of 
my official conduct, with so much self-reproach as I should feel, 
could I declare, on the information now possessed, that the accused 
is not entitled to the letter in question, if it should be important 
to him," 

On the 22d of May, the grand jury was impanneled, and 
brought in instructions against Burr and Blennerhasset for treason, 
June 24th. Day after day was spent in trying to get a jury ; 
but, so great was the prejudice against the prisoner, that it was 
with much difficulty one was obtained. Many incidents of an 
exciting nature intervened during this time. Hamilton Mor- 
rison was being interrogated as to his pre- opinions, and on some 
objection being manifest, petulantly remarked : "I am surprised 
why they should be in such terror of me. Perhaps my name may 
be a terror, for my first name is Hamilton ;" ti*ue enough, to a man 
of more sensibility than Burr, it would have thrilled along the 
ncrvss like an cbctric skcck ; net so with him. " Tlicit remark 
is sufficient cause of objecting to you," coolly remarked Burr in 
his challenge. On the 3d of August, the regular trial began. 
Much asperity was manifest on both sides ; none but a Marshall 
could have kept them in due bounds of restraint. To Luther 
Martin, Burr's old friend and counsel, it was hinted that he had 
better "economize time." "Economize time," he exclaimed tartly, 
"I know what economy they wish. They wish us to be silent; they 
would, if they could, deprive Colonel Burr's counsel of an oppor- 
tunity of defending him, that they might hang him up as soon as 
possible to gratify themselves and the government." Burr's 
counsel replied " that it was a most unprincipled and unfounded 
assertion." Here the calmness of Marshall interposed with con- 
ciliatory language, that like oil upon the troubled waters, brought 
the court to a sense of duty. "I had hoped," said he, "that no 
BUch allusions would be made ; that the government ought to be 
treated with respect, and that there was a delicacy to be observed 



JOHN MARSHALL. 445 

on that subject, from which he hoped there would be no departure 
hereafter." 

" I rose to stop the progress of such language, when up before," 
coolly remarked Burr : " I had made sufficient apologies, if any 
M'ere necessary, for any expressions which had been used, and I 
had hoped that no allusion would be made to the subject. It will 
be recollected that I have carefully avoided such myself, and 
imposed similar restraint upon my counsel ; and urged that the 
government should be treated with the utmost delicacy, though 
there was great provocation from the gentlemen, on the part of 
the prosecution, which would have justified harsh terms. I hope 
these things M^ill cease. On the part of my counsel, I am sure 
they will cease." 

Burr -was a polished man, — understood well the deconim due 
from him to the court. It has been said, that his designs in 
Mexico were worthy the enterprise of a Caesar, or the genius of a 
Napoleon ; and that their maturity might have changed the ulti- 
mate destiny of that distracted country. Let his motives have 
been what they may, throughout his trial he maintained a decorous 
dignity and manly bearing, notwithstanding the assertion of 
McRea to the contrary. This trial was a second Hastings' im- 
peachment, and the abilit}^ evinced on the part of the prosecution, 
especially b}' Wirt, was a second Sheridan exhibition. They based 
their arguments in support of Burr's implication in the rendez- 
vous of troops upon Blennerhasset's island, principally upon col- 
lateral evidence, which Marshall decided to be inadmissible.* 
He said that " if a body of men be actually assembled for the 
purpose of effecting, by force, a treasonable object, all those who 
perform any part, however minute or however remote from the 
scene of action, and who are actually leagued in the general 
conspiracy, are to be considered as traitors." Burr, he insisted, 
was remote from the island at the time of the hostile demon- 
strations, and that the collateral proof proposed to be adduced 
from his actions was insufficient to establish his connection there 
with. 

Under solemn instruction from the court, as to the weight to be 
attached to the testimony, the jury retired. After a short absence 
they brought in a verdict of not guilty. Marshall was widely 

* Lives of Chief Justices. 



446 JOHN MARSHALL. 

censured for several rulings in this case, especially that excluding 
colhiteral testimony. AVirt wrote that " Marshall had stepped 
in between Burr and death. He has pronounced an opinion that 
our evidence is all irrelevant. Burr not having been jpresent at 
the island with the assemblage, and the act itself not amounting 
to a levying of war," " The second prosecution against Burr," 
he continues, "is also at an end;" Marshall again arrested the 
evidence. "A motion will be made to commit him and his con- 
federates for trial in Kentucky, or wherever else the judge shall, 
from the whole evidence, believe their crimes to have been com- 
mitted. There is no knowing what will become of the motion ; I 
believe it will be defeated." 

Burr was held to appear in Ohio, against a charge of originat- 
ing a secret movement in that State against Mexico ; his bail was 
fixed at three thousand dollars. He never appeared. At this 
decision he was highly displeased, as were his prosecutors, at the 
former. He wrote his daughter that "the opinion was a matter 
of regret and surprise to the friends of the chief justice, and of 
ridicule to his enemies, — all believing that it was a sacrifice 
of principle to conciliate Jack Cade." Prominent men animad- 
verted, and harshly too, upon his course. Giles, the senator from 
Marshall's own State, brought in a bill in view of the develop- 
ments of the Burr trial, defining treason, and fixing its penalties. 
In urging it before the legislature, he answered the chief justice in 
strong terms, saying: "I have learned that judicial opinions on 
this subject are like changeable silks, which vary their colors, as 
they are held up in political sunshine." 

These opinions affected the chief justice about as much as the 
dart of a Lilliput would the shield of an Achilles. His motives 
were pure, his course correct, his virtue irreproachable, his firm- 
ness unbending and his consciousness of right, the property of his 
own bosom. Some one asked Wirt, after the trial, "why he did 
liot tell Marshall the American people demanded a conviction." 
" Tell him that ; I would as soon have gone to Herschell, and 
told him that the people of America insisted that the moon had 
horns, as a reason why he should draw her with him," was the 
response. AVirt knew the man ; and that the want of the 
American mind, excited by prejudice, would not move him an 
iota in his decisions as chief justice of the Supreme Court. 

Nationally, the trial of Burr excited universal attention, and 



JOHN MARSHALL. 447 

assumed a place of importance equaled by few ever adjudicated in 
this country. For the full proceedings, the reader is referred to 
"Burr's trial," as we must now consider other matters. Among 
the decisions of Marshall that established principles of law in 
definite settlement, were some of judge and admiralty nature, 
which embrace almost the alpha of this branch of American 
jurisprudence. Among these was the principle settled in the 
case of Kose against Himely, " that the jurisdiction of a foreign 
tribunal may be examined in the Supreme Court of this country, 
and if such tribunal can not, consistently with the law of nations, 
exercise the jurisdiction it has assumed, its sentence is to be dis- 
regarded ; that, though the rights of war might be exercised by a 
country on the high seas, yet that the legislation of every country 
being territorial, its rights of sovereignty in the execution of a 
mere municipal law, must be exercised within its own territory ; 
and therefore, that the seizure of a vessel not belonging to a 
subject, made on the high seas, for the breach of a municipal 
regulation, was an act which the sovereign could not authorize, 
and such seizure was totally invalid." 

It was not long from tliis time, when Judge Story came upon 
the bench, to fill the place of Gushing ; as associate judge, 
William Pinckuey brought to the court his talents and le^al 
acumen ; Clay and Webster also appeared there as younger 
aspirants for legal fame. We will notice one more case of 
admiralty, and proceed: Pinto, a Buenos Ayres merchant, got a 
British man-of-war, for the conveyance of goods, etc., from Lon- 
don to that place. During the voyage, she was captured hy one 
of our privateers, carried to New York, and condemned as a prize. 
Pinto brought suit, averring that, as a neutral, he had the right to 
charter an armed vessel of the enemy for the purpose of convey- 
ance. The case was argued at length, by Emmett and others, for 
tlie plaintiff, while on the opposite side, appeared William 
Pinckney. Emmett argued the case with discrimination, and the 
latter gentleman made one of his ablest efforts, characterized 
wath the most fervid eloquence. But all his skill, tact, learning, 
and eloquence could not move Marshall, though he testified to 
his masterly speech. In the course of his decision, alluding to 
Pinckney's effort, he said : " With a pencil dipped in the most 
vivid colors, and guided by the hand of a master, a splendid 
portrait has been drawn, exhibiting the vessel and the freighter as 



448 JOHN MARSHALL. 

forming a single figure, composed of the most discordant 
materials of peace and war. So exquisite was the skill of the 
artist, so dazzling the garb in which the figure was presented, 
that it required the exercise of that cool, investigating faculty, 
which ought always to belong to those who sit on this bench to 
discover its only imperfection, — its want of resemhlance.^''* 

In his decision he had no landmark, — no precedent of a like 
nature. He decided that neutrals had a right to employ unarmed 
ships for transports belonging to an enemy at war, — and conse- 
quently, armed ones too, provided the persons so employing them 
do not insist in resisting, on their capture, in case of attack. 
This, it is said, was about the most unsatisfactory opinion he 
delivered during his thirty-four years' term. 

Passing over a large number of important cases tried, the 
most casual notice of which would be impossible in this con- 
nection, we will notice briefly the celebrated Bank Case. This was 
a suit between the United States and the State of Maryland, and 
grew out of an act passed by the latter, levying tax upon a branch 
of the United States Bank, situated in the State. This act was 
alleged to be nnconstitutional by the government. The State 
thereupon said, the charter of the institution, in the first place, 
was not guaranteed to the Constitution. This was a great case. 
"Wirt, Webster, Pinckney, Martin and Jones were counsel in the 
argument. Pinckney made the last speech, and said, — " nothing 
but miserable shreds, the ragged odds and ends, the tristes 
reliques^'' had been left of the argument. The decision was 
against the State, and in favor of the Bank. In his long opinion, 
occur the following words: "We admit, as all must admit, that 
the powers of the government are limited, and that its limits are 
not to be transcended. But we think the sound construction of 
the Constitution must allow to the national legislature, that dis- 
cretion^ with respect to the means by which the powers it confers 
are to be carried into execution, which will enable that body to 
perform the high duties assigned to it in the manner most bene- 
ficial to the people. Let the end be legitimate, — let it be within 
the scope of the Constitution, and all means loTiich are appropri- 
ate^ which are plainly adapted to that end^ which are not pro- 
hibited^ hut consist with the letter and spirit of the Constitution, 

* Van Santvoord, 



JOHN MARSHALL. 449 

are constitutional^ Upon this principle he based his decision. 
Though no political or party biases influenced him in the least, in 
this or any other decisions, it will be borne in mind that he was a 
Federalist. The Bank could not be taxed by the State, he said, 
" on a principle which so entirely pervades the Constitution, is so 
intermixed with the materials which compose it, so' interwoven 
with its web, so blended with its texture as to be incapable of 
being separated from it without rending it into shreds. This 
great principle is, that the Constitution and the laws made in 
pursuance thereof are supreme, that they control the constitutions 
and laws of the respective States, and can not be controlled by 
them. From this, which may almost be termed an axiom, other 
propositions may be deduced as corollaries, on the truth or error 
of which, and on their application to this case, the course has 
been supposed to depend. These are: 1st, that a power to create, 
implies a power to preserve; 2d, that a power to destroy that if 
wielded by a different hand is hostile to, and incompatible with 
these powers to create and to preserve ; 3d, that where this repug- 
nance exists, that authority which is supreme must control, not 
yield to that other over which it is supreme." He further says : 
" If the States may tax one instrument employed by the govern- 
ment in the execution of its powers, they may tax any and every 
other instrument. They may tax a mint ; they may tax the 
mail ; they may tax patent rights ; they many tax the papers 
of the Custom House; they may tax judicial process; they 
may tax all the means employed by the general government 
to an excess which would defeat all the ends of the general gov- 
ernment. This was not intended by the American people. They 
did not design to make their government dependent on the States." 
Other causes hinging upon the constitutionality of the Bank, etc., 
ensued, which were disposed of upon similar views. With scrupu- 
lous conscientiousness, he made every thing subordinate to the 
Constitution. For, he would say, if so and so " be the Consti- 
tution, it is the duty of the court to bow with respectful submis- 
sion to its provisions. If such be not the Constitution, it is 
equally the duty of the court to say so, and to perform that task 
which the American people have assigned to the judicial depart- 
ment." 

A case, argued and decided not long after, involved the question 
of occupancy and discovery to the lands of North America. It 



450 JOHN MARSHALL. 

was the case of Johnson aii;ainst Mcintosh. Johnson chiiined 
some hind in the State of Illinois, which he held by title from the 
Indians: Mcintosh claimed the same land, under a title from the 
general government. It was argued at length, by able counsel 
on both sides. The opinion of Marshall was learned, elaborate, 
unanswerable and conclusive. He showed that the right of occu- 
pancy had been superseded by discovery and subsequent revo- 
lutioi], thereby establishing the territorial jurisdiction of the 
United States over her immense possessions. 

But, as before indicated, we can not pursue these opinions to 
too great a length ; his career on the bench, is an epoch in the 
history of our judiciary, and coming to the bench just at a time 
when the various departments of government had passed the 
fearful ordeal of experiment, and assumed the appearance of 
vigorous progressive expansion, he more than any other man, 
deserves to stand foremost in the bright array of American 
jurists. 

Marshall, it will be remembered, had literary tastes when 
young ; these he retained. It was said of Trajan, that he was 
peculitirly fortunate in finding a Pliny; of Washington, it may 
be said, he was equally so in finding a Marshall, to adorn 
history with his mighty deeds. Marshall's Life of Washington, 
until the more recent issues of the elaborate works of Sparks 
and Irving, was the best biography of that eminent man, and as 
a history of those stirring times is a valuable work. Like every 
thing coming from Marshall, it is plain, simple and unaffected, 
evidently showing a greater desire to instruct the mind than to 
please the ear, — to benefit the people rather than disarm criticism. 

In 1S29, Virginia called a convention to revise the State consti- 
tution. To this body Marshall, then in his seventy-fifth year, 
was sent as a delegate. Madison and Monroe, Marshall, and 
Upshur, '' venerable men, who had come down from another 
generation," — men learned with the accumulated wisdom of years, 
and woven with the elements of their country, were there, Mon- 
roe was chosen president of the body, an honor which Madison 
declined on account of his age and infirmities. In the able debates 
that followed, Marshall participated only to a limited extent. 
The noble type of a primeval age, his locks all whitened, his frame 
somewhat attenuated, his manners gentle, his figure tall, his eyes 
black and piercing, and his mien reverential, he occupied his seat, 



JOHN MARSHALL. 451 

like a sage instructor over a school of younger legislators, who 
emulated each other in doing him homage. 

Illustrative of this, during a heated debate, and much excitement, 
Marshall was making some remarks, when the noise became so 
great that he could be heard with difficulty ; suddenly rising to his 
feet, one of the members exclaimed : " Wisdom crieth aloud ia 
the street and her voice is not heard." Order was soon restored. 
Marshall was a federalist, but not a partisan. "Warm and 
ardent in his attachment to both men and measures, his purity 
and patriotism restrained undue exhibitions of his feelings. As a 
man, he was simply plain John Marshall. An anecdote ia 
related of him, which shows the practical simplicity of his nature. 
A young man of the dandy school, one day purchased a small 
article or two at a store, and was sadly vexed that he could find 
no one to take them home. He stood furiously lamenting his 
fate, when Marshall coming along in his plain attire and man- 
ners, asked the cause of his irritation, which was explained. 
Marshall remarked, that he was going by his house, and would 
carry it for him. Tiie young man, scarce deigning to notice so 
plainly clad a gentleman, gave up the article. Arriving at his 
gate it was given up to him, and his valet quietly passed on. 
" What old man is that who brought this along for me ?" inquired, 
the exquisite of the first passer-by. "That gentleman," he 
answered, "that is John Marshall, chief justice of the Supreme 
Court." The nice youngster's feelings, at so cutting a rebuke, 
will have to be imagined. 

- In 1835, Marshall presided over the Supreme Court for the 
last time. Though he had attained his eightieth year, his great 
intellect was undimmed ; in fact, fearing that his mental powers 
might become impaired, he had requested near friends, in case 
of any indications of such an event, to tell him immediately of 
the fact, with a view to his retiring from the bench. At this 
last court, he evinced his usual vigor of mind and dignified 
demeanor, though no business of very great importance was trans- 
acted. 

On its adjournment, and soon after he reached home, he became 
very ill. He improved, however, in a short time, so as to be 
enabled to receive his friends ; strong hopes were now entertained 
of his recovery. He consented to visit Philadelphia, for the pur- 
pose of availing himself of the best medical aid. There, his 



452 JOHN MARSHALL. 

illness assumed an alarming aspect, and hope was entirely 
abandoned. . Surrounded by the best of friends, who did all they 
could to alleviate his suffering, he continued to sink until the 6th 
of July, 1835, when he died as a Christian alone could die. 

His remains were conveyed to Richmond by an escort, where, 
after the most solemn funeral obsequies, they were deposited 
beside the grave of his wife, iu the cemetery. Many tributes were 
paid to his illustrious name. At the next session of the Supreme 
Court, Henry Clay pronounced his eulogy, and Story responded. 
Resolutions expressive of their grief and loss, were passed by the 
members of the bar throughout the entire country. One passed 
by the bar at Charleston, South Carolina, reads as follows: 
"Though his authority as Chief Justice, was protracted far 
beyond the ordinary term of public life, no man dared to covet 
his place, or express a wish to see it filled by another. Even the 
spirit of party respected the unsullied purity of the judge, and 
the fame of the chief justice has justified the wisdom of the 
Constitution, and reconciled the jealousy of freedom to the inde- 
pendence of the judiciary." 

Having thus glanced at Marshall's public career, we will close 
with the words of his eulogist, Binney, in regard to him as a 
private individual : " He had no frays in his boyhood. He had 
no quarrels or outbreakiugs in manhood. He was the composer 
of strifes. He spoke ill of no man. He meddled not with their 
affairs. He viewed their worst deeds through the medium of 
charity. He had eight sisters and six brothers, with all of whom 
from youth to age, his intercourse was marked by the utmost 
kindness and affection ; and although his eminent talents, high 
public character, and acknowledged usefulness, could not fail to 
be a subject of pride and admiration to all of them ; there is no 
one of his numerous relations, who has had the happiness of a 
personal association with him, in whom his purity, simplicity, 
and affectionate benevolence, did not produce a deeper and more 
cherished impression, than all the achievements of his powerful 
intellect." 




JAMES MADISON. 



JAMES MADISON. 



It has been said of Gibbon's works, that they form a bridge, 
which, spanning the abyss of the medieval age, connects ancient 
with modern times, and enables the historic student to pass from 
the deeds and exploits of more recent actors, to the theater of 
past glories, and gather the treasures of long-gone centuries. 

Having endeavored to give the records of those who figured 
most conspicuously in our country, from the first assertion of 
colonial right, through the tumultuous throes of revolution, till an 
organization was effected that has resulted in her present glorious 
proportions, it seems but proper to bring in the name of one, with 
M'hose administration, our great development seems to have fairly 
commenced. 

The eighteenth century passed by, leaving us triumphant in a 
war of opinion. We had declared, then fought, and then organ- 
ized. Though, successful in these, young Freedom, yet at its 
parent breast, had to be nursed into strength to support itself. 
The task of its development devolved, in a measure, upon others 
than those, who kept it from being "strangled in its birth." 
Fortunately, it was fostered with fraternal care, till " hardened into 
the bone of manhood," by anxious and patriotic guardians. 
Among the first of these was James Madison, who, through 
cloud and storm, protected its growth for four 3'ears, and gave it 
into the hands of his successor in a state of progressive maturity. 

He was born in Orange County, Virginia, March 5th, 1750. 
His family was one of influence and wealth, and much respected 
for their high traits of character. The name of his father was 
also, James ; the family were of Welsh descent, and were among 

(453) 



454 JAMES MADISON. 

the earliest settlers of Virginia. Young Madison was early 
started to school, and studied the elementary branches under the 
tuition of Donald Robinson. Another gentleman, Rev. Thomas 
Martin, was afterward secured as private teacher in his father's 
family, by whom he was instructed in the higher branches, and 
prepared for college. After enjoying the benefits of the instruction 
of this worthy man for some time, he entered Princeton College, 
where he graduated with credit, in 1771. 

At college, he was studious, energetic, and ambitious to excel. 
So high was his character at this institution, that the president, 
years after, declared to a friend : " That, in the whole course of 
Madison at college, he had never known him to say or do an 
indecent thing." Though active and ambitious, Madison was care- 
ful to fortify himself by the cultivation of correct reasoning and 
solid principles. Hence, on approaching the period when hia 
talents and abilities were called into requisition in behalf of his 
country, he possessed a judgment, seldom inaccurate, and a dis- 
cretion that prevented any acts of imprudence. His thoughts 
were early directed to the law ; but, scarce had he returned to his 
State from college, and begun to devote himself to the profession, 
when the war prevented all opportunities of advancement. In 1775, 
he was placed on the Committee of Safety, in his native county, 
and was the next year elected to the State Assembly. 

Tins body, taking into consideration die destiny that was 
opening before him, was for him the finest of schools; he was a 
vigilant member, and studied carefully the manner and workings 
of a legislative body. At this session, he laid deep and broad the 
foundations of his future career and usefulness. In 1775, he was 
created a member of the executive council, which post he con- 
tinued to occupy for nearly two years. After his services in this 
capacity, he was elected to the Continental Congress. lie took 
his seat in that body, March 20th, 1780, — a portentous period in 
our history. 

" It was then in the midst of the Revolution, and under the 
influence of its most trying scenes, that his political character was 
formed, and then it was that the virtue of discretion, the spirit of 
moderation, the conciliatory temper of compromise found room 
for its exercise in its most comprehensive extent."* He continued 

« John Quincy Adams. 



JAMES MADISON. 455 

a valued member of that bod}^ until the close of the war, careful 
on all occasions, to labor for his couutr}--, and study the principles 
of political economy. Enough had been observed and noted, to 
convince him of the defects of the then existent form of govern- 
ment, and to identify him with the earliest friends of revision and 
amendment. These defects, principally relating to commerce, 
revenue, and debts, have been noticed elsewhere, in connection 
with those who, like Madison, early perceived the inefficiency of the 
old confederation. 

In 17S3, it was resolved by nine States, to recommend the 
levying of a tax on spirituons liquors, and other luxuries, and 
also five per cent., upon all imported goods ; that a sum of a 
million and a half dollars be raised, to pay the public debt, — each 
State to secure, by tax, its respective portion ; and that the States 
relinquish their individual territory, the proceeds of the sales of 
which, should go to the liquidation of the public debt. Upon 
these recommendations, a committee, consisting of Madison, 
Oliver Ellsworth and Hamilton, was appointed, for the purpose 
of furthering the several objects. An address, remarkable for its 
fine composition, marked ability, and correct views of the neces- 
sities of the times, appeared from the pen of Madison. It closed as 
follows : 

" Let it be remembered, that it has ever been the pride and 
boast of America, that the rights for which she contended, were 
the rights of human nature. By the blessings of the Author of 
these rights, on the means exerted for their defense, they have 
prevailed over all opposition, and form the basis of thirteen inde- 
pendent States. No instance has heretofore occurred, nor can any 
instance be expected, hereafter to occur, in which the unadulter- 
ated forms of republican government can pretend to so fair an 
opportunity of justifying themselves by their fruits. In this view, 
the citizens of the United States are responsible for the greatest 
trust ever confided to a political society. If justice, good faith, 
honor, gratitude, and all other qualities which ennoble the 
character of a nation, and fulfill the ends of government, be 
the fruits of our establishments, the cause of liberty will acquire 
a dignity and luster, which it has never yet enjoyed ; and an 
example will be set, which can but have the most favorable in- 
fluence on the rights of mankind. If, on the other side, our 
government should be unfortunately blotted with the reverse of 
31 



456 JAMES MADISON. 

these cordial and essential virtnes, the great cause which we have 
engaged to vindicate, will be dishonored and betrayed ; the last 
and fairest experiment in favor of the rights of human nature, 
will be turned against them ; and their patrons and friends ex- 
posed to be insulted and silenced by the votaries of tyranny and 
usurpation," 

He well knew that, notwithstanding a peace had been conquered, 
and independence recognized, there was really no government 
solidified upon the basis of experience and power, essential to pre- 
vent internal dissensions, a sequence to which, would be embroil- 
ment with, and perhaps submission to, external combinations and 
influences ; hence, his warning voice was raised thus early in 
appeals to his country, to preserve and maintain the blessings, 
which, by blood and suffering, they had'won. 

Madison continued a member of Congress till 1783, when, by 
constitutional restriction, his terra of office expired, and he waa 
elected to the State Assembly, of which he continued an efficient 
member, till 1786. Jefierson, it will be remembered, brought a 
bill in the house, preventing legal interference with religious 
opinions, or religious exercises, giving unrestricted liberty of 
conscience in these matters. Its passage was earnestly urged by 
its friends, and as sternly opposed by its enemies. The Church 
of England being the prevailing faith, and all who did not indorse 
its peculiar tenets, being Draiiucu as uiooGiiijCis, aiiayvjvA tuo pcopxe 
against its ministers, had produced infinite mischief during the 
Eevolution, and was still continuing to do so. It was to root 
out this aristocratic feature of his commonwealth, that induced 
Jefferson to bring in his bill. It was at first defeated, and its 
friends almost despaired of carrying it through ; — the necessary 
absence of Jefferson at the next session, greatly increased these 
fears, Madison, however, a warm friend to the measure, sternly 
identified with the advocates of pure republicanism, and strongly 
opposed to any thing conflicting with its principles, came 
a true champion to its rescue, and by his labor and influence, 
eflfected its passage. Side by side with Jefferson, he labored, also, 
in remodeling the laws of the State of "Virginia, The ordinance 
of 1787, so settling the difficulties arising from the cession of the 
north-western territory, that they no longer operated as a barrier 
to the ratification of the Federal Constitution, received as much, 
perhaps, more of his labors and anxious attention, as of any other 



JAMES MADISON. 457 

individual. Daily experience and observation, both in public and 
private capacities, convinced Madison that the federal government 
was, in many of its features, sadly defective, and unadapted to 
answer fully the objects of its fraraers. He, therefore, urged, 
after consultation with his friends, who coincided with his views 
in regard to the matter, a general convention of delegates, for the 
purpose of regulating the commercial interests of the country. 
This proposition finally passed the legislature of the State. This 
convention, composed of delegates from five of the States, to wit: 
New York, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Virginia, New Jersey, and 
Maryland met at Annapolis, in the fall of 1786, and selected 
Dickinson, of the latter State, to preside over their deliberations. 
After a brief session, an able address, in the preparation of which 
Madison took an active part, was agreed to, urging upon all the- 
States, the reassemblage of delegates at Philadelphia, to take into* 
consideration the federal articles more fully, and at length. 

When this convention met, May 9th, 1787, Madison, who was^ 
sent as one of the delegates of Virginia, became, at once, a 
leading member. In most of the reports, addresses, resolutions, 
and articles presented, the reflex of his genius and talent is- 
clearly visible. The scope of their labors became wider than was- 
at first anticipated, and finally resulted in the consolidation of all 
the States into one people, protected by the Constitution of a 
I'tdti-cil GuveviiYfcent. xhis is not the pruper plaou Lo Spcuk In. 
detail of the proceedings of that body. "We can not refrain, how- 
ever, from giving the views of Madison, upon the great question 
of the political government of the United States, and the proper 
constitution for her regulation and protection. These views were- 
embodied in a letter written to Washington from Madison, which 
will be found in the North American Review, and reads as follows : 

"• Mr. Madison thinks an individual independence of the States- 
utterly irreconcilable with their aggregate sovereignty, and that 
a consolidation of the whole into one simple Republic would be as 
inexpedient as it is unattainable. He therefore proposes a middle- 
ground, which may at once support a due supremacy of the na- 
tional authority, and not exclude the local authorities whenever- 
they can be subordiuately useful. 

'' As the groundwork, he proposes that a change be made in 
the principle of representation, and thinks there would be no great 
difiiculty in eflfecting it. 



458 JAMES MADISON. 

" Next, that, in additiuu to the present federal powers, the na- 
tional government should be armed with positive and complete 
authority in all cases which require uniformity ; such as regulation 
of trade, including the right of taxing both imports and ex- 
ports, the fixing the terms and forms of naturalization, etc. 

"• Over and above this positive power, a negative in all cases 
whatever on the legislative acts of the States, as heretofore exer- 
cised by the kingly prerogative, appears to him absolutely neces- 
sary, and to be the least possible encroachment on the state juris- 
dictions. Without this defensive power, he conceives that every 
positive law which can be given on paper, will be evaded. 

" This control over the laws would prevent the internal vicissi- 
tudes of state policy, and the aggressions of interested majori- 
ties. 

"The national supremacy ought also to be extended, he thinks, 
to the jud.v .ay departments; the oaths of the judges should at 
least include a fidelity to the general, as well as local Constitution ; 
and that an appeal should be to some national tribunals in all 
cases to which foreigners or inhabitants of other States may be 
parties. The admiralty jurisdiction to fall entirely within the 
purview of the national government. 

" The national supremacy, in the executive departments, is liable 
to some difficulty, unless the officers administering them could be 
made appointable by the supreme government. The militia 
ought entirely to be placed, in some form or other, under the 
autliority which is intrusted with the general protection and 
defense. 

" A government composed of such extensive powers should be 
well organized and balanced. 

" The legislative department might bedivided into two branches, 

one of them chosen every years, by the people at large, or by 

the legislatures ; the other to consist of fewer members, to hold 
their places for a longer term, and to go out in such rotation as 
always to leave in ofiice a large majority of old members. 

" Perhaps the negative on the laws might be most conveniently 
exercised by this branch. 

" As a further check, a council of revision, including the great 
ministerial officers, might be superadded. 

" A national executive must also be provided. He has scarcely 
ventured, as yet, to form his own opinion, either of the manner in 



JAMES MADISON. 459 

which it ought to be constituted, or of the authorities with which 
it ought to be clothed. 

" An article should be inserted, expressly guaranteeing the tran- 
quillity of the States against internal as well as external dangers. 

" In like manner, the right of coercion should be expressly 
declared. With the resources of commerce in hand, the national 
administration might always find means of exerting it either by 
sea or land ; but the difficulty and awkwardness of operating by 
force on the collective will of a State, render it particularly 
desirable that tlie necessity of it might be precluded. Perhaps 
the negative on the laws might create such a mutual dependence 
between the general and particular authorities as to answer ; or 
perhaps some defined objects of taxation might be submitted along 
witli commerce, to the general authority. 

" To give a new system its proper validity and energy, a ratifi- 
cation must be obtained from the people, and not merely from the 
ordinary authority of the legislature. This will be the more 
essential, as inroads on the existing constitutions of the States 
will be unavoidable." 

Madison, at the close of his labors in the legislature, was 
returned to Congress, the intervening time having rendered him 
re-eligible, and was a member during the sitting of the con- 
vention. About this time the " Federalist " was commenced, 
several numbers of which, are from the pen of Madison, and re- 
garded yet, as among the finest contributions to our national 
literature. In these able and elaborate commentaries upon the 
Constitution, he agreed with Hamilton, and labored with him to 
secure the adoption of the instrument, though a perusal of the 
articles penned by the two, develops wide diversity of talent and 
genius. They afterward differed upon many questions of the day. 

The influence of the " Federalist " upon the public mind, in 
securing the adoption of the Constitution, has already been 
mentioned. Madison was a devoted friend to the instrument, and 
during the intensely exciting debates in the Virginia convention, 
in which Madison, with his armor rebuckled, and fresh from the 
investigation of the subject, while contributing to the "Federalist," 
was pitted against the strongest men of the opposition, whom he 
successfully met at every point, and never left them till they were 
in a position of utter discomfiture. 

Formidable among the opposition, were Mason and Patrick 



4G0 JAMES MADISON. 

Henry, the latter of whom, as ah-eady remarked, was against the 
whole thing in letter, spirit, and detail. Inasmuch as the ratifi- 
cation of the instrument by Virginia, made the assent of the nine 
States necessary to its final adoption by the country, and it being 
the State wherein opposition was most violent and bitter, Madison 
felt all the importance of the occasion, and roused his powers 
fully up to the crisis. Thoroughly master of his subject, his 
severe logic and plain reasoning, made every thing clear to each 
member's vision, that otherwise might have been blinded by the 
fascinating eloquence of Patrick Henry and his associates. 

Few bodies ever convened in the United States, the deliberations 
of which, evinced a more thrilling interest, or grander displays of 
eloquence, argument, and patriotism, than did those of that Vir- 
ginia convention. A cradle of great men, Virginia was at that 
time in her palmy state of glory, and many of her most illus- 
trious sons were in that convention. Madison, Marshall, Ran- 
dolph, Pendleton, Henry, and Lee, were there. Some idea can 
be had of the results of contact and collision of such minds, upon 
questions of national policy. Madison and his friends secured 
the ratification of the Constitution, which placed its acceptance 
beyond further question. 

Upon the organization of the government, and election of 
"Washington to the presidency, Madison was sent to the First 
Congress, convening under the Constitution. Before the repre- 
sentatives of a newly-formed Republic, loomed herculean labors. 
Commerce, foreign aflairs, revenue, debts, the seat of government, 
and an infinite variety of subjects, opened for immediate action. 
Madison went bravely into the great work. An architect of no 
ordinary skill, he had labored in the construction of the govern- 
ment machinery, and now, during Washington's first adminisbra- 
tion, the fadeless splendors of which lit the world ; he was ready 
to prove that he understood how to assist in keeping it in proper 
motion. While the breach was widening between Jefferson and 
Hamilton, and dissensions, growing out of the funding system, 
were waxing warm; placid, and steadfast, Madison sought un- 
ostentatious performance of duty, in a spirit of meekness and 
conciliation. 

" Too happy should I be," said John Quincy Adams, speaking 
of these eventful times, "if, with a voice speaking from the last, 
to the coming generation of my country, I could effectually urge 



JAMES MADISON. 462 

them to seek, in the temper and moderation of James Madison, 
that healing bahn which assuages the malignity of the deepest- 
seated political disease, redeems to life the rational mind, and 
restores to health the incorporated union of our country, even 
from the brain fever of party spirit." In 1793, when the country 
was torn by excitements in regard to the affairs of France, Wash- 
ington submitted the subjects of a neutrality proclamation, and 
the reception of a French minister, to cabinet consideration. 
Hamilton, it will be borne in mind, favored the proclamation, and 
insisted upon the qualified reception of Genet. The coincidence 
of the President with these views, drew upon him severe animad- 
versions from various sources. These elicited in his defense the 
" Pacificus " letters of Hamilton. Here, Madison, watchfully 
jealous of every republican right, and influenced, perhaps, to some 
extent, by the opinions of Jefferson, began to fall into the idea 
considerably prevalent, that the author of ' Pacificus,' leaned too 
much toward monarchy, and to draw off from his old friend and 
confederate in securing the Constitution. He replied to ' Pacificus,' 
over the signature of "Helvetius," through the public prints. 
His reply was embraced in five numbers, which, for finish of 
composition, clearness of reason, and severity of logic, have 
never been excelled in our national papers. 'Pacificus,' though not 
from any timidity, lest in the contest he should be overpowered 
by his opponent, never replied to these letters, and Madison's 
friends claimed a triumph over the Federal leader. Imagine a war 
of words from the dagger-pens of two such men as Hamilton and 
Madison, upon the most vital questions that ever agitated a young 
republic. From two such caskets of mental treasure, there could 
but fall pearls, priceless as ever gemmed a nation's coronet. As 
such, they are prized. Through these letters, along with the 
'Federalist,' ring their hushless voices yet upon those, among the 
nicest abstrusities of our political organism, " the distribution of 
legislative and executive powers," and there the student of his 
country's history will pore with pride, and drink in their ideas to 
be again difiused as long as freedom has a friend, or liberty knows 
a lover. 

On Washington's retiring from the presidency, Madison re- 
signed his seat in Congress, and became the supporter of Jeffer- 
son, Yice-president, under the elder Adams. Availing himself 
of the current of popular dislike to the Alien and Sedition laws, 



462 JAMES MADISON. 

Jefferson readily foresaw that, by arraying tlie State assemblies 
against the acts of the Federal government, he could concentrate a 
large accession to his party. Knowing well his talents and 
powers, he sought and obtained the influence of Madison in this 
design ; this, is often a dangerous experiment. Appeals made to 
the State, against the acts of the Federal government, are oftener 
fraught -with mischiefs than otherwise. The public mind is too 
easily inflamed, — too jealous of every right, to withstand skill- 
fully-urged charges against chief depositaries of power, without 
becoming aroused, almost to resistance. Twice has the principle 
here, first broached, been attempted, and each time with re- 
sults, dangerous to the country, and unhealthy to our nationality. 
Everywhere popular and conceded to possess extraordinary 
abilities, Jefferson, now identified with the opponents of measures, 
in no high favor, was in a fair way to build up a large and power- 
ful party. The rapid rise and progress of the Republican party, 
was the result of the joint efforts of himself, Madison, and their 
friends. It has been said of Jefferson that, " among the numerous 
advantages which it was the rare good fortune of his life to enjoy, 
was that of the uninterrupted, disinterested, and efficient friend- 
ship of Madison, — the friendship of a mind, not inferior in 
capacity, and tempered with a calmer sensibility and a cooler judg- 
ment than his own.*" 

Siding with Jefferson upon most of the political questions, then 
exciting the country, and devoted to him by the strongest tics of 
personal friendship, he was well prepared to lend aid, the most 
efficient and powerful, to that great democratic leader. lie was 
opposed to a national bank, — differed with Hamilton in regard to 
his plan of settling the public debt, — was not fully satisfied with 
the neutrality proclamation, and occupied grounds, highly hostile 
to the Jay treaty. His views upon some questions of the policy 
of the country, then, are embraced in the following resolutions 
urged, in person, before the Virginia Assembly, at the instance 
of Jefferson, in the winter of 17f 8 : 

'* First. That the Constitution of the United States was a com- 
pact to which the States were parties, granting limited powers of 
government. 

" Second. That, in case of deliberate, palpable, and dangerous 

* Adams. 



JAMES MAJDISO^. 463 

exercise of other powers, not granted by the compact, the States 
had the right to, and were in duty bound, to interpose^ for arresting 
the progress of tlie evils, and for maintaining within their re- 
spective limits, the authorities, rights, and liberties appertaining 
to them. 

" Third. That the Alien and Sedition laws, were palpable and 
alarming infractions of the Constitution. 

" Fourth. That the State of Virginia, having by its con- 
vention, which ratified the Federal Constitution, expressly declared 
that, among other essential rights, the liberty of conscience and 
the press, can not be canceled, abridged, restrained, or modified 
by any authority of the United States, and from its extreme 
anxiety to guard these rights from every possible attack of sophis- 
try and ambition, having, with the other States, recommended au 
amendment for that purpose, which amendment was, in due time, 
annexed to the Constitution, it would mark a reproachful incon- 
sistency, and criminal degeneracy, if an indifierence were shown 
to the most palpable violation of one of the rights thus declared 
and secured, and to the establishment of a precedent which might 
be fatal to the other, 

" Fifth. That the State of Virginia declared the Alien and 
Sedition laws, unconstitutional, — solemnly appealed to the like 
dispositions in other States, in confidence that they would concur 
with her in that declaration, and that the necessary and proper 
measures would be taken by each for co-operating with her in 
maintaining unimpaired, the authorities, rights and liberties 
reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. 

'''• /SlxtJi. That the governor should be desired to transmit a 
copy of these resolutions to the executive authority of each of the 
other States, with a request that they should be communicated to 
the respective State legislatures, and that a copy should be 
furnished to each of the senators and representatives of Virginia 
in Congress." 

A unanimous combination, nugatory of the Alien and Sedition 
laws, on the part of the several States, was the object sought to 
be attained by these resolutions. They were partially successful. 
Some of the State legislatures, especially that of Kentucky, into 
which, resolutions of a similar import, drawn by Jefierson him- 
self, had been introduced, took high grounds against them, 
though, the idea of nuUiJication, they did not fully sanction. 



464 JAMES MADISON. 

That these laws were odious to the larger portion of the people of 
the Uuited States, is well known. The activity of Jefferson in 
making them a cause oi party diversity, and arraying the State 
against the Federal government, has been, and not without a 
degree of plausibility, ascribed to his ambition, to place his party 
in the ascendency, with himself at its head. The co-operation of 
Madison in the movement is not, at least to the same extent, to 
be attributed to the same reasons. He, no doubt, acted from 
convictions of duty and patriotism, swayed, perhaps, somewhat 
by the strong friendship existing between Jefferson and himself. 
Certain it is, that Madison never fully indorsed the sentiments 
of Jefferson in regard to these laws. 

The deep hold taken upon the people by Jefferson, designated 
him as tlie first person for the next presidency. On his accession 
to that office, in 1801, Madison was appointed Secretary of State, 
a post for which he was eminently qualified, by talent, prudence, 
and experience. The great difficulties through which this adminis- 
tration had to pass, has already been adverted to. All Europe 
was then at " tilt and tournament," in a bloody war of conquest 
or defense. England swept the seas with her fleets, while the 
towering genius of l^apoleon thundered his triumphant cannon 
from Alp to Pyramid. Neutrality, — strict, uninterrupted neu- 
trality, was certainly the policy of this country. The dark evolve- 
ments of European war-clouds, should not then have gathered 
from across the wave to obscure our Republican sun. 

The foreign correspondence, incident to these exciting times, 
was extensive, delicate, and important. With a pen moved by no 
nerveless arm, Madison kept it up in a manner that showed 
superior statesmanship and unerring sagacity. The " Dissertation 
upon Neutral Trade," connected w\i\\ Great Britain, was written 
about this time. Never did pen more freely flow with talent, 
genius, and wisdom, than did his, while leaving on paper-scroll 
this essence of international law\ The whole of Jefferson's term 
of office, was rendered harassing by fits of European frenzy, 
that kept this country in a state of national twilight, — hoping 
peace, yet fearing complication in foreign quarrels. At the close 
of his last term, he was succeeded by Madison, who went into 
office, entertaining the same principles, substantially, as his prede- 
cessor. Seeds of dissension between us and Great Britain, had 
already been sown, and though anxious for peace, Madison was 



JAMES MADISON. 465 

unwilling to sanction any terms whereby it would be main- 
tained at the sacrifice of national dignity and honor. We have 
already mentioned the Milan and Berlin Decrees and Orders 
in Council, and their succession by the American Embargo. Bad 
national feelings were engendered by the failure of England to 
rescind the orders, until matters had almost reached a crisis ; at the 
recommendation of Madison, war was declared by the American 
Congress. Unlike the Revolution, this war was essentially a 
contest, on our part, for the rights of neutrals. In her commercial 
intercourse with other nations, by the vigorous enforcement of 
Parliamentary acts, on the part of England, directly at variance 
with the more liberal features of her policy, the United States 
were forced into the measure. Not until the war, were her odious 
maritime regulations modified. The course of Madison, in 
sanctioning a resort to arms, drew upon him the abuse of a large 
portion of the citizens of the States, particularly those of New 
England. Fresh from the French wars, and not disposed to yield 
the smallest concession, England went into the war, thinking, no 
doubt, to humiliate, perhaps crush the rising fortunes of America. 
How our past reputation was vindicated in the struggle, is a 
matter of history. Whatever of abuse or indignation may, at the 
time, have been heaped upon the originators of this war, it proved 
of vast importance to us, maintained our national dignity and com- 
merce, and settled, forever, the asserted rights of our country. Elec- 
ted b}' one of the heaviest majorities ever cast, Madison came to the 
office of chief magistrate, March 4th, 1809, a period when our foreign 
i*elations were in a condition extremely delicate and complicated. 
Some time prior to the close of Jefferson's official term, pros- 
pects had indicated a collision with England, which was becoming 
every day more apparent. In his inaugural address, he used the 
following words, in regard to the course marked out for his 
administration: "To cherish peace and friendly relations with all 
nations having correspondent disposition ; to maintain sincere 
neutrality toward belligerent nations ; to prefer, in all cases, 
amicable discussion and reasonable accommodation of differences 
to a decision of them, by an appeal to arms ; to exclude foreign 
intrigues and foreign partialities, so degrading to all countries, 
and so baneful to free ones ; to foster a spirit of independence, too 
just to invade the rights of others, too proud to surrender our 
own, too liberal to indulge unworthy prejudices ourselves, and 



46G JAMES MAD I SOX. 

too elevated not to look down upon them in others ; to hold the 
Union of the States as the basis of their peace and happiness ; to 
support the Constitution, which is the cement of the Union, as 
well in its limitation as in its authorities; to respect the rights 
and authorities reserved to the States, and to the people, as equally 
incorporated with, and essential to the success of the general 
system ; to avoid the slightest interference with rights of con- 
science, or the functions of religion so wisely exempted from civil 
jurisdiction ; to preserve in their full energy, the other salutary 
provisions in behalf of private and personal rights, and of the 
freedom of the press ; to observe economy in the public expendi- 
tures ; to liberate the public resources by an honorable discharge 
of the public debt; to keep within the requisite limits a standing 
military force, always remembering that an armed and trained 
militia is the firmest bulwark of republics, — that without stand- 
ing armies, their liberties can never be in danger, nor with large 
armies safe; to promote, by authorized means, improvements 
friendly to agriculture, to manufactures, and to external, as well 
as internal commerce ; to favor, in like manner, the advancement 
of science, and the diffusion of information as the best aliment of 
true liberty ; to carry on the benevolent plans which have been so 
meritoriously applied to the conversion of our aboriginal neigh- 
bors from the degradation and wretchedness of savage life, to a 
participation of the improvements of which the human mind and 
manners are susceptible in a civilized state : as far as sentiments 
and intentions, such as these, can aid the fulfillment of my duty, 
they will be a resource which can not tail me." 

As members of his cabinet, he selected for Secretary of State, 
Eobert Smith of Maryland ; for Secretary of Treasury, Albert 
Gallatin of Pennsylvania ; for Attorney-General, C. A. Eodney 
of Delaware; for Secretary of War, AVilliam Eustis of Massa- 
chusetts ; for the Navy department, Paul Hamilton of South 
Carolina; Gideon Granger of New York, for Post-master- 
Generul.* 

A survey of the vast duties before him, developed an unpleas- 
ant perplexity of national affairs, the regulation of which, required 
the mightiest energies, talent, firmness, and decision. Com- 
mercial relations were distracted, — revenues were in an unsettled 

* This was not then a Cabinet office 



JAMES MADISON. 4(37 

condition, — parties struggling for ascendency, needed concili- 
ation ; while war with England, it became evident, was inevitable. 

The antipathy between the two countries, was deep-seated and 
reciprocal; England had never fully abandoned the idea of con- 
trolling this Continent. Thinking herself in a better condition to 
efi'ect her designs, than when she acceded to the stipulations of 
the treaty of peace, she violated many of its important pro- 
visions, which resulted in renewed hostilities. In addition to the 
disagreeable fetters imposed upon commerce and national inter- 
course, through her emissaries, the northern aborigines were 
impelled to acts of cruelty upon the settlers, particularly the more 
recent occupants of the great Mississippi valley. The efibrts of 
our first presidents to cultivate friendly relations with the Indians, 
have been remarked. This commendable disposition, on the part 
of our government, which as is well known, deprived them of not 
one foot of territory, of which they were the legitimate owners, 
save by purchase, was thwarted in every instance by England, 
and in a way that admitted of no counteraction. Equipments 
and warlike instruments were not only furnished the Indians, but 
as an additional incentive to the perpetration of barbarous cruelties, 
they were supplied with whisky, rum, etc., and then urged upon 
the unofieuding whites. 

Conspicuous among her secret agents in thus kindling diffi- 
culties between the settlers and Indians, then, was one Simcoe, 
through whose efforts and those of his associates, robbery, murder, 
and incendiary depredations were carried on along the frontier. 
In the operations of St. Clair, England's efforts in behalf of, and 
co-operative with, the savages, proved the greatest obstacle; so in 
Wayne's famous Indian expedition, which has been mentioned 
before, she manifested a willingness to protect the Indians ; and 
when they were defeated, threw open the gates of Fort George to 
afford shelter to the savages. Complicated in a variety of diffi- 
culties nearer home, after the successes of Wayne, and the evacu- 
ation of the northern posts, according to stipulations of the Jay 
treaty, and the formal Indian treaty of 1795, hostile manifestations 
began, for a while, to relax. Catching, in the meantime, the 
spirit of liberty that had made Americans doff the yoke of domi- 
nation, the nations of Europe were rising in their majesty to 
assert their supremacy. The practical evidences of the benefits of 
unshackled, social, political, and religious freedom were so palpably 



468 JAMES MADISON. 

evinced by the rapid strides with which we were advancing to 
commercial and national ferae, induced a disposition to imitate 
our example everywhere, and resulted, to some extent, in the 
universal convulsion of monarchies and despotisms. The jealousy 
of England, — mistress of the seas, and the defender of modern mon- 
archy, — it may be readily perceived, was quickly excited, and 
notwithstanding treaity obligations, she did not hesitate upon the 
infliction of outrages upon our commerce and international trade, 
a submission to whicli, would have proved us recreant to the in- 
heritance of freedom received from our ancestry, and the principles 
for which they contended through the Revolution. 

Not satisfied with unfurling her sea-conquering flag from 
the masts of her privateers, and sending her robber bands to 
every port, for the purpose of crippling and destroying our com- 
merce, she resorted to the odious measure of impressing our 
seamen, and forcibly making them serve upon her own vessels, 
in lieu of the services of those of whom she had been deprived 
by her long-continued disputes with the nations of Europe. 

These things, taken in connection with her attempts to urge the 
Indians to the commission of further depredations, produced grow- 
ing bickerings until the spring of 1809, when the closing of the 
French ports against the entry of neutral vessels, be they laden 
with whatsoever they might, and the assignment of a large naval 
force tyj liovcr along our seaportG, for the purpose of preventing any 
vessel from freighting for any of them, precipitated matters to a 
crisis. The protection, by a resort to arms, of her commerce, by 
the United States, or its entire, not to say disgraceful abandon- 
ment, were now the only alternatives. The embargo of 1807, 
called forth by the dire necessity of the times, produced great and 
wide-spread dissatisfaction on the part of a large portion of the 
people, who began to call loudly for redress. British annoyances 
continued to become more excessive, and in 1809, about the time 
of Madison's accession to the Presidency, the non-intercourse 
acts were resorted to, interdicting all trade or commercial relations 
with Great Britain. She was now excluded, in retaliation, from our 
ports. Still showing, however, notwithstanding the oppressive 
enormities practiced upon us, a disposition to maintain amicable 
relations. Congress passed the following act : " That in case 
Great Britain or France should, before the 3d of March, 1811, so 
revoke or modify her acts, as that they should cease to violate 



JAMES MADISON. 469 

the ueutral commerce of the United States ; and if the other 
nation should not, within three months, thereafter, so revoke or 
modily her edicts in like manner, the provisions of the non- 
intercourse and non-importation law, should, at the expiration of 
tliree months, be revived against the nation refusing or neglecting 
to revoke or modify its edict." This was in the spring of 1810, — • 
the President having, in the meantime, been vested with powers 
nugatory of the non-intercourse provisions, in case of a revocation 
of the edicts by the foreign powers just named. A succession 
of urgent, though firm and dignified efibrts, on the part of the 
government of the United States, now followed, in the hope of a 
satisfactory adjustment of all difficulties. Thus, the spring of 
1811 opened, but brought with it no revocation or modification of 
those disagreeable causes of disturbance, the edicts. Still, not 
unwilling to lengthen out the time of probation, — hoping a 
happy result, and tire maintenance of peace, — the American Con- 
gress passed another act, to this effect: "That, in case at any time 
Great Britain should so revoke or modify her edicts, as that they 
shall cease to violate the neutral commerce of the United States, 
the President of the United States should declare the fact by 
proclamation ; and that the restrictions, previously imposed, 
should, from the date of such proclamation, cease, and be discon- 
tinued." 

Tuis act passed, March second. All these efTorts for peace, 
proved of no avail. Great Britain was resolved to push her 
schemes. "They had seized the commercial property of Ameri- 
can citizens to an incalculable amount. She had united in 
the enormities of France, to declare a great proportion of the 
terraqueous globe in a state of blockade; chasing the American 
merchant flag effectually from the ocean. She had contemptu- 
ously disregarded the neutrality of the American territory, and 
the jurisdiction of the American laws within the waters and 
harbors of the United States. She was enjoying the emoluments ' 
of a surreptitious trade, stained with every species of fraud and 
corruption, which gave to the belligerent powers the advantages 
of peace, while the neutrals were involved in the evils of war. 
She had, in short, usurped, and exercised on the water, a tyranny 
similar to that which her great antagonist had usurped and exer- 
cised upon the land. And amidst all these proofs of ambition 
and avarice, she demanded that the victims of her usurpations and 



470 JAMES MADISON 

her violence, slioulJ revere her as the sole defender of the rights 
and liberties of mankind. 

" When, therefore, Great Britain, in manifest violation of her 
solemn promise, refused to follow the example of France, by the 
repeal of her orders in council, the American government was 
compelled to contemplate a resort to arms, as the only remain- 
ing course to be pursued for its honor, its independence, and its 
safety."* 

Such were some of the causes leading to the war of 1812. As 
ah'eady indicated, embargo had, during the previous administra- 
tion, been tried in vain ; non-intercourse was substituted with as 
little effect. Though these resorts were had with hopeful antici- 
pations of securing peace, in case of failure, Madison provided, 
in view of the aspect of affairs, a special assemblage of Congress, 
which convened iu May, 1810. 

Immediately on the assemblage of this body, matters took a 
more pacific turn. The British minister, Erskine, proposed resti- 
tution for losses sustained by our commerce, and a rescission of the 
orders in council at an early day ; these terms were accepted, and 
Madison advised the people accordingly, through proclamation, 
as agreed upon in the act of Congress, before named. Again, 
signs of peace brightened up the land, and again they were 
destined to disappear. Erskine received few thanks for his con- 
ciliatory efforts, and was, principally through the influence of the 
British Secretary of foreign affairs, Canning, superseded iu his post 
by one ready to indorse and further the most extreme measures. 
This new ministerf desired nothing more sincerely, than a rupture 
between the two countries, and took steps well calculated to insure 
the gratification of this desire. The war-spirit was rapidly on the 
increase in the country, on finding that England was not disposed 
to comply with the agreements made by Erskine. The pacific 
desires of Madison were made use of now, as means of abusing 
him, by his opponents, some of whom aflirmed that he could not 
be "kicked into a war."' Madison now issued a second pro- 
clamation, announcing the changes that had taken place, and 
declaring the full force of the non-intercourse acts. "Free trade, 
and sailors' rights," now became the cry throughout the entire 
country. Though Madison still manifested a conciliatory spirit, 

* Foster's Correspondence. t Mr. Jackson. 



JAMES MADISON. 471 

the people of the country were everywhere disposed to resistance, 
and a resort to arras for redress of their wrongs. Such were the 
state of things at the regular convention of Congress. Madison, 
in his message, gave a clear statement of intermediate events, and 
advised early steps to place the country in a condition to protect 
her interests. This was no small task. Just emerging into pros- 
perity, from the effects of the old struggle, no great attention had 
been paid to military affairs. In naval preparations, we had been 
sadly enough remiss, while the militia had not been trained or 
disciplined. The prostration of commercial operations had affec- 
ted very seriously the revenues of the country, and reduced the 
coffers of the treasury. Congress took immediate steps to act in 
accordance with the wishes of the President, and expressed a 
willingness to raise a large force for the emergency. Matters now 
approached a crisis, and were rapidly maturing for active hostil- 
ities, which the recall of the British Minister tended much to 
accelerate. An act was passed, by Congress, declaring that a 
failure, on the part of France, to revoke the Milan and Berlin 
decrees, or of England to withdraw her council orders, would 
result in a declaration of war against the party refusing. France- 
complied, and gave early notification, that the decrees would be 
revoked. This placed the cause of quarrel between Great Britain 
and the United States. As the last opportunity, England waS' 
given three mouihs to withdraw her rystrictions. Pinckney, our 
minister at the British court, labored earnestly to maintain peace, 
and secure their withdrawal. Finding his efforts abortive, and 
receiving an answer, substantially, a formal refusal to subscribe to 
the terms, further negotiations were broken off, and he returned 
to the United States. This was the 1st of March, 1811. 

Meantime, apprehending an unsuccessful result in their efforts- 
to avoid a rupture. Congress had taken measures to prepare for 
the event. An American vessel, the President, was, in May, fired 
upon, by a British vessel, the Little Belt, without provocation., 
A spirited action ensued, in which the President got the better of 
the Little Belt, and killed many of her men, — a good omen of the 
results of the contest. This very much increased the war-spirit, 
already burning warmly among the people of the United States. 

The northern Indians, England's ready auxiliaries to strike the 
blood-trail and ring the war-whoop, whenever prospects of carnage 
and plunder offered, were soon kindling their council fires, and 
32 



472 JAMES MADISON. 

lifting their tomahawks to engage in the contest. Their defeat at 
Tippecanoe, and the destruction of their posts and towns by 
Harrison, checked their progress, and rather overawed them for 
the future. 

The Twelfth Congress convened in November, and organized 
by the elevation of Henry Clay to the speakership. No longer 
harboring hopes of adjustment, Madison, in his message, urged 
active measures upon the country, and its immediate assumption 
of "an armor" and an attitude of defense, demanded by the 
crisis. The deliberations of that body were now prompt and 
decisive. Twenty thousand regulars were called for ; provision 
was made for strengthening the naval force; volunteers were 
urged into the service ; while the different States were asked to 
furnish their quotas in marching trim without delay. They liad 
long been laboring for peace, — actively, heroically, — they now 
prepared for war. Too much credit can not be ascribed to Henry 
Clay, who was then fairly entering upon the splendid career open- 
ing before him, nor to James Monroe, the successor to the first 
honors of the nation, for the boldness and earnestness with which 
they labored to work Congress and the country up to their duty, 
in resisting the oft-repeated aggressions of England. 

It would be unjust to Madison and his fame to ascribe his con- 
ciliatory course, and repeated overtures for adjustment to any thing 
like fear or timidity. True, he was anxious to preserve peace, — 
what good executive is not ? — and for its preservation, was willing 
to make, and did make every effort compatible with the dignity 
and honor of the people over whose destinies he presided. Most 
of the influential and talented men of the country, until the last 
expedient was exhausted to prevent a rupture, were opposed to 
hurrying matters to a collision. Among these were Pinckney 
and Gallatin. But, like Madison, when all hope of reconciliation 
gave way, they were as firmly identified with the advocates of war, 
as they had formerly been with those of peace, and co-operated 
with eflaciency and zeal, in every movement that tended to the 
jiational credit, and the humiliation of the enemy. 

Bonaparte finally revoked the decrees, April 28th, 1811. Rus- 
sell was then our minister to the court of Great Britain. After 
every effort had been made in vain, to induce an abrogation of 
the orders in council, he wrote to our government, that he " no 
longer entertained a hope that we could honorably avoid war." 



JAMES MADISON. 473 

An embargo was now passed upon all vessels lying in, or com- 
ing to, our ports. Notwithstanding the sufferings of a large portion 
of British merchants, in consequence of the commercial derange- 
ments incident to these measures, the ministry persisted in the 
enforcement of the orders. Convinced that further efforts to settle 
the vexatious difficulties would only detract from the dignity of 
the country, Madison, on the first day of June, 1812, sent a 
message to Congress, breathing a warlike tone, and recommend- 
ing steps of redress ; it closed as follows : 

" Such is the spectacle of injuries and indignities, which have 
been heaped on our country ; and such the crisis which its 
unexampled forbearance and conciliatory efforts have not been 
able to avert. It might, at least, have been expected that an 
enlightened nation, if less urged by moral obligation, or invited by 
friendly disposition, on the part of the United States, would have 
found in its true interests alone, a sufficient motive to respect their 
rights and their tranquillity on the high sea ; that an enlarged 
policy would have favored that free and general circulation of 
commerce, in which the British nation is, at all times, interested, 
and which, in times of war, is the best alleviation of its calamities 
to herself, as well as to other belligerents ; and more especially, 
that the British cabinet would not, for the sake of a precarious 
and surreptitious intercourse with hostile markets, persevere in a 
course of measures which necessarily put at hazard the invaluable 
market of a great and growing country, disposed to cultivate the 
mutual advantages of an active commerce. 

"Other counsels have prevailed. Our moderation and concili- 
ation have had no other effect than to encourage perseverance and 
to enlarge pretensions. We behold our seafaring citizens still the 
daily victims of lawless violence, committed on the great and 
common highway of nations, even in sight of the country which 
owes them protection. We behold our vessels, freighted with the 
products of our soil and industry, on returning with the honest 
proceeds of them, wrested from their lawful destination, confis- 
cated by prize courts, no longer the organs of public law, but the 
instruments of arbitrary edicts, and their unfortunate crews <Iis- 
persed or lost, or inveigled in British forts into British fleets, while 
arguments are employed in support of these aggressions, which 
have no foundation but in a principle equally supporting a claim 
to regulate our external commerce in all cases whatsoever. ' We 



474 JAMES MADISON. 

behold in fine, on the side of Great Britain, a state of war against 
the United States ; and on the side of the United States, a state 
of peace toward Great Britain.' 

" Whether the United States will continue passive under these 
progressive usurpations and accumulating wrongs, or opposing 
force to force in defense of their national rights, shall commit a 
just cause into the hands of the Almighty disposer of events, 
avoiding all connections which might entangle it in the contests 
or views of other powers, and preserving a constant readiness to 
concur in an honorable re-establishment of peace and friendship, 
is a solemn question, which the Constitution wisely confides to the 
legislative department of the government. In recommending it 
to their early deliberations, I am happy in the assurance that the 
decision will be worthy the enlightened and patriotic councils of 
a virtuous, free, and a powerful nation." 

Upon this message. Congress deliberated seriously, and with 
closed doors. After considerable time had been taken up in its 
consideration, and much earnest debate, Pinckney prepared the 
following act, which was reported by Calhoun : " That war be, and 
the same is hereby declared to exist between the united kingdom 
of Great Britain and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof, and 
the United States of America and their territories ; and the 
President of the United States is hereby authorized to use the 
whole land and nnval force of the United States to carry the same 
into efiect, and to issue to private armed vessels of the United 
States, commissions, or letters of marque and general reprisal, in 
such form as he shall think proper, and under the seal of the 
United States, against the government of the said united king- 
dom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the subjects thereof." 

Considerable excitement prevailed on the introduction of this 
bill. It finally passed the House, however, by a good majority, and 
afterward the Senate, by a vote of six in favor of it. Congress then 
passed an act limited to the existence of the embargo, prohibiting 
all exports. A geueral land ofiice, also, was instituted ; the 
public lands were surveyed ; treasury notes were issued ; duties 
were increased, and the apportionment attended to. Combinations 
were now formed to prevent the re-election of Madison to the 
presidency, — his name being already widely mentioned by his 
friends in connection with the ofiice. Great excitement had 
followed the formal declaration of war. Opposition at many 



JAMES MADISON. 475 

points was strong and virulent, while the friends of the measure 
were equally earnest in the maintenance of their views. The 
western States were ready and anxious to indorse the course of 
Congress ; the New England States were generally hostile to the 
act, while, in the middle and southern parts of the Union, the 
public mind was about equally balanced. The act having passed, 
hostilities commenced in earnest. Henry Dearborn was appointed 
Major-General, with Wilkinson, Hampton, Hull, and Pinckney 
for his subordinates. Large forces were called into service, and 
some attention paid to the navy. On the commencement of active 
operations, several severe disasters ensued, owing, in a measure, 
to the incapacity of some of the generals. Of the military oper- 
ations, incident to the war of 1812, this is not the proper place to 
speak. Upon these, more extended remarks will be made, when 
we come to speak of those immediately connected with them. 

Tlie efforts of the Federalists to supersede Madison in the 
presidency, were unavailing. He was re-elected over their can- 
didate, De Witt Clinton, the same year that war was declared, 
by a very handsome majority. Soon after his inauguration, wdiich 
took place on the 4th of March, 1813, the Russian minister oflered 
mediation, on the part of his government, between the belligerent 
powers. It was accepted, but resulted in no more than the 
reiterated determination of England to adhere to her declared 
principles. Late in the fall, however, she manifested a willing- 
ness to enter into formal negotiations, and Lord Castlereagh gave 
notice of the fact. This indication was highly satisfactory to 
Madison and the country. These negotiations were not so easily 
consummated. After the battles of Chippewa, Niagara, and New 
Orleans, on land, and exploits equally brave and honorable, had 
taken place at sea, arrangements were made for the adjust- 
ment of all difficulties. After a serious and somewhat pro- 
tracted struggle, that redounded to the renown of America, and 
checked, forever, any designs of England upon our growing 
country, negotiations were formally opened that resulted in the 
peace of Ghent, concluded, December 24th, 1814. Though 
Madison consented to the war with a considerable degree of 
reluctance, after the measure had been settled upon, he was firm, 
decisive, and unflinching, in promoting its successful prosecution. 
The return of peace was to no one more welcome, than himself. 
Nothing now remained to mar the close of his last administration. 



476 JAMES MADISON. 

Fostering a spirit of enterprise in manufactures and every mode 
of home industry, he closed his official term, by encouraging 
peaceful pursuits, and inspiring a love of country, virtue, and 
duty. Many events of importance, beside the war of 1812, took 
place during his administration. The United States Bank was 
chartered in 1816 ; Indiana was admitted into the Union as a 
State; and the name of Missouri was given to the territory now 
forming that State. March 3d, 1817, closed the political life of 
this great man. 

He was now in his sixty-seventh year, but, in the enjoyment of 
good health. He left public life at a time when, in the language 
of one of his messages, we had established " a government, which 
watches over the purity of elections, the freedom of speech and of 
the press, the trial by jury, and the equal interdict against the 
encroachments and compacts between religion and State ; which 
maintains inviolable, the maxims of public faith, the security of 
persons and property, and encourages, in every authorized mode, 
that general diffusion of knowledge which guarantees to public 
liberty its permanency, and to those who possess the blessings of 
the true enjoyment of it ; a government which avoids intrusion 
on the internal repose of other nations, and repels them from its 
own ; which does justice to all nations with a readiness equal to 
the firmness with which it requires justice from them ; and which, 
while it refines its domestic code from every ingredient not con- 
genial with the precepts of an enlightened age, and the sentiments 
of a virtuous people, seeks by appeals to reason and by its liberal 
examples, to infuse into the law which governs the civilized world, 
a spirit which may diminish the frequency, or circumscribe the 
calamities of war, and meliorate the social and beneficent relations 
of peace ; a government, in a word, whose conduct within and 
without, may bespeak the most noble of all ambitions, — that of 
pronouncing peace on earth, and good-will to man."* 

In the undisturbed repose of his home, he passed at Montpelier 
the remainder of his days, practicing those virtues of which his 
life had been an exemplification. He was sent to the Virginia 
convention, in 1829, and took part in the proceedings that resulted 
in the revision of the State constitution. He was, also, selected 
president of a society of agriculture, for which he had a passionate 

* Eighth annual message. 



JAMES MADISON. 477 

fondness. He labored, too, with his venerable friend Jefferson, in 
the establishment of the University of Virginia. His long and 
useful career was brought to a close, on the 28th of June, 1836, 
in the 86th year of his age. 

Madison was married, in 1794, to Mrs. Dolly Payne Todd, a 
young widow of great beauty, fascinating manners, and high 
intelligence. Of all the ladies that ever graced the White House, 
few, if any, have ever excelled her in accomplishments or fitness 
for its honors. This union resulted in no offspring, but was one 
of high felicity. 

Madison's death threw the whole country into mourning, and 
elicited, everywhere, proper testimonials of sorrow. His name 
will, forever, occupy a high place in the history of our country, 
worthy the admiration of succeeding generations, and the pride 
of mankind. " In his personal appearance, Madison was of small 
stature, and rather protuberant in front. He had a calm expres- 
sion, penetrating blue eyes, and was slow and grave in his speech. 
At the close of his presidency, he seemed to be careworn, with an 
appearance of more advanced age than was the fact. He was 
bald on the top of his head, wore his hair powdered, and generally 
dressed in black. His manner was modest and retiring, but in 
conversation, he was pleasing and instructive, having a mind well 
stored with the treasures of learning, and being particularly 
familiar with the political world. He was fond of society, though 
he had traveled but little ; never having visited foreign countries, 
or seen much of the people of the country over which he presided. 
When a member of deliberative bodies, he was an able debater, 
having acquired self-confidence by slow degrees. As a writer, he 
has had few equals among American statesmen, and the style of 
his public documents and his correspondence, has always been 
much admired. He was, at the time of his death, the last sur- 
viving signer of the Constitution, and the part he bore in fram- 
ing that instrument, his subsequent advocacy of it by his writings, 
with his adherence to its provisions, obtained for him the title of 
' Father of the Constitution.' " 



JAMES MONEOE. 



The illustrious Grecian,* when he came to die, remarked to 
friends around him, that in extolling the acts of his life, they failed 
to notice the greatest and most honorable part of his character, — 
that no Athenian, through his means, ever put on mourning. 
He had filled high stations, and figured prominently among the 
great men of his day ; a statesman of vast capacity and energy, he 
had served his country with fidelity during one of the most event- 
ful periods of its history. Though he had taken active part in 
both civic and military affairs, while the people were rent by 
intestine dissensions within, and menaced by enemies from with- 
out, he had maintained a smooth and even course ; and now, as 
earthly toils and strifes were fading from his sight, while taking 
a retrospect of his career, its splendors were forgotten in the con- 
soling fact, that in no act of his life had he given his people cause 
to wear mourning. 

If the Athenian rejoiced because he had overwhelmed none 
with grief, what infinite source of satisfaction was afibrded to the 
fifth President of the United States, who, after a peaceful adminis- 
tration of the government for eight years, left it in a condition of 
unexampled prosperity, teeming with the richest blessings of 
liberty, its people rejoicing at indications of growing greatness. 
He came to the presidency at a time when, after the convulsions 
of two wars, and the organization of the government, the resistless 
march of progress and improvement, had commenced under 
favorable auspices. A peaceful, dignified course, toward all 

* Pericles. 
(478) 




JAMES MONKOE. 



JAMES MONROE. 479 

nations abroad, an earnest watchfulness and guardianship of 
internal institutions at home, with a solicitude for the fostering of 
manufactures, the encouragement of learning, and the protection 
of religion, arts, and sciences, formed the combination, essential 
for a cliief executive ; at that time, by no one, perhaps, was this com 
bination more eminently possessed, than James Monkob. 

He was born on the 2d day of April, in the county of West- 
moreland, "Virginia, in the year 1759, of poor, but highly respect- 
able parentage. While those elder veterans, therefore, who, with 
hearts of oak, were resisting the assumptions of the Stamp Act, 
and the whole country was stirred into excitement, incident to 
that measure, Moneoe was yet in comparative infancy. The 
Declaration of Independence, and the gloomiest periods of the 
war, found him at the college of William and Mary, completing 
his education. His youth was passed amid the high excitements 
of the times, and resistance to the crown, became ingrained into 
his organism as part of himself. Schooled by the sternest men 
of the opposition, with a temperament easily fired with a love of 
country and liberty, it is not strange that he should become enthusi- 
astically devoted to the cause. He had been at college for some- 
time, where he was noted for amiability, gentleness of manners, 
kindness of heart, and application to his books. No sooner had 
the Declaration been drawn, however, when the cause bore its 
most hopeless aspects, than he, without remaining to complete his 
course, threw aside his books, bade adieu to college associations, 
and hurried to the camp of Washington. Though but seventeen 
years of age, he went there to participate in the terrible scenes 
around Haerlem Hights, and braved the perils of 1776. Though 
more of a student than a soldier, — more a civilian than a military 
man, — he forgot all academic honors that were in reserve for him, 
and which he could soon successfully grasp, to serve his country 
in her hour of need. 

Such was the temperament of this ardent youth at seventeen 
years of age. During the celebrated retreat through the Jerseys, 
a retreat, though not in numbers, in objects more grand than the 
famous one made by Xenophon and the ten thousand Greeks, he 
stood by Washington with firmness and courage, notwithstanding 
the gathering darkness of the times. Simultaneous with the 
assertion, that his country should be free and independent, Monroe 
commenced his career, not aware of the glories that country would 



480 JAMES MONROE, 

heap upon him. "With patriotic ardor, he had gone to the field of 
his own accord, a mere boy, when okler men, and men of experi- 
ence were accepting Howe's terras of pardon, and deserting their 
canse as hopelessly lost. At Ilaerlem Ilights, at Flatbush, at 
White Plains, at Long Island, and Fort Washington, — days of 
misfortune and gloom, — the hearts of the sternest began to grow 
cold, and sicken at the prospect of speedy defeat and annihilation. 
Not so with Monroe. True to the cause he had espoused, ere 
manhood had bloomed upon him, he remained with Washington's 
disheartened band through all its trying scenes, till the ever- 
memorable 25th of December, 1T76, kindled a fresh beam of hope. 
Among the lone band that drew up on the banks of the Delaware 
the night previous to the battle of Trenton, was the youthful 
MoNKOE, As they pushed to the attack the next morning, he led 
the van, "■ He wore the cheek of a boy, but moved with the 
tread of a veteran." In the thickest of the fight, under the im- 
mediate eye of his commander, he behaved with courage and 
daring, until a musket-ball from the enemy infiicted a painful 
■wound that checked his movements. He now retired from active 
service, until the recovery from his wound enabled him to rejoin the 
army, when he was appointed, as a reward for his bravery, Aid-de- 
camp to Lord Sterling. In this capacity, he served through the 
Bevere times, during which, the battles of Braudywine, German- 
town, and Monmouth, were fought, in each of which, he partici- 
pated with bravery and coolness. At the instigation of the 
commander-in-chief, he next attempted to raise a body of men for 
the service, of which he was to assume the command. Not suc- 
ceeding in this, he commenced the study of law, under the tuition 
of Governor Jeflerson, in his native State. Toward the close of 
the war, he was sent to the south to investigate the condition of 
the army, with a view of promoting its amelioration. Tliis com- 
mission w^as faithfully and satisfactorily performed. These oper- 
ations, with a few voluntary acts, during the latter part of the 
war, constitute a brief summary of his military career. 

His first entrance into public life, and a civic capacity, was in 
17IJ2, when he was elected to the Virginia legislature. His 
services in this assembly resulted in his selection to the executive 
council. Having thus, in a brief space of time, served his coun- 
try with credit and efficiency, through a portion of her first great 
struggle, almost before he had emerged from youth, he was, in his 



JAMES MONROE. 481 

twenty -fifth year, seutto Congress; in which body he took an honor- 
able position, and maintained it with dignity and ability. Among 
those who acted as the committee, at Annapolis, ou that august and 
sublime occasion, when Washington repaired there to lay down 
the commission he had held so long and so faithfully, was James 
Monroe. He continued a member of Congress till 1786, serv- 
ing his country, in the national councils, with the same zeal and 
devotion he had exhibited in her war. Like Madison, Monroe 
early saw the defects in the old articles of confederation. During 
the early part of his labors as a member of Congres, he brought 
in some resolutions, conferring certain powers upon Congress, 
regulative of commerce, revenue, etc. He was among the earliest 
to urge a general convention of delegates, for the purpose of 
remodeling the existent form of government. In his report, indeed, 
as chairman of the committee, to whom his resolutions were re 
ferred, the changes obviously demanded for the public good, were 
suggested with force and earnestness. 

His resolutions giving to Congress the power to levy an impost 
of five per cent., and sole jurisdiction, of commerce, passed in the 
spring of 1784. His suggestions in regard to a change of govern- 
ment, were discussed the ensuing July, and had some effect in 
the assemblage of delegates at Annapolis, which met in 1786, for 
the purpose of taking the matter into consi4«t«,tion. The succeed- 
ing year witut&sea Uie aSbtimuung ui Lae vjuutJicn v^uuvcuLiou 
that resulted in the Constitution of the United States, Thus, in 
the initiatory steps that secured that instrument, James Monroe, 
though comparatively a young man, figured wuth no inconsiderable 
conspicuity. Disputes between different States in regard to their 
boundaries, were then of frequent occurrence. The older order 
of things gave Congress the power to appoint members from the 
house to settle such disputes as might thus arise, — both parties to 
the dispute to have a voice in their selection. 

Monroe, in his twenty-seventh year was selected one of these 
commissioners to adjust a difficulty between the States of Massachu- 
setts and New York. Some of the other commissioners appointed 
for the same service resigning, the final settlement was unavoidably 
delayed. Monroe frequently wrote to Congress, in regard to the 
matter. Seeing no prospect of being able to render any real 
advantage to the country, he resigned his commission, and the 
difficulty was finally satisfactorily arranged by a convention of 



482 JAMES MONROE. 

delegates from each of the two States, wliicli assembled at Hartford, 
in 17S6. The selection of Monroe to this position, was no small 
concession, on the part of Congress, of his abilities and purity of 
character. 

Difficulties growing out of the controversy relating to the navi- 
gation of the Mississippi, have already been mentioned. The 
mouoh of that river being claimed by Spain, to be in her domin- 
ions, she asserted entire jurisdiction from bank to bank, over the 
whole stream, and forbade its navigation by the United States. 
The two countries, indeed, seemed verging to hostilities upon this 
subject. An American citizen had been imprisoned by the Span- 
iards, who, in their turn, had wrested from us an important 
government post. In this predicament, a proposition was 
made to compromise the matter with Spain, by giving in lien of 
the privilege of navigating that stream, equivalent commercial 
advantages she did not claim to possess. This proposition had 
many warm and able advocates. The "Virginia members opposed 
it with great unanimity. Monroe was a champion in the oppo- 
sition, and met the question squarely at every point. The propo- 
sition finally failed ; and we became eventually, not only possessed 
of the right of navigating the Mississippi, but of all Louisiana 
and the Floridas, none contributing more to the result than James 
Monroe. 

In 1786, he closed his labors in Cougress, having won high 
civic renown, during his career there. About this time, also, he 
was married to a Miss Kortright, one of the first families of the 
State of New York. She has been represented as one of the most 
beautiful and accomplished ladies of her day, possessing great 
fascination of manners, rare beauty, and high cultivation. They 
lived amicably and happily together, for a period of near fifty 
yearsi, — she dying but a short time before her husband. Monroe, 
relieved from public cares, now retired to Fredericksburg, with 
the sincere purpose of engaging in the practice of the law ; but, his 
reputation as a civilian was too firmly established, and his name 
too widely and favorably known, for him to be permitted to remain 
in the obscurity of a law office, and he was again called to the 
public service. No sooner had he settled himself, than he was 
sent to the legislature, whence he was immediately sent to the 
Yirginia convention, that met to take into consideration the 
Federal Constitution. 



JAMES MONROE. 483 

MoNKOE, we have remarked, was convinced, during his early 
labors in Congress, of the inefficiency of the old confederation, 
and its demand for revision and amendment. Yet after tlie con- 
vention had met and formed the Constitution, he was not in favor 
of it, thinking that several essential features of the instrument 
were susceptible of much improvement. His opposition, however, 
was not of the violent, relentless cast of Patrick Henry. He 
took his seat in the Yirginia convention identified with the oppo- 
sition, and when the final vote came to be taken, we find his 
name recorded with the seventy-nine who voted against its adop- 
tion, it being secured by a majority of only ten votes. The for- 
mation and final adoption of the Constitution has been happily 
pronounced, by one of its purest and ablest defenders, " the 
greatest triumph of pure and peaceful intellect recorded in the 
annals of the human race." Though it may seem strange to the 
reader of the present day, that pure patriots and men of wisdom, 
talents, and virtue should have arrayed themselves against an 
instrument by which our richest blessings have been secured and 
are perpetuated*, they acted from pure motives and through a 
spirit to serve their countr3^ Difl'erences of opinion upon this 
vital question, partook not of partisan virulence or sectional jeal- 
ousies. Consequently those stern, tried men lost no hold upon 
the people for their opposition to a measure, the beneficial influence 
of which, soon after its adoption, became so obviously apparent. 
This is sufficiently shown in the fact that, in 1T89, Monroe was 
elected to the Senate of the United States, to fill a vacancy occa- 
sioned by the death of William Grayson. 

Of this body he continued a member till 1794, a period during 
which most important national measures came up for considera- 
tion, and political parties began to form upon permanent bases, 
agitating deeply the public mind by conflicting views and opin- 
ions. His views upon the great issues then agitating the coun- 
try, and producing rival antagonisms between our greatest minds 
and noblest patriots, can not be said to have been widely difierent 
from those entertained by Jefferson. 

When revolting from the coercive restraints of the Directory, and 
flinging at their feet its self-arrogated authority, the French were 
whirling in the delirium of a red revolution, as before stated, the in- 
fluence upon this country was powerful and instantaneous. Hatred 
to England was excelled only, if excelled at all, by a sympathy for 



484 JAMES MONROE. 

those who desired to throw off the yoke of despotism and assert 
their owu majesty and supremacy. Among those who, in oppo- 
sition to the more neutrally inclined, favored, with somewhat of 
ardor the French revolution, was James Monroe, He was op- 
posed to the neutrality proclamation, notwithstanding the evident 
utility and expediency of the measure. To a friend of republic- 
anism it is needless to reiterate here the causes that might well 
make men, even the purest, feel like sympathizing with France 
at that time, even though a full and mature deliberation of the 
whole matter might have dictated a contrary policy. A variety of 
causes operated, particularly upon the minds of those who, of an 
ardent, impetuous temperament, were ready to draw the blade for 
freedom, everywhere, to prevent a thorough, impartial, and ma- 
tniq investigation of the subject in all its complications. 

Gouverneur Morris, our Minister to France, entertained views 
just the opposite, and advocated the strictest neutrality. His 
course not being agreeable to the French people, and, as they 
thought, highly inimical to their interests, he was recalled by our 
Government, and was superseded by Monroe, who was appointed 
Minister to the Court of Yersailles in the spring of 1794. Fully 
identified with the anti-federal, republican party, and having op- 
posed the leading measures of the administration, this appoint- 
ment was a high compliment to the talents and reputation of the 
noVf- Minibtcr, and an excellent ccmmcntary upon the virtue and 
patriotism of Washington, which, rising above the bitterness of 
party, sought to unite and blend all discordant elements into one 
unrufiled tide of peace and happiness, and to allay all jealousies, 
making men's objects, aims, and interests center upon their coun- 
try's weal. Though aware of his favor to the French revolu- 
tionary party and opposition to the neutrality proclamation, the 
power by whom he was appointed was not the least mistrustful 
of re'creancy on his part to the interests of the nation whose em- 
bassador he had been created. He was instructed to express, on 
the part of his Government, a lively sense of gratitude for past 
services rendered by the French nation, a warm and enduring 
friendship, and a desire to maintain uninterrupted the existing 
harmonious relations between the two countries. With these 
instructions he set out on his embassy to France. Reaching his 
destination, his views of policy having preceded him and made 
him already a favorite, he was received with a pomp and splendor 



JAMES MONKOE. 485 

by the National Convention perhaps hitherto never extended to 
an envoy to a foreign court from this country. Though disposed 
to carry out the spirit of his instructions, honestly entertaining 
views different from those by whom they were given, he found it 
next to impossible ; and becoming complicated and embarrassed 
in his diplomatic relations, he was, about the close of Washing- 
ton's administration, recalled, and was succeeded by Pinckney. 
On reaching the United States, no doubt somewhat mortified at 
the unpopularity of his mission, he published a large volume 
bearing the title of " A Yiew of the Conduct of the Executive in 
the Foreign Afiiiirs of the United States, connected with the 
Mission to the French Republic during the years 1794, '95, '96." 
The book never reached any high degree of popular favor, and 
seems now to be little regarded, either as an interesting detail of 
facts or a good specimen of literary success. 

On his return, he was elected to the Legislature of his native 
State with a cordiality that showed his reputation had undergone 
no diminution in the public mind. Though opposed to the meas- 
ures of the administration and the provisions of the Jay treaty 
concluded with Great Britain, he never had denounced either 
Washington or Jay, but accorded to them the highest merit as 
statpsmen^ patriots, and men of the purest motives. After the 
discharge of his duties in this capacity, he was elected Governor 
of Yirginia, which oiiice he held with dignity and credit till the 
expiration of his term of three years. While an incumbent of 
this office, he was startled, as were most of his countrymen, by 
indications of danger in an unlooked-for quarter. In the midst 
of his success, Bonaparte had, by secret treaty with Spain, come 
into possession of the territory of Louisiana. Everywhere vic- 
torious, tl>e occupancy of this territory brought the jurisdiction 
of his triumphant genius into immediate proximity to our borders. 
Though this acquisition to the Napoleonic empire was effected at 
the treaty of St. Ildefonso, in the year 1800, it was two years after 
before the United States were made aware of the fact. Appear- 
ances then indicated a design on the part of France to pour her 
legions into the New World, and wrest from us all her original 
possessions, fi'om Orleans to the Canadas. The smallest appear- 
ance of such a design being attempted, was well calculated to,, 
and did, excite apprehensions in the United States. It was re- 
solved to send, with due expedition, ministers to the Courts of 
33 



486 JAMES MONROE. 

France aucl Madrid, for the purpose of making such arrange- 
ments in regard to the territory of Louisiana as would be mutu- 
ally satisfactory and preventive of any collision with European 
powers and influences. Pinckney was in fact already Minister 
to Spain, but received additional powers and instructions. Early 
in 1803, Monroe was associated with Kobert Livingston, then 
resident Minister at the Court of France, as Envoy Extraordi- 
nary, to effect a purchase of New Orleans and the Spanish pos- 
sessions on the Mississippi river. lie was further instructed to 
act with Pinckney at the Court of Madrid, in relation to Lou- 
isiana. Livingston had opened negotiations in a very able man- 
ner before the arrival of Monroe, and on being joined by the lat- 
ter, prospects indicated a favorable consummation of their objects. 

Having elsewhere said as much of these purchases as space 
would allow, we pass to other branches of the subject. The mis- 
sion to France terminated satisfactorily, resulting in the acquisi- 
tion, by purchase, of the entire province of Louisiana and New 
Orleans, immediately after Monroe's arrival. He now hastened 
to Loudon, whither he had been commissioned Minister in the 
place of Rufus King, who had resigned. Our country's com- 
merce being still interfered with by the continuance of England 
to impress our seamen, beside other restrictions, he labored, while 
in the English metropolis, to consummate such arrangements as 
would protect the rights of our flag against these unjustifiable 
assumptions of power. Being able to effect but little toward the 
object, he proceeded to Madrid for the purpose of carrying out 
the remainder of his instructions, by acting in concert with 
Pinckney in securing the final settlement of all difficulties apper- 
taining to the newly -acquired territory. At Madrid, obstacles of 
no insignificant nature presented themselves to the diplomatists. 
Bonaparte, in the transfer of the territory, had confined himself 
to the unsatisfactory boundaries affixed by Spain in her secret 
transfer at the treaty of St. Ildefonso. Spain now aimed to make 
it appear that the whole area contemplated was comparatively 
small — not much larger than the island of New Orleans, Con- 
siderable discussion resulted from the boundary difficulties. The 
two Ministers, Monroe and Pinckney, after protracted but unsuc- 
cessful efforts to settle the disputes amicably, abandoned all hope 
of speedily putting an end to the quarrel. 

Affairs with England, in consequence of a stubborn persistence 



JAMES MONROE. 487 

in her designs, were in the meantime daily becoming more 
threatening and complicated. In 1805, Monroe was sent as Min- 
ister to that country. He found Pitt in the zenith of his premier- 
ship, his policy fettering commerce, and by his mighty mind 
keeping in check even the gigantic prowess of Napoleon, Soon 
after his return to London he was joined by William Pinckuey, 
who had also been appointed Minister to the English Court. 
They succeeded in effecting a treaty, a copy of which was sent to 
the United States. "Without submitting it to the consideration of 
Congress, Jefferson returned it for revision and modification, 
saying they never could conform to some of its requisitions. A 
change, however, unfortunate for the accomplishment of negotia- 
tions, had taken place in the meantime, and on the arrival of the 
returned treaty, Monroe received notification that their mission 
was, at least for the present, at an end. The attack upon the 
Chesapeake following, negotiations abruptly closed, and the Min- 
isters returned home. As Monroe closed with credit his mili- 
tary, so this last ministry to England ended his diplomatic career. 
This was in 1807. Soon after his return he was again elected. 
Guvernor of Virginia, previous to his entrance upon the duties 
of which office he enjoyed an agreeable repose at home with his 
lovely wife and children. The rejection of the treaty concluded 
during his mission, by Jefferson, without so much as senatorial 
submission, though it resulted in no serious breach between the 
two, alienated Monroe from his old friend for some time. It 
passed by, however, and was comparatively forgotten. Monroe 
occupied the executive chair of his native State till 1811, when 
lie was appointed by President Madison, Secretary of State, 

We have already glanced, in the preceding pages, at some 
of the perplexities to be encountered at this time. War between 
America and Great Britain was near breaking out. The decrees, 
the orders in council, the impressment of our seamen, the em- 
bargo, non-intercourse acts, and various measures of vast import- 
ance agitated the public mind, and coming directly within the 
purview of the labors of our Secretary of State, some idea can be 
had of the extent of his responsibilities. Through the pressing 
necessities of the times, he discharged the duties of Secretary of 
State as became a statesman and patriot. Up to the time when, 
Genseric-like, the British commander ordered the destruction of 
Washington City, he attended only to the duties of that office. 



488 JAMES MONROE. 

When the capitol was destroyed, General Armstrong, who had 
been Secretary of War, was forced, by the weight of popular 
odium heaped upon him, to resign, and Monroe, at the urgent 
solicitation of the President, consented to discharge the duties of 
both offices. He was now the occupant of two stations, the du- 
ties of which, if faithfully executed, were sufficient for the talents 
and energies of more than one ordinary mind. 

As Secretaryof the War department, he had to fix upon plans of 
operation, and many other duties incident to the position. Com- 
ing into the office at a time when Louisiana was threatened with 
invasion by a large force of England's victorious, veteran legions, 
who were flushed with the glory of long-contested, hard-earned 
success, and were turned upon our shores without occupation for 
their enterprise, eager for new fields of battle and new rewards of 
achievement, the public emergencies now required that the sternest 
and ablest men should be placed at the head of affairs, and that 
the resources of the country should be developed as soon as pos- 
sible and to the fullest extent. With such men as Madison and 
his double Secretary, Monroe, we were sure to receive the proper 
meed of solicitude, anxiety, and effort toward the restoration of 
peace. To meet the invader in successful encounter at New 
Orleans was, to the American cause, a matter of the last import- 
ance. As Secretary of War, the task of providing the army with 
necessaries requisite to their condition devolved upon Moneos. 
The financial condition of the country was perplexed and embar- 
rassed. Every effort, however, was made by the Secretary to 
procure what was needed. Failing, from the depressed condition 
of affairs, to obtain sufficient means from the proper sources, like 
Morris and like Franklin, he stepped forward, and upon his own 
private credit, was enabled to furnish large supplies. Party ani- 
mosities and bickerings had resulted in a failure to recharter 
the old bank, and though not amid such distresses as in the days 
of the old war, funds were exceedingly difficult to procure. The 
currency was broken down, and revenues crippled. "Banks, 
with fictitious capital, swarmed the land, and sponged the purse 
of the people, often for the use of their own money, with more 
than usurious extortion. The solid banks were enabled to main- 
tain their integrity only by contracting their operations to an ex-, 
tent ruinous to their debtors and to themselves. A balance of 
trade, operating, like a universal fraud, vitiated the channels of 



JAMES MONROE. 489 

intercourse between north and south, and the treasury of the 
Union was replenished only with silken tatters and unavailable 
funds ; chartered corporations, bankrupt under the gentle name 
of suspended specie payments, and without a dollar of capital 
to pay their debts, sold at enormous discounts the very evi- 
dence of those debts, and passed off upon the Government of the 
country at par their rags, purchasable in the open market at 
depreciations of thirty and forty per cent," 

The fact that Monroe died in extreme poverty, has frequently 
been mentioned as derogatory to his merits. Aside from the 
consideration that he is not an isolated instance of great men 
being in the same condition, it would be well for posterity to 
reflect that this voluntary offering of his means and credit for his 
country was never, during his life, properly appreciated by the 
Government, and had much to do in bringing about the disas- 
trous condition of his private resources. 

For the prosecution of the war, it was resolved to raise sixty 
thousand men. Monroe urged, though unsuccessfully, an addi- 
tion of forty thousand, which, had they been raised, would doubt- 
less much sooner have terminated the struggle. Of the incidents 
and measures connected with the war of 1812, we shall say more 
in the proper place. 

It resulted in an honorable peace and additional renown to the 
whole country. Monroe, during its progress, discharged the 
heavy duties connected with the war department till its close, 
when, resigning that office, his energies were exclusively devoted 
to the post of Secretary of State. Through Madison's adminis- 
tration the labors belonging to that office were severe and oner- 
ous. Monroe performed them with credit to himself and honor 
to the country, co-operating zealously with the President in all 
the great questions of the day. 

On the expiration of Madison's second official term, Monroe 
was looked upon as his succcessor. In March, 1817, he was 
formally inaugurated fifth President of the United States. "We 
have thus followed him in each gradation of rise and progress 
from a youthful volunteer, without name or commission, at Haer- 
lem nights and White Plains, till the first honors of the great 
republic adorn his brow. What a commentary upon the bless- 
ings of republican institutions ! His inaugural was couched in 
the language of a true patriot, and gave assurances that were 



490 JAMES MONROE. 

redeemed, of makiug every effort to maiutain the welfare of his 
country and promote her interests to the best of his ability. " It 
is particularly gratifying to me," says he, " to enter on the dis- 
charge of these duties at a time when the United States are 
blessed with peace. It is a state most consistent with their pros- 
perity and happiness. It will be my sincere desire to preserve it, 
so far as depends on the Executive, ou just principles with all 
nations, claiming nothing unreasonable of any, and rendering to 
each what is its due. Equally gratifying is it to witness the 
increased harmony of opinion which pervades our Union. Dis- 
cord does not belong to our system. Union is recommended, as 
M'ell by the free and benign principles of our Government extend- 
ing its blessings to every individual, as by the other eminent 
advantages attending it. The American people have encoun- 
tered together great dangers and sustained severe trials with suc- 
cess. They constitute one great family with a common interest. 
Experience has enlightened us on some questions of essential 
importance to the country. The progress has been slow, dictated 
by just reflection and a faithful regard to every interest connected 
with it. To promote this harmony, in accordance with the prin- 
ciples of our republican government, and in a manner to give 
them the most complete effect, and to advance in all other respects, 
the best interests of our country, will be the object of my constant 
and zealous exertions." 

On the conclusion of his inaugural, the oath of office was 
administered, and he entered upon his duties as President of the 
United States. For his cabinet, he selected John Quincy Adams, 
Secretary of State; William H. Crawford, Secretary of the Treasury ; 
Isaac Shelby (w^ho did not accept), Secretary of War ;* and, B. 
W. Crowninshield to the navy department. Having thus begun 
his administration at a time of peace and prosperity, and having 
long been engrossed with deep public cares, in June, after his 
inauguration, he commenced a general tour through the different 
States. He was everywhere received with warm congratulations, 
and the recipient of grand ovations. This trip made a deep and 
grateful impression upon his mind, and he was often heard to 
speak of it as among the happiest periods of his life. Soon after 
his return to Washington, Congress convened, and organized by 

* John. C. Calhoun was afterward appointed to this office. 



JAMES MONROE. 491 

the re-election of Henry Clay to the speakership. Acting from 
the outset, as we have seen, in harmony with the President, that 
great man gave, in his address, every assm*auce of using his 
utmost endeavors to carry out his pacific views. 

On the 2d of December, Monroe sent in his first annual mes- 
sage, — a State paper, that breathed the most elevated and patriotic 
sentiments, and guaranteed a zeal and devotion to the service of 
his country, true to the tenor of his whole life. The most impor- 
tant part of this message, is the unqualified assertion of his belief, 
that Congress should possess the right to make appropriations for 
purposes of internal improvements. This was a leading idea of 
Monroe, in reference to which, he said as follows; 

"A difference of opinion has existed from the first formation of 
our Constitution, to the present time, among our most enlightened 
and virtuous citizens, respecting the right of Congress to establish 
such a system of improvement. Taking into view the trust with 
which 1 am now honored, it would be improper, after what has 
passed, that the discussion should be revived with an uncertainty 
of my opinion respecting it. Disregarding early impressions 
I have bestowed on the subject, all the deliberation which its im- 
portance and a just sense of my duty required ; and the result is a 
settled conviction in my mind, that Congress do not possess the 
right. It is not contained in any of the specified powers granted 
to Congress ; nor can I consider it incidental to, or a necessary 
mean, viewed on the most liberal scale, for carrying into efiect any 
of the powers which are specifically granted. In communicating 
this result, I can not resist the obligation which I feel, to suggest 
to Congress, the propriety of recommending to the States the 
adoption of an amendment to the Constitution, which shall give 
to Congress the right in question." 

Immediately after the commencement of his first term, Missis- 
sippi having attained the requisite number of inhabitants, and 
adopted a constitution, applied for, and obtained, admission into 
the Union as a sovereign State. A spirit of what, at the present 
time, would be termed fillibusteriug, began, in December, to be 
manifest. Designs on the part of adventurers, against Texas and 
the Floridas, were obvious, which the pacific temperament 
and policy of the Executive promptly suppressed. During the 
First Congressional session of Monroe's administration, many 
highly important measures were enacted. ' The pay of members 



492 JAMES MONROE. 

of Congress was fixed at eight dollars a day, at which, it continued 
for a long period ; internal duties were done away with ; pension 
regulations were adopted ; Illinois was admitted into the Union 
as a State. 

In 1818, a treaty that was deemed advantageous to the country, 
was concluded with Sweden, and the Seminole war brought 
to a victorious termination. Early in 1819, arrangements were 
commenced with Great Britain, allowing Americans the privileges 
of the fisheries on the coasts of ^Newfoundland, settling defini- 
tively the northern boundaries of the United States, and extending 
certain commercial privileges guaranteed by former stipulations. 
These were all satisfactorily consummated. A month later, 
through John Quincy Adams, the purchase of the Floridas was 
efiected with the Spanish minister, Luis de Onis. In March 
following, the territorial organization of Arkansas was effected. 

At peace, at home and abroad, — every thing in a fl.ourishing 
condition, — we continued, under the benign influences of this 
administration, to expand and develop, far beyond all precedent. 
About this time, Monroe took a trip through the southern States. 
He visited most of the principal cities, where he was hailed with 
pride and admiration ; he returned to Washington in August, 1819. 

The admission of Missouri as a State, afforded fruitful source 
of controversy and excitement, during the ensuing session of 
Congress. The restriction of slavery to its present limits, had 
already become a leading idea with many politicians of talent and 
note. It was settled by compromise that she should be admitted, 
upon the principle of State sovereignty, but that the institution of 
slavery should never extend to any other territory north of 30° 30', 
The Missouri compromise, projected by able men, and sustained 
by Monroe's administrative advisers, has since held a prominent 
place among the national questions of the day. Before its final 
adoption, great perplexities grew out of the application for ad- 
mission. The non-introduction of slavery was urged as a con- 
dition of acceptance. Objections were immediately raised to the 
imposition of this condition, and maintained with zeal and force. 
Those in favor of unrestricted admission, averred that such a 
requirement w^as not warranted by the Constitution, by the 
ti-eaty through whose provisions we became possessed of the terri- 
tory, and that it would be detrimental to the best interests of the 
country. Debates upon the subject waxed warm, and the whole 



JAMES MONROE. 493 

country became excited about the matter. Among those who 
were conspicuous in insisting upon the non-introduction of slaves 
as the condition of admission, were Rufus King and John 
Sargent, Henry Clay and Piuckney led the van of the oppo- 
sition. Dissensions, the most bitter and intensely fierce, grew out 
of the discussion of this measure. The compromise first origin- 
ated in the Senate. Its introduction immediately divided that 
body according to the localities of members, — north or south, — the 
members from each section sustaining and voting with marked 
unanimity, the sentiments of their respective sections. This, as 
all struggles for the balance of political power growing out of the 
slavery question have done, threatened, for a time, the tranquillity 
of the Union. In the House, the same spirit was manifest. The 
northern men still persisted in saying "no more slave States," while 
the south were equally determined to maintain their political 
equilibrium. The compromise, which finally ended the Missouri 
controversy, may very justly be considered as a southern measure, 
originating with, and being carried through by, southern men.* 

Our afiairs with Spain became the next question of importance 
that occupied the deliberations of Congress. In March, 1820, 
Monroe sent that body documentary papers, received from our 
minister to Russia, having direct bearing upon the subject, and 
containing assurance of his anxiety to see a final settlement of all 
difficulties between the two countries. Earnest requests from both 
Russia and France, were also transmitted, that no active steps 
should be taken, calculated to embroil the States in a war with 
Spain. With his accustomed prudence, he recommended the 
relinquishment of final action upon the Spanish afiairs, until the 
intervention of sufilcient time to afford honorable adjustment. 
Other documents, relative to the same subject, were soon after 
transmitted, informing Congress of changes taking place in the 
Spanish government, and still recommending the most concili- 
atory spirit on their part. These things continued until the next 
session. 

Congress again convened, early in November, 1820. Clay not 
being able to be present, the speaker's chair was filled, for the 
time, by L. Cheves. Monkoe immediately sent in his annual 
message, which was in the same tone of moderation that dictated 

* For further particulars in regard to this measure, see life of Heniy Clay. 



494 JAMES MOXEOE. 

his former ones. During this year Monkoe was put in nomina- 
tion, by the Democratic or Republican party, for a second term, 
and was re-elected by the most unanimous vote ever cast for Pres- 
ident in this country, except in the case of "Washington. 

The final and permanent settlement of the Missouri question 
occupied the earlier attention of this session. The subject finally 
ceased to be one of political discussion, though the same princi- 
ples have agitated the country on several subsequent occasions. 

On the 22d of February, 1821, through a cougratulatorj^ pro- 
clamation, the President formally advised the country of the full 
and satisfactory arrangements of all difficulties with Spain. 

On the 5th of March, Monroe, for the second time, took the 
oath of office as President of the United States, and delivered his 
inaugural. It closed with the following sentiments : " If we turn 
our attention, fellow-citizens, more immediately to the internal 
concerns of our country, and more especially to those upon which 
our future welfare depends, we have every reason to anticipate 
the happiest results. It is now rather more than forty years since 
we declared our independence, and thirty-seven since it was ac- 
knowledged. The talents and virtues which were displa^'ed in 
that great struggle were a sure presage of all that has since fol 
lowed. A people who were able to surmount, in their infant 
state, such great perils, would be more competent, as they rose 
into manhood, to repel any obstacle which they might meet in 
their progress. Their physical strength would be more adequate 
to foreign danger, and the practice of self-government, aided by 
the light of experience, could not fail to produce an effect equally 
salutar}' on all those questions connected with internal organi- 
zation. In our whole system, national and State, we have 
shunned all the defects which unceasingly preyed on the vitals 
and destroyed the ancient republics. In them there were distinct 
orders, a nobility and a people, or the people governed in one 
assembly. Thus, in one instance, there was a perpetual conflict 
between the orders in society for the ascendency, in which the 
victory of either terminated in the overthrow of the government 
and the ruin of the states. In the other, in which the people 
governed in a body, and whose dominions seldom exceeded the 
dimensions of a county in one of our States, a tumultuous and 
disorderly movement permitted only a transitory existence. In 
this great nation there is but one order, that of the people, whose 



JAMES MONROE. 495 

power, by a peculiarly happy improvement of the represeutative 
principle, is transferred from them without impairing, in the 
slightest degree, their sovereignty, to bodies of their own crea- 
tion, and to persons elected by themselves, in the full extent 
necessary for all the purposes of free, enlightened, and efficient 
government. The whole system is elective, the complete sover- 
eignty being in the people, and every officer in every department 
deriving his authority from, and being responsible to, them for 
his conduct." 

Congress again convened, December 3d. Phil. F. Barbour was 
chosen Speaker. The message of the President was a lengthy 
and elaborate exhibit of the prosperous condition of the country, 
and contained wise and judicious remarks upon manufactures 
and every department of home industry and enterprise. By 
"prosperous condition," we do not wish to be understood as 
inferring that no difficulties attended the administration of Mon- 
KOE. The finances were, for a time, at a deplorably low ebb, and 
great distresses prevailed. Yet every department of internal 
enterprise and national policy bore uTimistakable marks of pro- 
gress and eventual emancipation from all embarrassments. 

In January, 1822, the House went into Committee of the 
Whole for the purpose of considering the propriety and policy of 
a general bankrupt act. Many, Randolph among others, con- 
tended that Congress had no right to annul the obligations of pri- 
vate contracts. 

About this time, Congress was thrown into mourning by the 
death of "William Pinckney of Maryland, one of the most elo- 
quent men and efficient members of that body. Suitable tributes 
w^ere paid to his memory, and all felt the irreparable loss sus- 
tained. Early in the spring the subject of South American inde- 
pendence, a measure warmly recommended by Monroe, came up 
before the House, and elicited several speeches of great power 
and eloquence in its behalf. The special message of the Presi- 
dent on this subject was referred to a select committee that 
reported unanimously in favor of acknowledging their independ- 
ence. Their course invoked the denunciation of the Spanish Min- 
ister, who averred, in a letter to the Secretary of State, that such 
a procedure was an infringement upon the rights of his country, 
inasmuch as it would tend to prevent the recovery of certain ter- 
ritory, sought to be held by the South Americans. Adams 



496 JAMES MONKOE. 

replied in a dignified, manly tone, aifirming that no infraction 
upon the rights of Spain was aimed at, but that, as lovers of 
liberty, they wished to sympathize with congenial spirits every- 
where, the world over. 

On the reassemblage of Congress in December, Barbour was 
again elected to the speakership. The President's message was 
in keeping with those that had preceded it, — still the same able, 
but unostentatious document. 

Of the close of Monroe's administration little remains to be 
said. Peaceful and quiet, no question of exciting interest in 
which he was an actor disturbing the public repose, it ended aa 
it begun, calmly and happily. Business pertaining to revenue, 
unsettled accounts, the regulation of the militia, the improvement 
of the nav}', the subjugation of pirates infesting the high seas, 
were matters of some interest and legislative interference. The 
second session of the Eighteenth Congress, and the last under 
Monroe's administration, began December 6th, 182-i. The Presi- 
dent, as he approached the close of his executive career, was 
happy to state, in his last annual message, that " our relations 
with foreign powers are of a friendly character, although certain 
interesting differences remain unsettled. Our revenue, under the 
mild system of impost and tonnage, continues to be adequate to 
all the purposes of government. Our agriculture, commerce, 
manufactures and navigation flourish. Our fortifications are ad- 
vancing, in a degree authorized by existing appropriations, to 
maturity, and due progress is made in the augmentation of the 
navy to the limits prescribed by law." The question upon the 
occupation of Oregon, and measures to clear the sea of pirates, 
were the leading objects before Congress during this session. 
The former was lost in the Senate, though it received a respect- 
able vote. In regard to the latter, the naval strength was 
increased for the purpose of bringing the pirates to punishment. 
On the 3d of March, 1825, Monroe's last executive term was 
brought to a close. Laden with honors, and occupying a high 
place in the affections of his fellow-countrymen, he retired to en- 
joy the rich and congenial repose of private life. At his resi- 
dence in Loudon county, Virginia, he found, with his family, that 
glorious, serene enjoyment which is the reward of labor and 
merit. From the office of President of a republic, he consented 
to serve as a Justice of the Peace, which he did for some t'uie 



JAMES MONROE. 497 

for his county. He was also curator of the Yirginia University 
in the prosperity of which he manifested as deep an interest, 
as did Jefferson or Madison. 

In 1830 he was elected to the Yirginia convention, to revise 
the State constitution. Over that body he was unanimously 
selected to preside, but was, on account of severe sickness, com- 
pelled to resign the position. The close of his political career 
left him heavily in debt, and his last years were pained by con- 
scious inability to liquidate just claims against him. Soon after 
his labors in the convention, he lost his wife, who died of sudden 
illness the ensuing summer. He now removed to the city of 
New York, where he was the daily recipient of kindly greetings 
and surrounded by a host of admiring and appreciative friends. 
He was not destined long to survive the partner of his bosom. 
His life was protracted till the 4th of July, when, like Adams 
and Jefferson, he sauk to sleep on the anniversary day of his 
country's independence, leaving a name imperishable, as one of 
its purest defenders. In the language of John Quincy Adams, 
his renowned successor and eulogist, Monkoe, though "not ex- 
empt from the errors and infirmities incident to all human action, 
was characteristic of purposes always honest and sincere, of inten- 
tions fllwflys pure^ of Uibors outlasting the daily circuit of the 
sun, and outwatching the vigils of the night, and what he said 
none out a faichiui witness is bound to record ; of a mind auAious 
and unwearied in the pursuit of truth and right; patient of in- 
quiry ; patient of contradiction ; courteous even in the collision 
of sentiment ; sound in its ultimate judgments, and firm in its 
conclusions." 

In his personal appearance, " Monroe was tall and well 
formed, being about six feet in stature, with light complexion 
and blue eyes. His countenance had no indications of superior 
intellect, but an honesty and a firmness of purpose which com- 
manded respect and gained favor and friendship. He was labo- 
rious and industrious, and doubtless compensated, in some degree, 
by diligence, for slowness of thought and want of imagination. 
His talents, however, were respectable, and he was a fine speci- 
men of the old school of Yirginia gentlemen, generous, hospi- 
table, and devoted to his country, which he did not hesitate to 
serve, to the utmost of his ability, through a long life, and his 
career was highly honorable, useful, and worthy of admiration," 



ANDKEW JACKSON. 



It was said of the renowned Themistocles, that his preceptor, on 
witnessing early indications of talent and determination, told 
him that he was born to be either a blessing or a curse to his 
country. He soon after became so ambitious to excel in heroic 
deeds, that he declared the trophies of Miltiades, the hero of 
Marathon, would not sufler him to sleep. Andrew Jackson, 
very early in life, gave evidences of a military fire and iron will, 
self-reliance and determined spirit, which showed that he was 
destined to enroll his name among the worUFs great men, either 
as a benefactor of his country or a destroyer of her liberties. 
Combining, with the highest courage and military genius, the 
deepest penetration and sagacity as a civilian, he proved himself 
calculated to lead our armies to victorious battle or to direct suc- 
cessfully the legislative councils. Had he been less patriotic and 
more selfish, he might have been the Csesar of modern times, bap- 
tized his country in blood, destroyed a commonwealth, and, 
assuming the imperial robe, ascended the throne of a despot. 
This, however, was not his ambition. "Whatever of detraction and 
abuse may have been heaped upon him during times of politi- 
cal excitement, the whisperings of envy have been long since 
silenced, while upon the pages of his country's history, and occu- 
pying wider space in the public eye than most men of his time, 
are the name and figure of Andrew Jackson. 

He was born in the Waxhaw settlements of South Carolina, on 
the 15th day of March, 1767. His parents were of Scotch de- 
scent. They removed from Scotland to Ulster, Ireland, long 
before the birth of our subject, or policy had dictated emigration to 
(498; 




ANDKEW JACKSON". 



ANDREW JACKSON. 499 

this country. His grandfather, Ilagh Jackson, followed the busi- 
ness of a draper while in Ireland. He had four sons, the youngest 
of whom, named Andrew, was the Tather of our Andrew Jack- 
son. The two eldest were born before he came to America. On 
resolving to cross the water, immediate steps were taken to put 
the design into execution. The vessel in which they sailed came 
into the harbor at Charleston in 1765. They immediately settled 
amid the wild, though somewhat romantic, scenery on the banks 
of Waxhaw creek, where Andrew was born two years after. 
Upon the birth of Andrew, Mrs. Jackson lost her husband, and 
was, though not in utler destitution, left with a very small prop- 
erty. With but little means, and four young boys, far from former 
friends and associations, and in a comparative wilderness, she 
had to make provision for rearing her family and their edu- 
cation. With a fixedness of purpose and stern energy, she de- 
voted herself to the task as but few have ever done.' She was, in; 
every respect, a model woman. With great energy, a hopeful^, 
buoyant temperament, and strong intellect, she combined strict 
religious principles, and enjoined the same upon her offspring. 
What imperishable monuments to their mothers' memory are the- 
illustrious men of America ! When spire, and dome, and gilded 
portal shall, in a heap of smoldering ruins, form the tomb of 
buried greatness, our maternal ancestry, in the examples and 
Ciiicd'o 01 their Uioijii-iguioii.»^i-i suiis, win iiav« represcuiatives of 
their sterling worth lasting as time itself. Andrew Jackson, 
whose dauntless, unbending spirit and hatred of oppression be- 
came so early manifest, derived the attributes of his great nature 
principally from his mother. His antipathy to England was, in 
a great measure, a maternal inheritance. The oppressions of that 
country had been felt over Europe, and upon Scotland and Ire- 
land were particularly severe. Both the land of her fathers and 
that of her adoption had felt the bitterness of its persecution.. 
Driven from each to a remote wilderness, which, soon as it began 
to blossom as the rose, was to be overrun by the same legions, it 
was but natural that she should feel all the indignity of a true 
woman, and that her son should partake of the same feeling. 

Detecting with a mother's solicitude and penetration, the early 
dawnings of an intellect that with some cultivation and develop- 
ment, would make itself felt and known, she determined as far 
as her straitened circumstances M^ould permit, to give her youngest 
34 



500 ANDREW JACKSON. 

sou an education. She designed him for the ministry, — and 
imagined that, at no distant day, he would fulfill her expecta- 
tions ; but the future hero oT New Orleans early felt that he waa 
not made for a preacher, and that he could use a sword to more 
purpose than he could a Bible. 

Young Andrew was sent to school, in accordance with his 
mother's resolution, at Waxhaw academy, a common, though 
among the best institutions of learning in that part of the country. 
He was engaged in studying his books at Waxhaw, when the 
Revolution began. Soon as the tide of war rolled southward, the 
brave Carolinians shouldered their muskets and prepared to defend 
their homes and altars. Among those who first fell, after the 
invasion of Carolina, was Hugh Jackson, Andrew's elder brother ; 
he was killed at the battle of Stono. After the fall of Savannah, 
and the destruction of Beaufort's command by Tarleton's dragoons, 
fearful scenes were enacted in that part of Carolina. Jackson 
visited the field of carnage, strewn with the bodies of Beaufort's 
butchered men, and though but twelve years of age, felt the hot 
blood of revenge mounting to his temples. He is said to have 
looked upon the bodies of the dead as they lay in heaps, right in 
the vicinity of his mother's home, with intenaest interest. From 
that hour, England had a foe, than whom, in Hannibal, Rome had 
not one more deadly. Weymiss and Bawd on now poured their 
hordes over the Carolinas, carrying desolation wherever they 
wont. Mrs. Jackson, as they approached the Waxhaw, fled with 
her family to North Carolina, to avoid their outrages. As the 
system of plunder, rapine, and cruelty, practiced by the British in 
that part of the country, began to increase, and the clouds to 
gather thicker and dai'ker, young Jackson took his resolution. 
Though but thirteen years of age, and scarce able to carry a 
musket, when the beat for volunteers was made, he seized his gun, 
and fell into the lines. Straining him to her bosom with deepest 
aflfection, thinking of her eldest son, already fallen in battle, with 
a heroic virtue, worthy the mother of olden time, who giving to 
her sou his shield as he went to battle, bade him return to her 
with it or on it; Mrs. Jackson resigning him to the chances of 
war, and invoking Heaven's blessings upon him, saw her young 
boy depart for the scene of action. 

His first engagement was in the attack made by Sumpter 
against the British at Hanging Bock. His brother Robert was 



ANDREW JACKSON. 501 

also in this engagement. The Americans did not gain a victoiy, 
but behaved with great coolness and daring. Young Jackson, in 
company with his brother, now returned home, where they re- 
mained for some time in inactivity, though ready to take the field 
at a moment's warning. Andrew was brave from his boyhood, 
and while in his teens, possessed a fortitude that might have been 
the pride of a veteran. An incident illustrative of this, is sufficient. 
The Tories, or the more honorable name, Loyalists^ which they 
were frequently called during these times, proved as troublous in 
that part of the country, as did the British. Their midnight 
incursions, and secret plunders, kept the country in continual 
alarm. An American captain came into the neighborhood to 
spend, the night. Fearing a surprise from the Tories, a guard of 
eight men was deemed necessary ; — the two young Jacksons con- 
sented to be of the party. Watching for hours, without seeing 
any signs of danger they went to sleep. Not long afterward, a 
body of Tories were seen in the darkness, stealing toward the 
house. Frightened out of his wits, a British deserter, who 
was first to perceive them, hastened to Jackson and roused him 
from his sleep with, "The Tories are upon us, — the Tories are upon 
us." Not the least disconcerted, he snatched his musket and went 
to meet the approaching party. Soon as he got close enough, he 
rested his gun in the fork of a small fruit tree, and called out to 
them. No answer was made. Repeating it the second time with 
the same result, he fired upon them. The party returned the fire, 
a shot hitting his companion, the deserter, and leaving him dead 
on the spot. Jackson now ran into the house to dispute its 
entrance by the enemy, whose movements around the building, 
showed a design to get in by the opposite side. Being joined by 
Ills companions, he recommenced firing upon the enemy, who 
returned it with efiect. Young Jackson remained firm till each 
of his companions had fallen, and then he continued alone to de- 
fend tlie house. A timely bugle-blast that rang upon the night 
air, was, perhaps, all that saved the seventh President of the 
United States. Major Isbel, who heard the firing, and suspecting 
the cause, blew the blast in the hope of alarming the Tories. It; 
had the desired effect. They broke and fled, thinking a troop of 
cavalry was full upon them. Jackson and his brother now kept 
watch over the dead bodies of their comrades until morning. 
Shortly after this, Tarleton's dashing dragoons made a bold 



502 ANDREW JACKSON. 

incursion into the "Waxhaw settlements, and took many prison- 
ers, among whom were young Andrew Jackson and his brother 
Robert. lu endeavoring to escape from the enemy, they hid 
themselves in a dense thicket, where they passed the night in 
great anxiety and pain. Leaving their concealment to procure 
some food, they were surprised by a body of tories and captured. 
This was at the house of Lieut. Crawford. After pillaging the 
house of its valuable contents, and various other exhibitions of 
rulSanism, the British officer in command presented his foot, 
and ordered young Andrew to black his boots. Meeting an in- 
dignant refusal from the proud youth, he aimed a blow at him 
with his sword, which, being Avarded off with his hand, left a cut, 
the scar of which lasted him through life. Requiring, then, the 
same service of his brother Robert, and meeting the same kind 
of a refusal, he drew his sword and inflicted a wound on his 
head, from which he never fully recovered, Andrew was now 
ordered to show the troop the way to Major Thompson's, a 
noted Whig, devoted to the cause, who was personally known to 
him. The youthful prisoner was told that a failure to conduct 
them directly to the plantation would result in his immediate 
death. Though his hand was bleeding freely, nothing daunted 
by the threats of taking his life, Jackson thought only upon some 
method by which he could save his friend. Instead of taking the 
direct course for his house, which would soon have brought them 
to it, he took a long, circuitous track through woods and old 
fields. They at length came up to the gate. Jackson's heart 
beat heavily as he saw his friend's saddle-horse hitched in front 
of the house. Its owner was in. The dragoons made rapidly 
for the house. Tliompson, seeing the danger, sprang to his 
horse, plunged into a stream near by, and gained the opposite 
shore, to the great delight of our hero. Jackson was now sent 
to Camden, where, with quite a number of others, he was thrown 
into prison, and most inhumanly treated. While thus confined, 
to his great joy he learned the accession of Greene to the south- 
ern command, and that an attack would be made on Camden. 
Burning with revenge, his young heart beat high with hope. 
From the top of the hill where the jail stood, Greene's camp could 
be easily seen. From this he expected to witness the battle soon 
to take place. Not so, however. The whole area was suddenly 
and unexpectedly closed with a high plank fence, that prevented 



ANDREW JACKSON. 503 

any view beyond. He was not to be thus disappointed. With 
an old razor blade, he worked on the fence at nig-ht till an aper- 
ture had been made sufficiently large to afford a good view of the 
movements of the army. Next morning Rawdon drew out his 
forces for battle. Jackson nimbly climbed to the hole in the 
fence, and applied his eye. The whole scene was before him. 
Tlius the boy-patriot, the future hero of New Orleans, remained 
M' ith dilated eye and throbbing heart, watching the military evo- 
lutions going on around Camden. Thus perched upon the fence, 
his worn companions eagerly gathered around to hear the prog- 
ress of the battle of Hobklrk Hill ; how the brave boy's heart 
beat with joy or sickened with sorrow as the prospects of de- 
feat and victory alternated, till the last remnant of the American 
forces were drawn from the field, over which streamed in triumph 
the flag of the same country that had oppressed the lands of his 
fathers and desolated the homes of his ancestry. He watched 
the retreating army till it disappeared over the brow of the hill, 
then turned sadly away. 

Jackson's mother, of course, felt all the pain a mother could 
at the condition of her boys. She had followed them with 
prayers and solicitude in all their sufferings, and had tried every 
way to secure their release. Unknown to them, she had made 
her way to the British camp, and was then in Camden. She at 
length succeeded in procuring their exchange. They did not look 
like the same boys that left her some time before. The wound on 
Robert's head had never been dressed, and they both looked pale, 
haggard, and ill. Their mother could scarcely control her feel- 
ings as she beheld her emaciated sons. They immediately started 
for their home on the Waxhaw. Never, perhaps, was a journey 
pursued under more disadvantageous circumstances. They had 
means only sufficient to procure two horses, one of which was 
given to Mrs. Jackson, while Robert was placed on the other, 
supported by his fellow-prisoners. Young Andrew trudged 
along on foot, with every vein in him swelling with disease, the 
boys having become infected with small-pox. This sad, sick 
group presented a sorrowful aspect as, past desolated and de- 
serted hamlets they slowly traveled back to their homes. The 
second day, when wathin a few miles of the settlement a sudden 
shower of rain overtook them before they could reach shelter, 
that drenched the party to the skin, and drove the eruption in 



504 ANDEEW JACKSON. 

on each of the boys. They were immediately taken dangerously ill, 
and the disease, combining with the putrid, undressed wound, 
brought on inflammation of the brain in Robert, and in two days 
he was dead. Andrew became delirious, and nothing but the 
constant nursing and care of his affectionate mother kept him 
from sharing the same fate. 

Scarcely awaiting his recovery, Mrs. Jackson, in company with 
other noble spirits like herself, set out for Charleston for the pur- 
pose of alleviating the distresses of the prisoners, who, crowded 
together in the holds of wretched ships, at that place, were suffer- 
ing every conceivable torture. They arrived there safely, and, 
notwithstanding the forbidding aspect of the place where the mis- 
erable unfortunates were confined, for no other offense than fight- 
ing for their country, she entered the gloomy precincts of pesti- 
lence and death to administer to their wants. The task was too 
severe for her. She early fell a victim to the infectious disease 
of the place, and died, engaged in this errand of mercy. No one 
knows where rest the remains of this noble woman. Jackson 
himself was denied the mournful solade of sighing over her 
grave or erecting a monument to her memory, though he never 
ceased to honor, esteem, and venerate her name, or encourage 
those virtues that, to so great an extent with him, were the im- 
plantation of her own. The mothers of America can not study 
too well or imitate too closely the examples of those estimable 
women whose offspring founded States and ruled Senates by 
their power and wisdom. Instances are so very rare of a truly 
great man who had not an excellent mother, that the fact is 
certainly worthy of remark. 

Of the Jackson family who had fled persecution, and fled in 
vain, Andrew was now the sole representative. In almost pen- 
niless orphanage, he had to work his way through every obstacle, 
till from the delta of the Mississippi arose the obelisk that told 
he was honorably avenged. He had some little means, but falling 
into acquaintance with some dashing spirits, who had taken refuge 
in the Waxhaw settlements, when the city of Charleston sun'en- 
dered, and being of a generous, unsuspecting nature, he was led 
into habits of dissipation, and squandered what he had. On his 
arrival in Charleston, whither he followed his new associates, a 
splendid horse, for which he always had a fondness, was all that 
remained of his patrimony. This horse he staked upon a game 



ANDREW JACKSON. 505 

of dice, against its equivalent in money, and won. His course 
was now resolved on, and when once resolved, nothing could turn 
him aside. Pocketing his money, he left the room, mounted his 
horse and returned home a better, if not a wiser man. Many a 
reflection, during that ride to the old home, now desolate, must 
have agitated his bosom as along the retrospect so much of sad- 
ness and sorrow appeared in review before him. 

It is said that the reformation was so thorough and radical, that 
he had serious thoughts of studying for the ministry, and did 
make preliminary preparation. Be that as it may, he was, soon 
after, pursuing the study of the law with a high degree of pleasure 
and profit. He acquired a knowledge of law quite readily, and 
in 1786, began the practice in the town of Salisbury, South Caro- 
lina. In 178S, then twenty-one years of age, he was appointed 
Governor-solicitor for that portion of territory forming the now 
thriving State of Tennessee, which afterward became the State of 
his adoption. While engaged in this business, he was subjected 
to rather an unpleasant mode of life, but one well calculated to 
develop his character for scenes in which he was destined to act a 
conspicuous part. He first visited Jonesboro', next the people 
living along the Cumberland. Civilization had made no great 
progress in that country, and social order was little known ; 
creditors, Jackson found indisposed to liquidate. They had pro- 
cured the only legal services in the country, and consequently 
those on the opposite side of interests found it very difficult to get 
any process served. The arrival of Jackson, changed the face of 
affairs very materially. He issued writs almost by the hundred. 
The people now combined to get rid of him. But how was that 
to be done ? They concluded to bully him from the country. In 
this they were mistaken in the man, "While in Nashville, these 
attempts were made. Men noted for their pugilistic propensities 
and great strength, were set upon him for the purpose of so 
intimidating him that he would return home. Several encounters 
in which Jackson came ofi* victorious, convinced them of the folly 
of repeating such attempts, and wonderfully elevated the yonng 
solicitor in the estimation of the pugnacious pioneers. In these- 
personal encounters, Jackson's eyes seemed to flash fire that made 
his antagonists quail before him. An instance is given of this.. 
During the business of his collectorship, a very large muscular 
man, gave him an intentional affront, for the purpose of raising 



50G ANDREW JACKSON. 

a quarrel. Jackson, quick as thought, seized a piece of timber, 
and hitting him furiously in the breast, felled him to the ground. 
The enraged bully sprang to his feet, and with a stake from a 
fence, near by, rushed toward his antagonist. Several gentlemen 
who were present interfered, when Jackson told them to stand 
aside and let him come on. Then seizing his timber, he sprang to 
meet his enemy with the fierceness of a tiger. Such a look, such 
a gesture, it is said, were never seen from another. The bully 
stopped short, — dropped his weapon, — -jumped the fence, and fled 
to the woods. Being asked, afterward, why he did so, he said he 
was not afraid of Jackson's physical strength, but that he could 
not meet the flashes of his eye. After several other exhibitions 
of this kind, eflforts to bully him ceased. His excellent qualities, 
and high-toned manly attributes of character, began to endear him 
to the people, and he was fast becoming domesticated in their 
midst. During his travels from Nashville to Jonesboro' and 
other points, he made many narrow escapes ft'om the Indians, 
who were in no sort of subjection to the whites. Of an ardent, 
aspiring nature, active, healthy, and robust, and accustomed to 
tasks of danger, peril, and hardship, he sought every possible 
method of doing good to those who needed his services. Many 
incidents are recorded of his encounters with the Indians, and of 
timely advice brought to difierent parties, that enabled them to 
escape their savage brutality. 

His reputation for daring and coolness became known through- 
out the territory. An incident is given of him, that illustrates his 
character in this particular. A lady was placed in charge of some 
travelers going from Nashville to Lexington, — she wishing to stop 
at the latter place. After traveling some two or three days, the 
lady became sick, and was unable to proceed. Surprising as it 
may seem, the party prepared to continue their journey, leaving 
her alone in the wilderness. Jackson came up and begged them 
not to leave her thus exposed and unprotected. The men were 
no adepts in chivalry, and paid little attention to his remarks. 
Jackson watched them till they were preparing to mount their 
horses; his whole soul convulsed, — seizing a rifle, he deliber- 
ately leveled it at the foremost of the party, and said : " I will 
shoot the first man dead on the spot who attempts to put his foot 
in the stirrup." One look at Jackson, convinced them that he 
meant what he said. Neither of them wishing to test the truth 



ANDREW JACKSON. 507 

of his threat, they consented to remain until the convalescence of 
the Lady enabled her to proceed on the journey. 

These characteristics became widely known, and his name a 
terror to the Indians. Here occurred an event in the life of 
Jaokson upon which much comment has been made, and some 
rather severe animadversions indulged in. "When he took up his 
residence in Nashville, he boarded with a Mrs. Donaldson. She 
had a daughter who possessed great personal beauty, refinement 
of manners, a vigorous and highly cultivated mind, and who 
was married to a Mr. Robards. This man was unfit, not only for 
a husband, but the duties of a private citizen. The union was 
every way infelicitous, and at length, on the part of the wife, 
became insupportable, and she returned to her mother's. Jackson 
and she were, consequently, throM^n into daily association, and 
were pleased with each other's company, and qualities. Matters 
were in this way when her husband arrived at Nashville, with a 
view of settling the domestic quarrel, for the purpose of keeping 
house. Finding out the friendship between Jackson and his wife, 
he became inflamed with rage, and in a fit of jealousy took his 
departure, which he declared should be final. His wife now 
determined to have no more to do with him, and in company with 
some acquaintances, concluded to go to the south to keep from 
being annoyed by his presence, as she learned that he designed 
returning. Jackson was solicited, and consented to escort the 
party on this trip, as traveling through the country, to those not 
familiar with the route, was extremely perilous. It must be 
remarked that this was no new service to Jackson, he having, on 
various occasions, performed the same for diflerent parties. On 
his return, Robards, indignant beyond measure, applied to the 
Virginia Assembly for a divorce, which was granted. Jackson 
now hastened to Natchez, Mississippi, where the lady was, offered 
her his hand which was accepted, and they were married. Learn- 
ing after marriage, that the Yirginia act did not amount to a full 
divorce, after Robards had been successful in his application to a 
Kentucky conrt, he procured license, and was. again married. 
The aflfair, though regarded as unfortunate at the time, was fraught 
with no unhappy results to Jackson. The public ceased to talk 
about it, — they lived together in conjugal felicity, were adapted in 
disposition to each other, honored, esteemed, and respected. 

Jackson, having laid the basis, broad and deep in his boyhood, 



508 ANDREW JACKSON. 

was soon on the high-road to fame, every obstruction to which, 
he was destined to overcome at a bound. He was created 
Attorney-General for the territory of Tennessee, which post he 
held till 1706 ; when it becoming a State, he was chosen a member 
of the convention that formed her constitution. He served in this 
capacity with credit, and in 1797, was sent to Congress, and the 
year following, to the United States Semite. Nothing occurred 
during his services in these several spheres, that gave opportunity 
for the acquisition of additional distinction. Resigning his seat 
in the Senate, he was appointed to a position for which, in view of 
the singuUir phases of society at the time, he was far more 
eminently fitted. This was the supreme judgeship of the State. 
For this position, at that time, he was the very man. His spotless 
integrity, inmiovable decision of character, and legal attainments, 
would insure his bringing to the bench most essential prerequis- 
ites to the rigorous enforcement of justice, without favor, partiality, 
or personal motive. The first exercise of his judicial functions, 
was at Jonesboro', the first point in Tennessee where he became 
acquainted. The first cause to be heard was rather a novel one. 
Russell IVan, a drunken desperado, was to be tried for cutting 
his child's ears off. He was a powerful man, with the courage 
and muscle of a Rob Roy, and swore no one should lay hands on 
him. Tlie sherifi", intimidated by the imposing display of deadly 
weapons in his hands, reported to the court, that "Russell Bean 
would not be taken." Jackson could scarcely contain himself, as 
he ordered the sheriff to make the arrest, even though it were 
necessary to order assistance. The sheriff, after the adjournment 
of court, summoned a posse comiiattis, and proceeded to his 
business. To form his posse, the judges had been summoned. 
" Yei'y well, sir, I will attend you and see that you do your duty ;" 
exclaimed Jackson sarcastically, as he heard his name called on 
the list. Accompanying his actions to his word, he seized a 
loaded pistol and ordered the sheriff to proceed. They reached 
the court yard where Bean was, when the sherifi" was again over- 
come with fear, inspired by the attitude of Beau. "Advance and 
arrest him ; — I will protect you," — thundered Jackson. The 
sheriff, half frightened to death, would not stir. Jackson, biting 
his lips at such cowardly exhibitions on the part of an 
official, boldly advanced, in person, upon the desperado. Bean 
began to fall back, designing to escape. "Stop, sir, and submit 



ANDREW JACKSON. 509 

to the law," said Jackson. Bean eyed bis approacliiDg form for 
a moment, threw down his arms and gave himself up, saying as 
he did so, " I will surrender to you, sir, but to no one else." 
Tliere was something terribly imposing about Jackson, when, 
wrought up by high excitement, he gave vent to his stormy pas- 
sions in a manner that overawed and made men quail before 
him. 

N^o man ever possessed quicker or firmer decision of character 
than he, or carried out resolves more surely. During his judge- 
ship he became involved in a quarrel with one Sevier. The 
friends of the latter took it up, and made quite a sensation of the 
afiiiir. On Jackson's arrival at Jonesboro', he found a large 
mob, headed by a Colonel Harrison, prepared to give him a 
coat of tar and feathers. When the Judge got to his room, he 
was informed of the matter. Springing to his feet, and opening 
the door of his room, he said to the messenger, " Give my com- 
pliments to Colonel Harrison, and tell him ray door is open to 
receive him and his regiment whenever they may choose to wait 
upon me ; and I hope the Colonel's chivalry will induce him to 
lead his men, not follow them." Overawed by his boldness, the 
mob abandoned the idea of carrying their designs into execution. 
The quarrel grew out of something connected with the canvass 
for Guvernor, Sevier being one of the candidates for that office. 
Not long after, while making a speech at Knoxville, Sevier used 
harsh language toward Jackson, that resulted in a challenge from 
the latter. It was accepted ; but the meeting being deferred from 
time to time by Sevier, without any apparent cause, Jackson 
posted him as a coward. Agreeing to meet him afterward, Jack- 
son went to the ground, and remained for some days. The Gov- 
ernor did not make his appearance. Jackson started for Knox- 
ville, determined to chastise his insolence. He had not gone a 
great way when he learned that his antagonist was hastening to 
meet him with twenty horsemen. Not caring for numbers, he 
sent him a letter of bitter denunciation, which, the former refus- 
ing to receive, was returned. The wrath of Jackson, at this in- 
dignity^, knew no bounds. Without waiting to get out his pis- 
tols, he poised his cane, plunged the spurs into the sides of his 
steed, and, with face flushed with anger, he dashed forward 
upon the party like a thunderbolt. Springing into their midst, 
the Governor was immediately unhorsed, when Jackson leaped 



510 ANDREW JACKSON. 

upon him, and would have torn him to pieces but for the inter- 
position of his friends. The party stood looking upon Jackson 
impressed more with feelings of awe than of hostility. Tiiis was 
the last of the Sevier duel. 

Jackson, not long after this affair, resigned his judgeship. These 
personal rencounters, however, did not end with the expiration of 
his judicial term. Soon after his resignation, he got into a quar- 
rel with Charles Dickenson in regard to a horse-race. Jackson, 
it seems, had pitted his favorite steed against one owned by 
Dickenson's father-in-law, Mr. Erwin. On the day of the race, 
Erwin withdrew the wager, and paid the forfeit. Aiming to put 
some bank notes on Jackson that were not fully current, the latter 
insisted that he had the right to select the bills from the stake, 
which was granted. Though settled, the aifair did not end here. 
A rumor was put in circulation to the effect that Jackson had 
charged Erwin with disreputable conduct at the race-course. 
Jackson gave it the lie squarely, and a hard fist-fight ensued. 
The quarrel was now kept up with great bitterness, till finally 
Jackson, learning that an editor of one of the public prints had 
a letter in his hands branding him with cowardice, galloped to 
town in a perfect fury, and demanded the paper, which was 
promptly furnished. He immediately sent Dickenson a chal- 
lenge, which was accepted. Dickenson was a desperate char- 
acter, and, though the best shot in the country, lie sketched Jack- 
son with chalk-marks on a board, and practiced on it for days 
before the meeting. Dickenson, being the challenged party, 
selected the best method to secure the advantages of In's 
skill. The day of meeting came on, and Jackson, though not iu 
the least intimidated, had made up his mind to die. The mode 
selected by Dickenson was, that the parties should stand with their 
backs to each other, walk forward a given distance, then sud- 
denly wheel and fire. With these specifications they met, and 
the word being given, tliey stepped suddenly forward from each 
other, then turned face to face, Dickenson firing on the instant. 
His ball hit his antagonist in the breast, broke two of his ribs, 
and penetrated his side, where it remained a number of years. 
Jackson was stunned a little by the shot, but, without being the 
least disconcerted or unnerved, he drew his coat tightly around 
him, and, walking up to Dickenson, shot him dead on the spot. 
Jackson now left the field with his second, who was not aware 



ANDREW JACKSON. 511 

that he had been hit till they had gone several miles, when the 
blood began to drip from his clothes. During this time he was 
in a state of moody silence. 

Jackson's course in this affair is certainly subject to censure. 
Td say nothing of the horrible practice of dueling, which is, in 
our day, properly looked upon with peculiar reprobation, it was 
beneath his position and character to place himself upon terms 
of equality with a man of Dickenson's desperate nature and 
fortunes. 

During this time Jackson had been engaged in agricultural 
pursuits, and devoted much time and attention to the breeding of 
fine horses. His farming operations thus far had resulted in no 
very great accession to his purse. About this time, without 
abandoning his farm, as a partner he engaged in a mercantile 
business in the city of Nashville. This proved an entire failure. 
The firm became involved in heavy debts, and M^as finally pro- 
nounced utterly insolvent. The debts had to be paid by Jackson, 
who was forced to sell his form, stock, and every thing else. 
Again he was thrown penniless upon the world, to hew his own 
way. By diligence and energy, he soon began to rise again, and 
assumed the position of a thriving, prosperous farmer. Engaged 
in these avocations, and administering acts of kindness and just- 
ice to his friends and neighbors, he continued to prosper till the 
breaking out of the war of 1812. After the surrender of Hall at 
Detroit and the disastrous affair at Raisin, by his influence and 
exertions, Jackson raised a body of two thousand five hundred 
troops. The services of these and himself he offered for the 
emergency. Tiiey were accepted, and immediately ordered to 
the southern frontier. He started for Natchez on the Tth of Jan- 
uary. No sooner had he reached that place, all signs of attack 
having vanished, than he was directed to give up his supplies 
and disband his troops. Caring as little for the orders of Govern- 
ment as for the orders of one man, when obedience was a mani- 
fest violation of principle and right, Jackson refused to comply, 
and gave notice that he should, in person, lead his men back to 
their homes. This decision elicited quite a lengthy letter from 
General Wilkinson, begging him to desist from his design. 
Jackson characteristically replied, "I know what I am about, and 
will take the responsibility." Giving his ofiicers to understand 
that no power on earth could change his determination to see 



512 ANDREW JACKSON. 

them safely at home, he ordered the quartermaster to prepare the 
wagons for marching. These orders not being promptly obeyed, 
that officer was ordered from his presence with a severe repri- 
mand, and Jackson in person superintended the preparations. 
He then saw that the sick, of whom there was quite a number, 
were comfortably cared for. Just as this humane duty was about 
being concluded, the surgeon reported that one man was dying, 
indicating that his removal being unnecessary, it would be a use- 
less incumbrance to take him along. "Not a man shall be left 
who has a breath of life in him, sir," said the General ; " bring 
him carefully out." 

They now directed their steps homeward. Jackson, during 
this march, gave up his own horse to a sick soldier, and traveled 
himself afoot. In this situation, walking first from rear to front, 
encouraging each with words of hope and comfort, they pro- 
ceeded to Tennessee. Most of them arrived safely. Even the 
youth who was reported dying was restored to health and friends. 

Jackson now remained inactive till the spring of 1813, when 
signs of the times began to look threatening and ominous. Tri- 
umphant from Detroit and the Raisin, the British made prepara- 
tions to sweep the northern coasts, while the semi-civilized and 
brave Tecumseh visited the south with a view of uniting all the 
Indian tribes into one league, to join in a war against the whites. 
Tecumseh was very successful in these designs. Brave, fiery, and 
persuasive, he induced most of the tribes with whom he came in 
contact, to lift the tomahawk and draw the scalping-kuife. 
Among those who joined in his schemes, the Creeks and Semi- 
uoles were the most powerful and influential. The alarm spread- 
ing among the whites, they gathered, with great consternation, at 
Fort Mimms, a poor species of block-house on the Alabama 
River, in charge of Major Beasly, with a garrison of about a 
hundred and forty men. Alarmed by the rise of the savages, 
whole families from the adjacent country, men, women, and chil- 
dren, had flocked for safety to this rude fort. With a negligence 
unpardonable, Beasly adopted no measures of precaution which 
might prevent a surprise, nor made any preparations to meet his 
foe. Tlie consequence was, they were surprised by a body of 
seven hundred Indians in broad daylight. The savages, rushing 
upon the little fort, with yells that echoed far and near, one of the 
bloodiest massacres ensued ever recorded in the annals of border 



ANDREW JACKSON. 513 

war. The fort was set on fire, and every one butcliered who at- 
tempted to escape. Seeing their inevitable doom, the little garri- 
son fought with desperation, and slew some threescore of the 
assailants. As the flames spread, making the entire abandon- 
ment of the place imperatively necessary, the indiscriminate 
slaughter that followed was terrible. "Women, despite their im- 
plorings for mercy, were most brutally murdered. Babes were 
made missiles with which to strike their mothers dead ; very few 
of the inmates escaped a terrible death. Kot satisfied with slay- 
ing their foes, the Indians would hack their dead bodies to pieces 
with hyena-like ferocity. Such was the massacre of Fort Minims. 
News of this dreadful day flew over the south like a storm of fire. 
The Carolinas, Tennessee, and Georgia were thoroughly aroused. 
A large public meeting was held at Nashville for the purpose of 
considering means of defense. Their action resulted in the ap- 
pointment of Jackson to the command of the State forces. The 
Legislature immediately made an appropriation of two hundred 
thousand dollars to meet the emergency. Jackson being thus 
duly authorized to take steps to prepare the country for defense, 
issued an appeal to the people, of wliich the following is a part: 
" Already are large Ijodies of hostile Creeks marching to your 
borders, with tbeir scalping-knives unsheathed to butcher your 
women and children. Time is not to be lust. We must hasten 
to the frontier, or we shall find it drenched in the blood of our 
citizens." 

Prior to this, he had had an encounter with Thomas H. Ben- 
ton, in which one of his arms was severely injured, and from 
its efiects he was still suffering. They subsequently became 
the warmest personal and political friends. About the 21st of 
September, 1813, he placed himself at the head of his men, pre- 
pared for active service. He was just in time. Word was im- 
mediately brought him that the Indians, in large numbers, had 
made preparations for the formal invasion of Georgia, which 
they designed laying waste. Jackson, on receiving this intelli- 
gence, pushed forward with his army, twenty-five hundred strong, 
toward Huntsville, Alabama, which place he reached on the same 
day. At a point called Ditto's Landing, he made a junction with 
the forces under Colonel Coflee ; he now halted and examined 
his position. An estimate of his forces showed that nearly five 
thousand troops, embracing the commands of the several subor- 



514 ANDREW JACKSON. 

dinate officers, could be placed under his immediate direction. 
With these he did not doubt a successful issue in the contest. 
His first step was to send Colonel Cofiee, with six hundred men, 
against Blackwarrior, a town of no inconsiderable importance to 
the foe. On the 19th, he put his army in motion, and marched 
toward Thompson's Creek, Arriving at his place of destination, 
after a toilful march of two days, instead of finding supplies that 
were so much needed, a letter was brought him, informing him 
that no flour could be spared. He was now in the midst of a 
dense wilderness and an enemy's country, surrounded by a foe 
the most resentful and cruel. He called on the people in a 
most stirring appeal, giving every assurance that the " order to 
"charge would be the signal for victory." Entreating them not to 
be remiss in coming to the rescue of the country, he uses the fol- 
lowing language: 

" Your General laments that he has been compelled, even inci- 
dentally, to hint at a retreat, when speaking to freemen and to 
soldiers. Never till you forget all that is due to yourselves and 
to your country, will you have any practical understanding of that 
word. Shall an enemy wholly unacquainted with military evo- 
lutions, and who rely more for victory on their grim visages and 
hideous yells than upon their bravery or their weapons, — shall 
such an enemy ever drive before them the well-trained youths of 
our c^yunl;ry, whose bosoms pant for glory ? Your General v.'ill 
not live to behold such a spectacle ; rather would he rush into the 
thickest of the enemy and submit himself to their scalping- 
knivcs. But he has no fear of such a result. He knows the 
valor of the men he commands, and how certainly that valor, 
regulated as it will be, will lead to victory." 

Soon as this appeal was made, showing his confident reliance 
on the bravery of his men, he gave orders for the troops to begin 
tlieir march. With scarcely any provisions, and menaced by 
numbers largely superior to his own, he penetrated the wilder- 
ness and constructed a rude fort, which was to serve as a kind of 
storehouse for his provisions. To this he gave the name of Fort 
Strother. Having made this hasty preparation, he thus wrote to 
Governor Blount : 

" Indeed, sir, we have been wretchedly supplied. Scarcely two 
rations in succession have been drawn ; yet we are not despond- 
ent. While we can procure an ear of corn apiece, or any thing 



ANDREW JACKSON. 515 

that will answer as a substitute for it, we shall continue our exer- 
tions to accomplish the object for which we are sent." 

A dispatch was now sent to General Wliite, urging his hasty 
advance toward the Fort. Colonel Coifee, who had been success- 
ful in his operations in the south, was sent against the Indians at 
a place called Tallushatchee. This expedition was successful, 
resulting in the almost total destruction of the Indians, against 
whom it was directed. Here an incident occurred illustrative of 
Jackson's humane nature, notwithstanding his passionate dispo- 
sition. Among the slain was an Indian mother. She was found 
dead, with her babe trying to draw nutriment from her pulseless 
bosom. Jackson requested some of the Indian females to take 
care of the infant. They each refused, saying, " His relations 
are all dead ; kill him, too." Jackson then took the infant in 
charge till it grew to be a sprightly boy. He then gave him an 
education, and had hina taught a good trade, and always mani- 
fested for him the deepest solicitude.* 

The next expedition was against Fort Talledega, which was 
threatened by the Red Stick Indians. Soon as information was 
received of its condition, marching orders were issued. In a 
short time they were upon the foe, whom they discomfited with 
the loss of five hundred warriors. The Americans lost ninety- 
five of their number. 

VJlLUv^itli »«i_liLe, XL VVlll UO AVijXlViJUXJJVyxOv^, IICIU. UOvJii Ult-H^iUiJ. 10 

Fort Strother with his command. The order was not complied 
with, and the garrison at that place was left in an unpleasant sit- 
uation in consequence. The condition of the fort prevented 
Jackson from following up his successes. He was compelled to 
return to its protection. He found the men almost starving, 
without regulation, and completely disheartened. Their hard- 
ships were for a time intensely severe. A half-famished soldier, 
perceiving the General eating, as he leaned against a tree, begged 
for a portion of his food. Jackson good-humoredly replied, " I 
will most cheerfully divide with you what I have," and handed 
the soldier some acorns from his pocket. These hardships re- 
sulted in a mutinous spirit not easily quelled. The militia, re- 
fusing longer to fight for a country that failed to supply them 
with the absolute necessities of life, notified their commander of 



* Headley. 

35 



516 ANDREW JACKSON. 

their intention to return home. The General begged them to 
remain at their posts, which they positively refused to do, and 
fixed upon a day for their march. Seeing persuasion in vain, 
Jackson determined to try what virtue there was in coercion. 
As the militia paraded under arms, to put their design into exe- 
cution, they were much surprised to find Jackson at the head of 
the volunteers, drawn up in battle order to dispute their passage. 
They were thus forced back to duty. The volunteers now caught 
the infection and resolved also upon desertion. They were still 
more surprised next morning, to find the militia drawn up in pre- 
cisely the same order they were the day before, with the general 
in front to compel them to duty. Jackson commiserated the con- 
dition of his men, and shared with them every toil and privation, 
but was resolved to maintain military discipline and order, with 
rigid strictness. He now made a speech to his soldiers, urging 
them to duty, assuring them that provisions would yet amve, and 
if they did not, he would, in person, return with them to their 
native State within two days. The time having expired, and no 
supplies coming in, the men prepared to require the fulfillment of 
his promise. He now gave the discontented leave to do as they 
pleased, when to his bitter regret, he saw large numbers turn their 
backs to the fort, and their faces homeward. He now consented 
to redeem his promise, and broke up his camp preparatory to hia 
return home. Mortified beyond measure at the failure of a cam- 
paign, begun, and pushed forward under such favorable auspices, 
he sat down in the midst of the discouraging scenes and wrote a 
lengthy letter to the contractor for supplies, of which the following 
is the close: 

" I can not express the torture of my feelings, when I reflect 
that a campaign so auspiciously begun, and which might be so 
soon and so gloriously terminated, is likely to be rendered abortive 
for want of supplies." 

Seeing that his men were determined to leave, and that prepar- 
ations were nearly complete, for the abandonment of the fort and 
camp, all the lion of his nature became aroused, and he exclaimed 
with an emphatic gesture: "If only two men will remain with 
me I will never abandon the post." " You have one, general," 
exclaimed a voice by his side. It was the brave Captain Gordon 
who spoke. Efforts were now made to see how many would 
imitate his example. Something over a hundred gathered around 



ANDREW JACKSON. 517 

the general with a willingness that indicated they would triumph 
with him or die with him. As the main body prepared to depart, 
he told them that, in case of the arrival of the long promised 
supplies, he should require their return to the post. After march- 
ing a distance of four leagues, they met a lot of beef cattle, 
designed to supply the army with food. They halted and de- 
voured several of these iu quick time, — many of the half-starved 
troops not waiting for the meat to be cooked. This timely arrival 
induced most of the men to return and remain with their general. 
One company, however, determined to proceed home. Learning 
this, Jackson ordered his horse, and dashing ahead, drew up the 
troops under Coffee, to intercept the refractory company. Intimi- 
dated by so formidable a barrier, the men turned about to retrace 
their steps. The general now mingled among his men, in hopes 
to satisfy them with their condition. These hopes, however, began 
speedily to diminish. He was told that the whole army had 
altered their intentions, and were bent on returning, Jackson 
stepping up before them, leveled a musket at the foremost of the 
number and said he would shoot down the first man who attempted 
to advance. There he stood, like a Titan, — his eyes flashing fire 
upon the soldiers who dared to disobey. 

Affairs continued in this mutinous state, until the 9th of 
December, when it was ascertained that a whole brigade deter- 
mined no longer to respect the orders of the commander. Matters 
had now reached a crisis. He planted his cannon, so as to 
sweep the advancing columns of the refractory brigade, and placed 
men at them with their matches. As the brigade came on, Jack- 
son went to meet them ; he appealed to them in the name of their 
country and patriotism, not to be guilt}' of such a breach of faith, 
and wound up by telling them that if they would not submit, he 
would direct his guns upon them, and at the word fire, 
they would be riddled with shot. He gave them a few minutes 
to consider the matter : — awful suspense ! No answer came. 
He directed the men at the guns to make ready. Another 
moment, and the blood of brothers in arms would have drenched 
that southern field. The men knowing, full well, that he always 
kept his word, looked at the raising matches, then at the majestic 
form of their general, stern as a mountain-crag, and began to 
whisper. " Let us go back." The officers, at this critical juncture, 



518 AKDREW JACKSON. 

stepped from the rauks and pledged fidelity for the future, on the 
part of the respective commands. Thus ended this afiair. 

Notwithstanding his unexampled distresses, supplies were not 
3'et furnished for his relief. Anxious to penetrate the heart of the 
Creek country and terminate the war, which could speedily have 
been done with the necessaries for the enterprise, his army in a 
state of mutiny, and tied down because the country would not come 
to his assistance, to a nature like his, his situation was extremely 
perplexing and delicate. Crippled as he was, he resolved on 
active operations, and marched forward against a large body of 
Indians stationed on Emuckfaw Creek ; he reached their camp on 
the 21st of January. Pitching his tents, he encircled them with 
large fires that threw their glaring light into the dark woods 
beyond, and stationed men to keep a vigilant watch to prevent 
surprise. This prudence was of the last importance. Late in the 
night, sounding the fierce war-whoop, the Indians rushed upon the 
camp ; the men were quickly under arms, and the savages being 
exposed by the light of the fires, they were enabled to pour upon 
them a deadly fire that made them recoil to the shelter and dark- 
ness of the woods, leaving a large number dead on the field. The 
next morning a general attack was made upon the camps of the 
Indians, which resulted in their entire defeat. In this action the 
heroic Cofiee behaved with signal courage and daring. Jackson 
now resolved to fall back and recruit his troops lind horses, the 
latter being in extreme need of rest and attention, not having 
been well fed for days. With his usual caution, well ac- 
quainted with his foe, he was careful to send scouts ahead, to 
prevent surprises and ambuscade. He proceeded without moles- 
tation, till he reached a creek running between him and his desti- 
nation. While passing the stream, the savages from their lurk- 
ing-places made a fierce onslaught upon his troops, and threw them 
into considerable confusion, notwithstanding his caution in pre- 
paring for such a contingency. While many of his men, greatly 
to his chagrin, were running from the foe, Jackson, with what 
brave men would stand by him, used every eflTort to drive them 
back. The Indians continued their desperate efibrts, with wild 
shouts and yells, and a final rout seemed inevitable. At this 
juncture, the gallant Cofiee, who had been carried in a litter 
in consequence of his wounds, ever since the previous engage- 
ment, though worn and emaciated, glanced over the confusion, 



ANDREW JACKSON. 519 

jumped from his litter, leaped upon his horse, and rushed like a 
Mameluke into the battle. Charging over the field, and encour- 
aging his men by his words and example, the whole face of things 
began to change. Seeing his intrepidity, and the flash of his 
eagle eye gleaming from Coffee's paleface, — " We shall whip them 
yet, my boys — the dead has risen and come to aid us !" thun- 
dered Jackson. Inspirited by such bravery, the men rushed into 
the fight, confident of victory. After a desperate struggle, which 
was kept up for some time, and the loss of many lives, the sav- 
ages precipitately fled. He now proceeded to Fort Strother, 
which he reached without further annoyance. He now dismissed 
those of his soldiers whose terms of service had expired, and sus- 
pended active hostilities till the arrival of reinforcements. His 
fame began to spread over the country, and men and supplies 
poured in from all directions. Early in the spring he was able 
to muster for battle near six thousand troops, beside valuable 
Indian auxiliaries. With these forces, he determined to pene- 
trate the heart of the Creek country, and end the war by a decis- 
ive and final stroke. 

He began his march on the 5th of March, 1814. Passing the 
Coosa River, where he built Fort Williams and left a small garri- 
son, he proceeded by the way of his old battle-field, Emuckfaw, 
toward the Tallapoosa River. In a large semicircular bend of 
this river, near two leagues below Emuckfaw, the Indians had 
encamped in heavy force. 

From this section of country Andrew Jackson derived the 
name of " Old Hickory," which, in after years, became the rally- 
ing shout of one of the greatest parties that ever existed in a 
republic. That country had long borne the name of the " hick- 
ory ground." The Indians had been taught to believe that, 
through the influence of the Great Spirit, it was consecrated to 
the braves, and forever unconquerable by the white man. Under 
the infatuation of this prophecy, the deluded wretches had se- 
lected this sacred ground for their encampment, resolved to await 
the approach of the enemy. It fell to Jackson to dispel the illu- 
sion, and gain a complete victory, in the very midst of the sacred 
precincts of the "hickory ground." Hence, "Old Hickory" be- 
came, and is yet, familiar in the country, in Presidential contests, 
and the time when the party that loved him so well and whom 
he so faithfully served, shall cease to pierce the skies with the 



520 ANDREW JACKSON. 

hickory pole, and fling to the breeze the flag he defended so hero- 
ically, is yet hidden in the future. 

The curve in the river, where the Indians were encamped, was 
large, and gradually assumed the shape of a horse-shoe, and em- 
braced an area of about a hundred acres of ground. The Indians 
had fallen back deep into the curve, and from heel to heel, so to 
speak, of the horse-shoe bend, or across the neck had constructed 
a log breastwork, leaving apertures to render defense more feasi- 
ble. This breastwork was eight feet high, and, though con- 
structed without science or skill, presented quite a barrier to the 
progress of the American force. The warriors were stationed on 
the elevated ground rising from the neck, while upon the margin 
of the stream were the huts that sheltered the squaws and their 
offspring. On the 25th, Jackson prepared for the attack. His 
first care was to make such disposition of his forces in the ene- 
my's rear as would effectually cut off their retreat, and prevent 
them from crossing the river anywhere along the curve. These 
directions were promptly carried out. Jackson, then, in person, 
heading his men, approached the neck in front, for the purpose 
of destroying the breastwork, against which he directed a brisk 
fire from his artillery. The heavy logs did not give way, but 
seemed almost impervious to the effects of cannon-shot. In some 
canoes, which were brought from the opposite shore by a party 
of friendly Indians, who swam across and untied them, a portion 
of Coffee's men, stationed in the rear, crossed over and fired the 
houses. Not discouraged b}^ the flames that curled from their 
dwellings, and made courageous by the delusive prophecy that 
they were fighting on holy ground, the Indians shouted defiance 
in the teeth of their assailants, and vigorously disputed every 
inch of ground over which they had to pass. Jackson now gave 
orders to charge through the neck upon the breastwork. Loud 
shouts followed the order, and the men swept through the neck 
with an enthusiasm that indicated sure victory. On they rushed, 
till a well-directed fire through the apertures of the breastwork 
thinned their ranks, and laid many a brave man to the earth. 
The breastwork was nobly defended, and had it been of suffi- 
cient hight, w^ould have proved a strong protection. Pressing 
on through the first two or three rounds from the enemy, the 
Americans reached the works. Leaping upon the breastwork 
first, Montgomery unrolled the stars and stripes, and boldly called 



ANDREW JACKSON. 521 

t 

on his comrades to follow. Soon the works were lined with men. 
Montgomery was a sacrifice to his daring. Amid his sliouts of 
encouragement, a ball pierced him in a vital part, and he fell 
back dead. The Americans now poured, like an irresistible tor- 
nado, over the breastwork, and engaged the savages in a desper- 
ate hand-to-hand struggle. Wildly terrible was the scene that 
followed. In front, the swarthy savage flashed his knife and tom- 
ahawk, reeking with the blood of the assailants, before whom 
they only fell back inch by inch, and then when forced to do so. 
Over tlie fierce din rang the clear voice of Jackson, who directed 
the onset, here and there, with commanding voice. In the rear 
were the burning houses, round which danced the Indian proph- 
ets, still assuring the warriors that it was sacred ground, and 
could not be conquered. One of these prophets, the most vehe- 
ment in proclaiming victory, it is said, was shot in the mouth in 
the midst of his incantations, and it was construed into a mes- 
sage from the Great Spirit, contradicting his words. 

The Indians now began to give way, and endeavored to swim 
the stream. Jackson, with the unerring sagacity of military ge- 
nius, early foresaw this, and therefore had placed Cofiee, as be- 
fore stated, in the rear, on the opposite side of the river, to pre- 
vent their escape. To swim that stream in the face of Gofiee's 
men, was a fearful undertaking. The poor creatures seldom 
reached midway in the stream before a musket-ball sent them to 
the bottom, darkening the wave with their life-blood. No In- 
dian demanded quarter on that day. Every one fought like a 
madman, reckless of danger and careless of life. They were 
now in great confusion. Giving way changed to open retreat, 
then to entire disorder, and finally to indiscriminate slaughter. 
Kever was victory more complete. Proudly rejecting Jackson's 
offer of pardon, the Indians fought like lions till night closed 
over the combatants. Near a thousand warriors fell in this en- 
gagement. The American loss was not one-fourth that number. 
Such was the battle of the Horse-Shoe, which was virtually the 
close of the Creek war. 

Laden with honors, after making suitable arrangements to pre- 
vent further outbreaks from the subjugated foe, Jackson returned 
to Tennessee, where he was everywhere greeted with the highesfr 
applause and evidences of popular esteem. Thus ended the 
Creek war, — a war, in many respects, without a parallel. Noth 



522 ANDREW JACKSON. 

« 

ing but the firmness and bravery of Jackson could, throngh all 
the difficulties that surrounded him, have pushed it to such a ter- 
mination. A boy, he had drawn his maiden sword, nor sheathed 
it till gleaming in triumph over the hostile aborigines of the 
south, he could return it to the scabbard, and turn his steps to his 
beloved State, ready to embark in whatever services of peril or 
usefulness his country might deem him fitted. These struggles 
had developed characteristics that could not fail of being called 
into requisition, as they soon were in a capacity of higher posi- 
tion and responsibility. 

In May, 1814, he was appointed to supersede Harrison as 
Major-General in the army, and intrusted with the defense of the 
south. The war of 1812 was then just beginning to rage with 
its greatest fury. The continued efibrts of the British to excite 
hostile feelings among the Indians against the United States, 
formed a matter of deep interest, and Jackson determined, as far 
as possible, to suppress them. He had fought the Indians, and 
forced them into submission. To avoid further annoyance from 
them was a consideration of the highest importance. As the first 
preventive measures to efiect this end, it was deemed advisable 
to cut ofi" all intercourse between them and the English. Tliough 
conquered, and, for the time being, forced to submit to the re- 
strictions imposed after their defeat at the battle of Horse-Shoe, 
they might, influenced by British art and diplomacy, throw ofi" all 
restraint, and again renew the contest. In view of this state of 
things, it was proposed to enter into a treaty with the Indians, 
settling definitively the territorial boundary between them and the 
United States. To accomplish this, Jackson, in conjunction with 
Colonel Hawkins, who had long been the Commissioner to the 
Creek Indians, was selected in the summer of 1814. He reached 
Alabama, on this mission, July 10th, and succeeded in procuring 
a satisfactory treaty, the leading features of which were, that they 
would engage with no foreign power in a quarrel with this coun- 
try, — that they would consent to the establishment of fortifications 
in their territory and the uninterrupted navigation of their 
streams, — and that their trading operations should be exclusively 
with the people of the United States, unless by authority of our 
Chief Executive.* 

« Eaton. 



ANDREW JACKSON. 523 

This treaty virtually completed a dismemberment of the vari- 
ous Indian tribes, and secured, by territorial acquisition, the 
frontiers of Alabama and Georgia. The Indians in Florida now 
afforded the greatest source of apprehension. They were in a 
position where arms, ammunition, and all necessary warlike ac- 
couterments could be easily furnished through the emissaries of 
the British. The latter had long been suspected of secretly con- 
veying these to their savage assistants, particularly those in the 
vicinity of Pensacola, and Jackson had more than once called 
attention to the matter. Pensacola being within the jurisdiction 
of Spain, that country was also implicated in the transaction. 
During the pendency of the Indian treaty, Jackson learned that 
the British had thrown up a fort at the mouth of the Apalachi- 
cola, with a view of exciting the Indians against us. To prevent 
movements of this sort, he urged with cogency the speedy cap- 
ture of Pensacola, The United States government, not wishing 
embroilment with Spain as long as she adhered to the position of 
neutrality assumed, did not give the permission to make an attack 
upon that place. Jackson, however, on his own responsibility, 
made several movements in that quarter, that operated as a 
check upon the British government in offering open induce- 
ments to incite the Indians to war against the frontier. This was 
while Armstrong was acting as Secretary of War. Soon as Jack- 
son had called attention to the subject, Armstrong wrote him to 
this effect: 

''If the Spanish authorities admit, feed, arm and co-operate 
with the British and hostile Indians, we must strike on the broad 
principle of self-preservation ; under other and different circum- 
stances we must forbear." 

The letter from which this extract is taken, though written on 
the 18th of July, 181-i, did not reach the General till late in Jan- 
uary of the ensuing year. Otherwise things would have been 
different; for Jackson afterward wrote in regard to the matter as 
follows : 

"If this letter, or any hint that such a course would have been 
winked at by the government, had been received, it would have 
been in ray power to have captured the British shipping in the 
bay. But, acting on my own responsibility against a neutral 
power, it became essential for me to proceed with more caution 
than my judgment or wishes approved, and, consequently, im- 



524 ANDREW JACKSON. 

portdnt advantages were lost, which might have been secui-ed." 
Freq.uent letters passed between Jackson and the English gov- 
ernor of Pensaeola in regard to the matter, the former affirming, 
and the latter denying, the agency of Great Britain and Spain iu 
fni-nishing arms to the Indians, and encouraging their hostile 
feelings toward our country. The governor admitted, however, 
that when the necessities of the Indians appealed to them for aid, 
it was not withheld. Upon the basis of existing treaty relations 
between the Creek Indians and Spain, he also affirmed that they 
had a riglit to deal thus toward them. He also assured our gov- 
ernment of having protected deserters from them, and encouraged 
depredations upon their commerce on the high seas. Jackson 
replied to these assertions in a manner characteristic of him. 
" Your excellency," says he to the governor, " has been candid 
enough to admit your having supplied the Indians with arms. 
In addition to this, I have learned that a British flag has l)een 
seen flying on one of your forts. All this is done while you are 
pretending to be neutral. You can not be surprised, then, but 
on the contrary, will provide a fort iu your town for my soldiers 
and Indians, should I take it into my head to pay you a visit. 
In future, I beg you to withhold your insulting charges against my 
government, for one more inclined to listen to slander than I am; 
nor consider me any more a diplomatic character, unless so pro- 
claimed to you from the mouths of my cannon." 

Shortly after this, information was received that the British had 
paraded a large number of Indians, under arms, in Pensaeola, 
and were actually drilling them in military tactics. These facts 
were immediately brought before the government for consideration, 
and urgent appeals were made by Jackson to march upon the 
place. He insisted upon the immediate muster, for active ser- 
vice, of all the troops to be engaged iu the service, and bringing 
the friendly Indians into government pay. While Butler was 
recruiting in Tennessee, Jackson took his departure for Mobile, 
Alabanui, where he was soon after joined by General Coftee with 
a force of two thousand strong, well-armed men, mostly Ten- 
nesseeans. The destination of this force was at the instigation of 
Jackson, who assumed the responsibility of the whole matter, 
against Pensaeola. Britain and Spain had already united at tliat 
place in secret combination, to rouse the Indians of the north-west 
aarainst the United States. Jackson was determined to counteract 



ANDREW JACKSON. 525 

these machiuations, Nicholas, of the Britisli squadron, recently 
arrived, endeavored to force his way into Mobile bay by effecting 
the destruction of Fort Bowyer. In this attempt he was com- 
pletely foiled, being repulsed with the loss of one of his ships and 
several men. 

Jackson, after conference with Coifee, resolved upon the im- 
mediate invasion of Florida and the capture of Pensacola. His 
army, counting Indian auxiliaries and all, amounted to over three 
thousand men, — Coffee and his brigade, forming the most efficient 
force. Jackson made pacific overtures to the governor, before 
commencing his march. He demanded the surrender of certain 
important posts on her borders, until Spain would conform to 
the existent neutral relationships. It was all in vain ; the mes- 
senger was fired upon from the fort, over which waved the 
Spanish flag. All hopes of accommodation being thus cut off, 
Jackson gave immediate marching orders. On the 7th of Novem- 
ber, the army began its advance upon Pensacola. Soon the 
armies of Jackson were thundering into the city, — soon, too, the 
hitherto arrogant governor was hunting up the general, with a 
flag of peace, expressing himself willing to submit to any terms 
they might think proper to impose. This was just what the 
American commander desired. Complying with his demand to 
surrender the posts, an agreement was soon consummated. Thus 
Pensacola and the adjacent fortifications, fell into the hands of the 
United States, as a guarantee that neutrality should be respected. 

As if to vent their spite on the conquerors, the British, as they 
departed from the place, carried with them a large number of 
slaves, without leaving any remuneration. The capture of this 
place and the forts around the country, was eflected by the Ameri- 
cans without the loss of more than twenty men. Remaining in 
the place but a short time, he turned his thoughts to higher pro- 
jects. While at Pensacola, however, he wrote the following 
laconic message to the governor : 

" The enemy has retreated ; the hostile Creeks have fled to the 
forest ; and I now retire from your town, leaving you to occupy 
your forts and protect the rights of your citizens." 

It had, for some time, been apparent that the British had 
designs upon New Orleans ; had they, in fact, made an attack 
upon that place some months sooner than they did, the city must 
inevitably have fallen into their hands. Anxious to be at the point 



52G ANDREW JACKSON. 

where dauger was most threateuiiig, Jackson made early arrange- 
ments to quit his present position and hasten to the defense of 
the Crescent City. After leaving Mobile in a state of comparative 
security, though in feeble health, he prepared for the expedition. 
Having left Mobile in charge of General Winchester, and dis- 
patched Coffee and Hinds to New Orleans, he departed late in 
November, in person, for the latter place, which he reached on 
the first of the ensuing month. He was now thrown in direct 
contact with the regular forces of the British army, — successful 
veterans of many a hard-fought field. He had now to contend 
with the same enemy whose oppressive exactions his ancestors 
had been compelled to endure, and against whom he first drew 
his maiden sword at Hanging Rock. His men were not well 
equipped, he was himself unwell, his forces were inferior to those 
against whom he was to contend, and many other circumstances 
tended to render his position not the most agreeable. Louisiana 
was comparatively a new country, and settled with a heterogenous 
population, possessing different manners, feelings, and habits, and 
in many instances, speaking difierent languages. 

Amid all the difficulties that surrounded liim, he did not give 
way to gloomy forebodings, but with the coolness and constancy 
of purpose characteristic of him, he appeared among his men, 
drilled them to discipline, and inspired them with confidence. 
Active efforts were made to present formidable defense. The 
governors of Louisiana, Kentucky, and Tennessee were appealed 
to, to furnish their respective quotas of men. They responded in 
the proper spirit, and soon additional forces were on the way to 
New Orleans. While these recruits were being raised, Jackson 
was preparing for active operations at the city. The soldiers 
were strictly disciplined. New fortifications were thrown ui> and 
old ones repaired. One of the greatest difficulties he had to en- 
counter originated from the writ of habeas corpus. Jackson 
endeavored in vain to secm-e a suspension of its operations 
through the Legislature. That body refused assent to the propo- 
sition. Not to be outdone, and always ready to take responsibil- 
ities, the General declared the city and vicinity under martial 
law. On the 14th of December, five gun-boats, belonging to the 
American service, were attacked and captured by the British on 
Lake Borgne. 

The approach of a British fleet toward New Orleans threw the 



ANDREW JACKSON. 527 

whole city into great excitement. Jackson, with the cool courage 
of an accomplished martinet, made preparations to receive them. 
Never were exertions more active or efficient. Day aud night 
the city, then numbering but thirty thousand inhabitants, re- 
sounded with the sounds of martial music. Jackson in a little 
time changed the whole aspect of afiairs. Inspired by his indom- 
jtable energy, the citizens, withput distinction of race or tongue, 
rallied to his standard. A regiment of St. Domingo negroes 
was enrolled for the service. The enemy's fleet, numbering 
eighty sail, under Admiral Cochrane, and filled with the flower 
of the English soldiery, approached nearer the coast every hour. 
The people of New Orleans, while they had unbounded confi- 
dence in the invincibility of Jackson, looked upon this powerful 
armament with no little alarm and anxiety. Careful to keep up 
a buoyancy of hope and reliance in themselves, Jackson labored 
with heroic zeal among his men, and had soon so increased the 
defenses of the city, that a stout, if not a successful, resistance 
might be reasonably expected. With a strong navy, a large reg- 
ular army, and abundantly supplied, England came against a 
country possessing none of these advantages, and was repulsed. 
As the large and handsome fleet neared the city, the consterna- 
tion began considerably to increase. The women walked through 
the streets with wan features and cries of distress. Jackson said 
to them, "Be calm j Lite eneuty shall never reaoli tue ctiy!''' 
Thus assured, and encouraged by the bravery and energy he ex- 
hibited in preparing for the defense of the place, their fears at 
once subsided, and all expressed the utmost confidence in his 
ability to repulse the enemy in the engagement. Jackson, not- 
withstanding his manful efibrts in behalf of the people of New 
Orleans, had many difficulties to combat. The press of the city 
did not second his efibrts ; the Legislature regarded him with 
feelings not the most liberal and generous ; the enforcement of 
martial law, under which he had placed the city, involved him in 
perplexities with public officials. Judge Hall released a prisoner 
whom Jackson had imprisoned, and was for this disregard of the 
General's authority himself ordered into confinement. These 
things did not in the least prevent Jackson from doing his duty 
and making every effort in behalf of the city. Owing to its geo- 
graphical position. New Orleans was a city exceedingly difficult 
to put in a good condition of defense. Lakes Borgne and Pont- 



528 ANDREW JACKSON. 

cliartraiu, beside the mouths of the river, afiorded easy ingress to 
the enemy's vessels. This was a source of great perplexity to 
Jackson. His force, weak as it was, he was compelled to sepa- 
rate into several detachments for the purpose of guarding each 
of these avenues, and redeeming his promise that the enemy 
should not reach the city. On the 9th of December the British 
fleet appeared in full force upon the coast. The defeat of Lieu; 
tenant Joues, who was sent to watch the movements of the en- 
emy, gave the British complete mastery of Lake Poutchartrain, 
In passing Lake Borgne, his vessels could not proceed in conse- 
quence of a dead calm, and in this condition he was attacked by 
superior vessels, and compelled, after a brave resistance, to yield. 
Sailing up Lake Borgne without opposition, the British vessels 
came to anchorage within a few miles of the city, and landed their 
soldiers. As soon as he was aware of their proximity, Jackson 
immediately resolved upon an attack before they could unite their 
forces. Commodore Patterson, with his schooner, was ordered 
down the river to take a position in front of the British vessels. 
This order was executed quietly and effectually, the rattle of shot 
hurled from her decks being the first intimation given the 
enemy of her approach. Coffee, with his gallant brigade, was 
sent to the enemy's rear, while Jackson, with near fourteen hun- 
dred men, prepared to attack them in front. Coffee attacked 
the rear with great ardor, and drove the enemy, after they had 
rallied several times, before him at every point. The shot from 
Patterson's schooner made the British retire beyond the range of 
his guns. It was this, indeed, that accelerated the collision 
between Coffee's advance and the British. They continued to 
retreat from the steady advance of Cofiee till a breastwrok afiorded 
protection. He could not drive them from this post. These 
operations were during the night of the 9th of December. 
Jackson pushed ahead through the darkness to the front, the 
light fiashing from the schooner, and the enemy forming his only 
beacon. He arrived at the enemy's lines, whom he found pro- 
tected by a deep ditch. The men poured upon them one heavy 
discharge, then leaped the ditch, driving the British before them. 
This operation was the third time performed, the enemy having 
formed three ditches for their security ; they were each time 
driven back. The increasing darkness put a stop to further 
efforts. The schooner had slackened her fire, while Coffee's bri- 



andrp:w JACKSON. 529 

gade had been thrown into considerable disorder before Jackson 
could effect a junction with him. His own men, too, were be- 
ginning to be confused, in consequence of the impenetrable 
gluuui. Jackson, therefore, satisfied with the result, resolved to 
withdraw with his troops and renew the contest at early dawn. 
By morning, however, the enemy's forces had swelled to six 
thousand strong, and not deeming it prudent to hazard the suc- 
cess of the campaign in an engagement with such disparity of 
numbers, he fell back behind a ditch stretching from the Missis- 
sippi Eiver across the levee to the swamp. Here he determined 
to make a bold stand. In the night engagement just mentioned, 
he lost over two hundred men ; the loss of the British exceeded 
five hundred. 

He now resolved to concentrate his forces for a general bat- 
tle, hoping that decisive results would ensue. The British, in 
securing a landing at an unexpected and advantageous position, 
had evidently gained advantage, availing themselves of which, 
they could, unless prevented by some decisive stroke, fortify 
themselves and advance upon the city at their leisure. 

Having resolved on risking all upon the result of a general 
battle, Jackson made evevy exertion to make his position as 
impregnable as possible. The ditch was widened and deepened. 
Trees were felled at its terminus in the swamp. At this extremity 
of the ditch. Coffee was stationed. The fortitude of that general 
and his men, for a number of days, during their occupancy of 
this station, has never been excelled. They were in mud, through 
the day, up to their knees, while at night their only couch was the 
boughs of trees piled upon it to keep them from being engulfed. 
Trenches were cut through the levee, letting the waters of the 
Mississippi overflow the swamp, so as to afford additional security. 
Beside these precautions, a large number of cotton bales were 
procured, and piled along to increase the hight and strength of 
the breastwork. Preparations were carried on most vigorously. 
Day and night the sound of tools, the rattle of cart-wheels, the 
ring of the spade, the voices of command were heard. The city, 
menaced by a dreaded foe, presented a scene of busy mournful- 
ness. The army, eager for its rescue and victory, toiled with an 
unsubdued spirit to accomplish the object. Jackson, the vigilant 
commander, — the hope of all, — was here, and there and every- 
where, not only encouraging his men, but participating in their 



530 ANDREW JACKSON. 

toils. Four clays and nights are said to have passed without bring- 
ing the slightest repose. It has been stated by reliable authorities, 
that during these preparations, midnight and midday, found Jack- 
son at his labors. 

Morgan was now sent with directions to fortify himself on the 
right bank of the river, while another officer was directed to pre- 
vent, if possible, the approach of vessels of war through Barra- 
taria pass. 

Every thing now indicated an early engagement. The Kentucky 
troops had not yet arrived, which was a great source of annoyance 
to the commander. Several messengers had been sent to hurry 
them to the scene of action. 

Tlie British, from a newly-erected battery, opened an attack 
upon the Caroline ; the schooner commanded by Patterson, before 
mentioned. Owing to tlie prevailing calm, all efforts to bring the 
vessel beyond the range of the guns were abortive. Her men, 
therefore, set fire to and abandoned her, and took refuge on the 
shore. She was, soon after, entirely consumed. On the 28th of 
December, the British made an attack upon the American works. 
They opened a well-directed, but not very effective fire at the dis- 
tance of half a mile, which was actively returned by the Ameri- 
cans. The Louisiana war sloop opened upon the British a galling 
and destructive fire. Their ranks being thus thinned before they 
had uppiunoli^d near enough to the fort to do much executiou, 
they were forced to give up the attack and take shelter in their 
camp. In this attempt, the enemy lost about a hundred men ; 
the American loss M'as some seven or eight. The gallant Colonel 
Henderson of Tennessee, fell in this engagement. It became 
evident now, that a decisive battle must soon follow, and the 
people in the city became more alarmed as the crisis approached. 
Some of the more fearful were greatly intimidated, and walked 
the streets with a downcast mien, whispering mentally that all 
was lost. Jackson, himself, was filled with the deepest anxiety 
in regard to the fate of the city. Stern and brave, he knew that 
the place and its fortifications were capable of presenting formi- 
dable defense ; but his troops were, many of them, raw recruits, 
unused to scenes of war. Would they stand the approach of 
British regulars? "Would they return fire for fire, until the foe 
were swept from the field ? To insure success, as far as possible, 
he mingled among his men and cheered them with hopeful words 



ANDREW JACKSON. 531 

aud a brave example. To increase his solicitude, the Legislature 
did not second his efibrts, but were absolutely debating the pro- 
priety of surrendering the city. Claiborne was then governor, 
and a warm friend of Jackson's. Learning the proceedings of 
the Legislature, the general sent word to the governor to shut that 
body in, and stop their deliberations, or at least, keep the results 
of them from being noised abroad. Claiborne was brave himself, 
and looked upon the surrender of the city in the same light that 
Jackson did. Lidignant that such a measure should be sanctioned 
by the State officials, and zealous in the cause of defense, he con- 
cluded that the more eifective mode of preventing such legislation, 
would be to turn the members out of doors, which he accordingly 
did. A legislative committee, just before the governor assumed 
this heavy responsibility, waited on Jackson, for the purpose of 
conferring with him upon the subject. One of the number, who, 
doubtless, fancied he already heard the representative hall tum- 
bling about his ears, timidly asked Jackson what he should do if 
driven from his works. A dark frown gathered over the hero's 
brow, as he fastened upon his interrogator the most withering look, 
and replied : " If I thought the hair of my head could devise 
what I should do, I would cut it oif forthwith. Go back with this 
auf^wer: sav to your honorable body that if disaster does overtake 
us, and the fate of war drives me from my lines to the city, that 

lltcy iiLvoy ttV^ooo lO /ltOV6 tu ojttrlil StSStOU. 

After the battle, he was asked what he should have done had 
he been driven from his works? " I would have retreated to the 
city," replied he, '''' fired it^ and fought the enemy amid the sur- 
rounding flames." Headley very pertinently remarks of this reply, 
that, " New Orleans in flames, and Jackson charging down its blaz- 
ing streets, would have presented one of the most frightful exhi- 
bitions furnished in the annals of war." Had such been the re- 
sult, there is no doubt but Jackson and Coffee, with their brave 
regulars, would have fought amid the conflagration, nor yielded 
an inch till buried in its ashes. 

Failing in the attack on the 28th, the British landed their can- 
non and concentrated their forces for a general assault upon the 
American lines. By the 1st of January, 1815, they had mar- 
shaled their forces upon the banks of the river for that purpose. 
One of those dense fogs peculiar to that climate overhung the 
city and environs, on the morning of the 1st. Soon as the sun 
36 



532 AXDEEW JACKSON. 

bad risen sufficiently to disperse the fog, the British opened a 
tremendous fire upon the American breastwork. The scene was 
sublimely terrible. Bombs, shot, and rockets filled the air, and 
fell like streams of fire upon the works. Roused by the roar of 
the guns, every energy strained to its utmost for the crisis, Jack- 
son hurried to the scene, and placed himself at the head of his 
men. No sooner had he vacated his quarters than a tremendous 
discharge of balls, directed against the house he occupied, tore it 
to splinters. The Americans now returned the fire with remark- 
able precision and rapidity. For several hours the boom of can- 
non shook the city to its foundation, while the smoke curled heav- 
ily over its buildings. Yaried and painful must have been the 
feelings of the citizens when, right at their threshold, the con- 
quering veterans of the Peninsula were aiming their destruc- 
tion, and the sacred precincts of their homes were rocked by the 
roar of artillery. An awful destiny seemed wrapped up in the 
moment. So skillfully did the Americans direct their fire, that, 
after a bombardment of about four hours, the guns of the British 
were silenced, and they were forced to take refuge in their camp. 
The loss of the enemy in this afiair was not estimated. It could 
not have been heavy on either side. Had the British made these 
attacks earlier, before Jackson had time to fortify himself and in- 
spirit the people, they might have succeeded. The British were 
now becoming daily more discouraged, and the Americans more 
buoyant. 

Satisfied of the futility of further attempts in their present con- 
dition, the British determined to await reinforcements. The 
Americans were also in continual expectation of aid. Jackson 
spared no pains or toil to strengthen his position during this 
interval. It is related of Jackson that a wealthy Frenchman 
coming to him to request remuneration for damages sustained 
by his property during the attack on the city, he replied to him, 
*' Men who have property should defend it." He then presented 
him with a musket, and ordered him into the ranks. 

Six or eight da^^s now intervened before the resumption of act- 
ive hostilities. During this time the city of New Orleans pre- 
sented a singular aspect. In the river lay, with snowy sails, the 
British fleet in full trim, while the tents of the soldiers begirt the 
city, presenting an imposing appearance. The drum-beat and 
fife-note, the cannon-boom, the musket-shot, the march, the coun- 



ANDREW JACKSON. 533 

terraarch, the sentry-challenge and reply, all mingling with the 
buzz and commotion incident to the occasion, conspired to make 
the scene one of thrilling interest. Behind the breastwork of 
cotton-bales and other material lay the defenders of the country, 
those in whose hands were the destinies of home, i'araily, friends 
and even freedom itself. Like the maidens of old Carthage, who 
parted with their jewels to aid in the defense of their famed city, 
against Scipio Africanus, the noble ladies of New Orleans were 
busy in preparing clothing and other articles needed by the sol- 
diers. Before another attempt was made upon the American 
works, the troops from Kentucky arrived and fell into ranks. 
This was a source of joy to all, and tended to elevate the spirits 
of the army. They were badly equipped, many of them bring- 
ing nothing but their old hunting-guns. The British had now 
received a large accession to their number, and both parties 
seemed ready for battle. Jackson, ever vigilant, on the night 
of the 7th of January, made a close reconnoissance of the grounds 
and defenses. His quick eye soon perceived that the enemy 
was preparing to attack the works. Immediate preparations 
were made on his part for fight. Coffee retained his old position 
at the swamp on the left. Qarroll, with the Tennesseeans, was 
posted in the center, — while Jackson in person commanded on 
the extreme right, next to the river. The Kentucky troops were 
stationed, in the center also, behind Carroll's brigade. 

Afiairs were in this condition when the sun rose over the Cres- 
cent City, on Sunday morning, January 8th, 1815. At early 
morning the roar of artillery announced the commencement of 
the battle. From high batteries, reared the preceding night, a 
heavy fire was opened upon the Americans. A solitary shot, 
curving high into the heavens, like a red meteor, told that all 
was ready. 

A body of nine thousand British regulars now issued from 
their quarters, and converging in two divisions, proceeded in 
goocf order to attack the American center and right. On they 
came, with stead}^ tread and cheering shouts. On tliey came, 
like a dense, variegated cloud, moving up to the works with 
streaming colors ; in the highest state of discipline, trained 
on fields of victory in Europe, never did soldiers present a 
grander spectacle. Now perceive them as the levee narrows 
toward the fort, they are compelled to crowd themselves very 



534 ANDREW JACKSON. 

compactly. lu this condition they approach the breastwork. 
Stepping with the utmost regnhirity and decision, not a sign of 
fear or disorder, they approach within a short distance of the 
American -ilnes. In the meantime, with compressed lip and 
hushed breath, the Americans crouch behind their works, await- 
ing orders. That red cloud of British soldiers is near the lines, 
and victory, as they think, is already achieved. But now the 
earth seems to upheave under their feet ; fire seems to rain from 
heaven. The American guns had opened their fire, and so tremen- 
dous was its efiect, that all the thunderbolts of heaven seemed let 
loose upon them. A perfect storm of shot and ball cut long, 
wide lanes through the British ranks, and hewed them down by 
hundreds. Quickly the gaps are filled up, and over the dead 
bodies of their comrades another essay is made to capture the 
works. Again the death-shots hiss through their columns, re- 
opening lanes wider than the first. Again the gaps were filled, 
and again the sturdy veterans pressed to the assault with loud 
cheers. Their shot went over the American works, and fell be- 
yond, without doing the least execution. The Americans had 
hitherto reserved the fire of their small arms till the enemy 
made nearer approaches to the works. On they came, till they 
approached the ditch, passing over the lifeless bodies of their 
fallen comrades at every step. As they reached the ditch, " Fire !" 
w cis boutiueu along the American lines, and the reports -of a thou- 
sand muskets responded to the command. N'ever, perhaps, did 
such a sheet of death pierce an advancing column. Instead of 
leaving gaps through their columns, as the guns had done, whole 
ranks of the foe sank down like grain before the scythe, many of 
them pierced with a dozen balls. So tremendous was the dis- 
charge, that many who, before the fire, stood in compact ranks, 
found themselves afterward standing alone in the blood of their 
comrades, who lay piled around. Bereft of their senses, those 
who survived the discharge knew not what to do, till the word 
of command, through the din and clash of the combatants, came 
ringing over the field, again urging them to face the stream of 
death. It seemed downright murder to witness those brave men, 
to whom fear was an utter stranger, torn from home, friends, and 
associations beyond the wide Atlantic, thus driven to the slaugh- 
ter, without being able to do the least execution upon those 
against whom they were contending. Again they pressed on to 



ANDREW JACKSON. 535 

the edge of the ditch, dug, it seemed, for the grave of British vet- 
erans. No sooner was it reached, than a repetition of the mur- 
derous discharge sent hissing upon them the same messengers 
of death. Again they fell in heaps, as on the first volley. At 
this time, in harmony with the scene around him, glancing down 
at the awful havoc made upon the foe, then encouraging his men, 
who sent up loud huzzas as he rode along, Jackson's countenance 
beamed with confident hopes of victory. Every bullet fired took 
effect. There was no waste of ammunition there. The Kentucky 
troops, who, it will be remembered, were stationed behind Car- 
roll's brigade, in the center, reloaded the guns of those before 
them, and prevented any pause in the firing. No troops under 
heaven could have withstood such a fire. The whole British col- 
umns began at last to waver and fall into disorder. At this junc- 
ture. General Packenham, who had more courage than prudence, 
more bravery than generalship, spurred his horse straight through 
the confused ranks toward the breastwork. Endeavoring to imi- 
tate his example, the troops for a few moments seemed to recover 
their courage, and were willing to make another charge ; but the 
death of Packenham, who fell pierced with several balls, cooled 
their ardor. Other generals took his place, but shared the same 
fate. The troops now broke, and fled in every direction. They 
at length reached a ditch where, being met by Lambert with 
reinforcements, they were again rallied and led to the slaughter. 
As they advanced, the men fell in heaps, literally covering the 
ground with their dead bodies. Kinnie, who led this last and 
final charge, fell dead among the bodies of most of his men. 
The failure of this last effort resulted in the indiscriminate flight 
of the British. Driven from the field at all points, they sought 
shelter iu a ditch, where they remained till night set in, when 
they retreated through the darkness to their ships and camp, 
Never were the ravages of war more visibly manifest than on 
the ground in front of the American breastwork. Bodies heaped 
on bodies, torn to pieces by cannon-shot, lay there within the 
entire i-ange of the American guns. News of the defeat flew to 
the city. Shouts, loud and prolonged, rent the air, and general 
rejoicing prevailed. 

The morning of that Sabbath saw British warriors, urged on by 
the cry of " beauty and booty," march gallantly to the contest. 
Evening closed over the scene, and found the very men iu whose 



536 ANDEEW JACKSON. 

homes they expected to feast and riot, engaged in burying them 
ii])ou the field. Such are the fortunes of war. The British came 
into the action with more than double the number of troops 
engaged, tlian those on the side of the Americans ; yet, the loss 
of the former was near two thousand, while the latter lost thirteen 
men, — all told! Search the annals of the world, and you will 
never find such an instance. Among all the battle-fields of the 
world, great in importance though they may have been, we can 
not find one where better generalship was displayed, than on this 
occasion, by Jackson. On the other hand, the British generals, 
though they did not lack bravery, behaved more like madmen than 
men versed in military science. Had the British, instead of attack- 
ing Jackson's stronghold, taken time and availed themselves of 
such advantages as circumstances may have developed, they 
would have been able, at least, to prevent such a wholesale 
slaughter of their troops, if not, to take the city. The victory at 
Kew Orleans was, in one sense, the close of the war. An armis- 
tice was immediately entered into, and the British went on board 
their ships. 

Jackson now made his triumphal entry into the city, Never 
was hero received with higher demonstrations of joy and regard. 
Bells pealed a merry welcome ; smiling maidens dressed in robes 
of white, strewed his way with M'reaths and flowers. The shouts 
of the people rent the skies, and echoed away along the Missis- 
sippi. 

Discontents still prevailed among some narrow-minded men, in 
regard to the city being placed under martial law. A member 
of the Legislature, named Louallier, had, by the publication of 
inflammatory articles in the Louisiana Gazette, endeavored to 
excite the troops to insubordination. This elicited the just dis- 
pleasure of Jackson, who had him arrested. Louallier im- 
mediately applied to Judge Hall for a writ of habeas corims^ which 
was issued. Not caring for his writs, Jackson had the judge 
arrested also, and sent from the city. Hall, soon after, being 
restored to his ofiiicial capacity, had Jackson brought before him 
to answer the charge of disobeying the writ. Dressed as a plain 
citizen, the general promptly appeared. He was fined a thousand 
dollars, which the people determined to pay themselves. Jackson 
would not accept the ofier. The whole sum, with interest, was 
refunded by Congressional enactment, in 1844:. 



ANDREW JACKSON. 537 

On the 13th of February, after the battle of New Orleans, 
tidings of a formal peace, concluded with Great Britain by our 
ministers, reached Jackson's head-quarters. Again war had ceased 
its ravages upon our young and growing confederacy. Again 
could the soldier return to his peaceful avocation, without being 
disturbed by the hostile armies and fleets of foreign power. The 
troops were discharged, and with victory perched upon their ban- 
ners, returned to their respective homes. Jackson also proceeded 
to Nashville, which place he reached in May. The fame of the 
hero of New Orleans had reached every extremity of the country. 
He was everywhere regarded as the truest representative of Ameri- 
can military genius and skill. The reception given to him by 
the warm-hearted Tennesseeans, was a spontaneous exhibition of 
the high esteem in which he was held by his fellow-citizens. 
Addresses of welcome were delivered in the city of Nashville, 
on his arrival there, and other demonstrations of popular regard 
extended to him. Receiving these with heartfelt gratitude, he 
retired to his home, where, surrounded by his friends and uninter- 
rupted domestic quiet, he enjoyed that repose essential to his 
shattered health. 

Legislatures of most of the States accorded to him votes of 
thanks for his services, while the National Congress appropriated 
a gold medal as a token of public respect and admiration. In 
1815, he was appointed, in the place of Pinckney, Commander-in- 
Chief of all the southern forces in the United States. After re- 
cruiting his health, he visited the city of Washington, and was 
everywhere, on his route, the recipient of marked esteem and 
public favor. It was now that his name began to be first spoken 
of, in connection with the office of President of the United States. 
Combining with the true pre-requisites of an able military man, 
executive talents of the highest order, he was urged forward for 
the position. Whatever of interest he may afterward have 
felt in regard to this, it is perfectly evident that he was quite 
indifiereut upon the subject at this time. Many prominent 
politicians, conspicuous among whom was Aaron Burr, urged his 
claims to the office. This wily politician was anxious to have 
Jackson placed before the people, in place of Monroe, and wrote 
thus to an influential man of South Carolina: "Nothing is 
wanting but a respectable nomination before the proclamation of 
the Virginia caucus and Jackson's success is inevitable. Jackson- 



538 ANDREW JACKSON. 

is on his way to Washington. If you should have any confidential 
friend among the members of Congress, from your State, charge 
him to caution Jackson against the perfidious caresses with which 
he will be overwhelmed at Washington." A few days afterward, 
he thus wrote : 

" Things are wonderfully advanced. These will require a letter 
from yourself and others, advising Jackson what is doing. That 
communications have been had from the northern States, requiring 
him only to be passive, and asking from him a list of persons 
to whom you may address your letters." These letters did not 
reach Governor Alston, the person to whom they were directed, 
until too late to secure the nomination of Jackson by his native 
State. Alston, therefore, replied, that it was "too late, of course, 
had circumstances been ever so favorable to be acted upon in the 
manner proposed. I fully coincide with you in sentiment ; but the 
spirit, the energy, the health necessary to give practical efiect to 
sentiment, are all gone. I feel too much alone, too entirely 
unconnected with the world to take much interest in any thing." 

Tlius it appears, that the tardy action of his friends in relation 
to the matter, was all that prevented Jackson from receiving the 
State nomination for the office of President of the United States. 
Matters had taken quite a turn. Fortune was evidently smiling 
propitiously upon him. Here we see the first honors of a great 
nation being heaped upon one who, on his first introduction to the 
reader, was a friendless boy, ordered by a British subordinate 
officer to black his boots. 

In the spring of 1816, Jackson visited New Orleans, — the 
scene of his great exploit, and was received with every demon- 
stration of joy by the inhabitants of the city. He, soon after, 
effected a treaty with the Indians, on terms highly advantageous 
to the United States. In these transactions, Jackson looked into 
tlic future, when teeming with a numerous population, and the 
varied productions of a prolific soil, the United States would re- 
quire considerable territorial expansion. 

He was not destined much longer to enjoy the desired repose 
of domestic life. So high was the military character developed 
by him, both in the Indian and the British wars, that whenever 
hostilities were manifest from any quarter, the eye of the nation 
was sure to be turned to him as the person best fitted to lead her 
Hrmies to battle. In 1818, the Seminole Indians, a powerful tribe, 



ANDREW JACKSON. 539 

roaming the forests of Florida, disregarding treaty regulations, 
began to perpetrate many annoyances upon the southern frontier. 
General Gaines, acting under instructions of the government, had 
erected forts for the protection of the frontier, and succeeded in 
partially quelling the war-spirit of the Indians. The benefits of 
liis expedition, however, were but temporary. The command of 
Lieutenant Scott, consisting of some forty men, was attacked by 
the Indians at Flint Eiver, ^nd almost the entire party butchered. 

Having proper authority as general-in-chief of all the southern 
forces, Jackson, immediately after this engagement, mustered 
together an army of five thousand men, and marched with charac- 
teristic rapidity toward the Seminole villages at Mickisucky. The 
Indians fled before him, leaving their houses. These he burned 
to the ground, and pursued his course toward the Spanish post of 
St. Marks, on the Appalache bay, in Florida. Here he captured 
some British and Scotch traders, whom he suspected of having 
incited the Indians to open hostilities, and had them placed in 
close confinement. They were subjected to a trial by court- 
martial, condemned, sentenced, and executed. Learning that a 
large body of Indian warriors had assembled at Escumbia, in the 
vicinity of Pensacola, he pushed rapidl}^ for that point, — took 
possession of the latter place, and posted some of his men at Fort 
Barrancas. After these operations, he thus wrote the Secretary of 
War, in June, 1818 : " The Seminole war may now be con- 
sidered at a close. Tranquillity is again restored to the southern 
frontier of the United States, and as long as a cordon of military 
posts is maintained along the gulf of Mexico, America has 
nothing to apprehend, either from foreign or Indian hostilities. 
The immutable principles of self-defense justified the occupancy 
of the Florid as, and the same principles will warrant the Ameri- 
can government in holding it till such time as Spain can guar- 
antee, by an adequate military force, the maintaining of her 
authority within the colony." 

Jackson now, having brought the Seminole war to a successful 
close, returned to Nashville, Tennessee, where he received the 
renewed congratulations of his fellow-citizens. The resignation 
of his commission in the army immediately followed. During 
the session of Congress in January, 1819, he revisited Washing- 
ton, being greeted everywhere in his route by the same demon- 
strations of popular appreciation. The manner in which the war 



540 ANDREW JACKSON. 

in Florida was prosecuted became a matter of censorious Con- 
gressioual investigation. His having wrested from Spain some 
of her posts and fortifications, was construed by some into a tran- 
scendent exercise of his authority. Resolutions of censure were 
introduced into Congress, but failed in eliciting sufficient support 
to efl'ect their passage. Though this debate resulted in the resto- 
ration to Spain of her conquered posts, the conduct of Jackson 
was sustained and vindicated by theTresideut and his cabinet. 
Jackson was subsequently censured, during times of high politi- 
cal excitement, in which his friends largely participated, while he 
was before the country for the suftrages of the people for the 
highest office in their power to bestow. The employment of 
bloodhounds to assist in finding out the hiding-places of the Indi- 
ans was denounced in unmeasured terms, as a resort worthy only 
the spirit of vandalism practiced upon civilization in olden times. 
These accusations never resulted to the permanent injury of the 
fame of the great military leader. 

When he was commissioned, as the commander of the south- 
ern forces, to put a stop to the ravages of frontier warfare, as 
such, in the plenitude of his official capacity, he consulted no one 
as to the best method of procuring the desirable result. Proud 
and self-reliant as a military leader, he saw, almost by intuition, 
what was the proper course to pursue, and, though a rigid discip- 
linarian, decisive in his resolves and operations, and, to some ex- 
tent, careless of the means employed to insure the speedy success 
of his campaigns, the accusation that he was inhuman, either to 
friend or foe, is contrary to the tenor of his whole life, in direct 
conflict with his highest characteristics, and can not be sustained 
from the record of his acts or the exhibitions of his nature. 

Having vindicated himself of the charges preferred against him 
in the national councils, he visited Philadelphia, New York, Bal- 
timore, and other great commercial cities of the Union. The en- 
thusiasm with which he was everywhere greeted, attested full 
well his great worth and the high place he had attained in the 
esteem of the people. 

'Accepting the governorsliip of Florida, tendered him by the 
President in June, 1821, he immediately hastened to the territory 
and entered ui)on his official duties. The first duty he had to 
perform was the imprisomneut of the Spanish Governor Callava, 
who, refusing to deliver the papers and documents pertaining to 



ANDREW JACKSON. 541 

the office to Jackson, was arrested and forced to submit to the 
demaud. Soon as the papers in question were obtained, he was 
released from custody. Four months embraced the entire period 
of his incumbency of this office. The situation being neither 
congenial to his feelings nor affording opportunity of doing any 
great service for his country, he resigned and returned to Ten- 
nessee. In 1823 he received notification of his appointment by 
President Monroe as Minister to Mexico. This not being the 
sphere of action suited to his bold, imperious nature, he peremp- 
torily declined. Previous to this, when a successor to James 
Monroe to the Presidency became the topic of exciting considera- 
tion, Jackson was put forward by the Tennessee Legislature as a 
candidate. This was in 1822. Several other States also nomi- 
nated him for that office. In the fall of 1823 he was elected to 
the Senate of the United States by the Legislature of Tennessee, 
and took his seat in that body in December following. Intensely 
democratic as he was in national measures, Jackson had never 
for mere partisan purposes acted contrary to his convictions of 
right. During his term in the Senate, the tariff of 1824 was a 
question of considerable moment. Jackson was friendlj' to the 
measure, and on its final submission, cast his vote in favor of it. 

The contest for the Presidency in 1824 was one of the most 
exciting ever witnessed in the country. Adams, Jackson, Clay 
and Crawford were the candidates. Jackson received ninety-nine 
electoral votes, Adams eighty-four, Crawford forty-one, and Clay 
thirty-seven. This threw the election into the House, and resulted 
in the bitterest personal and political animosities. The course 
pursued by Clay, who preferred to vote for Adams, was the cause 
of his being assailed by the opposition throughout the entire 
country with a bitterness unsurpassed in the annals of political 
warfare. By a long life of usefulness and honor to his country, 
Clay triumphantly vindicated himself from the charge of corrup- 
tion made against him in consequence of having cast his vote 
for Adams. 

Jackson now retired to the Hermitage in Tennessee, where he 
enjoyed the seclusion of his quiet homestead, in a manner that 
became the soldier, the civilian, and the statesman. Amoiifr the 
pleasing occurrences of this retiracy to the Hermitage, was the 
reception of Lafayette, who visited the United States in 1824. 
He remained at the home of Jackson for some time, and was 



542 ANDREW JACKSON. 

entertaiued with the true hospitality of a noble and generous 
nature. 

At the succeeding presidential canvass, Jackson was again put 
forward as a candidate ; John Quincy Adams being the oppo- 
sition candidate for re-election. This canvass was also exciting. 
Jackson beat his competitor by a very large popular majority, — 
near two to one. About this period he lost his wife, to whom he 
had been attached by the strongest conjugal ties. 

Here begins a new era in the life of Andrew Jackson, — the 
eight years of his administration, — embracing one of the most im- 
portant epochs in our whole political history. Though, in a 
work like this, it can not be expected that we should give in detail, 
all the incidents connected with his administration, wo shall 
endeavor to notice its leading and most important features. That 
admiuistration has become history, — valuable, instructive political 
history ; worthy the careful s-tudy of the student and the statesman. 
On the 4th of March, 1829, he entered upon the duties of his office. 
He was conducted to the Capitol by a band of old revolutionary 
soldiers. He made the following brief reply to an address 
delivered on the occasion : 

"Respected Fkiends: — Your affectionate addresses awaken 
sentiments and recollections which I feel with sincerity and cherish 
with pride. To have around my person at the moment of under- 
taking the most solemn of all duties to my country, the companions 
of the immortal Washington, will afford me satisfaction and grate- 
ful encouragement. That by my best exertions 1 shall be able to 
exhibit more than an imitation of his labors, a sense of my own 
imperfections and the reverence I entertain for his virtues, forbid 
me to hope. To you, respected friends, the survivors of that 
heroic band, who followed him so long and so valiantly in the 
path of glory, I offer my sincere thanks, and to Heaven my 
prayers, that your remaining years may be as happy as your toil 
and your lives have been illustrious." 

He now retired to the eastern portico of the Capitol, where, in 
the presence of the members of the Supreme Court, the foreign 
ministers, and members of the House, he delivered his inaugural 
address, which closed in the following language: "It will be my 
sincere and constant desire to observe toward the Indian tribes 
within our limits, a just and liberal policy, and to give that 
humane, considerate attention to their rights and wants, which is 



ANDREW JACKSON. 543 

consistent with the habits of our government and the feelings of 
our people. 

'' The recent demonstrations inscribe on the list of executive 
duty, in characters too legible to be overlooked, the task oi reform ; 
which will require particularly, the correction of those abuses that 
have brought the patronage of the Federal government into con- 
flict with the freedom of elections, and the counteraction of those 
causes which have distorted the rightful course of appointment, 
and have placed, or continued power in unfaithful or incompetent 
hands. 

"In the performance of a task, thus generally delineated, I 
shall endeavor to select men whose diligence and talent will 
insure in their respective stations, able and faithful co-operation, 
depending for the advancement of the public service, more on the 
integrity and zeal of the public officers than on their numbers. 

" A diffidence, perhaps too just, in my own qualifications, will 
teach me to look with reverence to the examples of public virtue 
left by my illustrious predecessors, and with veneration to the 
lights that flow from the mind that founded, and the mind that 
reformed, our system. The same diffidence induces me to hope 
for instruction and aid from the co-ordinate branches of the govern- 
ment, and for the indulgence and support of mv fellow-citizens 
generally ; and a firm reliance on the greatness of that Power, 
wnoae proviaence merciiuliy pi'OLecLed yfnx iia,tioaal infancy, and 
has since upheld our liberties in various vicissitudes, encourages 
me to ofier up my ardent supplications that he will continue to 
make our beloved country the object of his divine care and 
gracious benediction." 

On the conclusion of the inaugural, the oath of office was 
administered by Chief Justice Marshall, and one of the most 
remarkable administrations of this or any other government, was 
ushered in. After receiving the congratulations of friends and 
citizens, upon his accession to the Presidency, and the auspicious 
circumstances that surrounded him at the commencement of his 
executive labors, he formed his cabinet. 

For Secretary of State, he selected Martin Van Buren of New 
York ; for Secretary of the Treasury, Sam. D.Ingham of Pennsyl- 
vania ; for Secretary of War, John H. Eaton of Tennessee ; for 
Attorney-General, John McPhersou Berrien of Georgia; for 
Secretary of the Navy, John Branch of North Carolina. The 



544 ANDREW JACKSON. 

office of Postmaster-GeDeral, was soon created a cabinet office, 
aud William T. Barry of Kentucky, — a name which that noble 
State will ever love to cherish and venerate, was appointed to that 
position. John C. Calhoun presided as Vice-president over the 
Senate. Jackson, in the selection of his cabinet, showed, at least, 
that he harbored in his breast no feelings of bitterness against his 
opponents, — Yan Buren, the Secretary of State, and Branch, 
Secretar}" of the Navy, — both having been warm supporters of 
Crawford in the presidential contest. The principle however, 
indicated in the selection of these gentlemen from those who 
opposed his election, was not carried out. No sooner had his 
cabinet been formed, and the adjournment of the Senate taken 
place, than he began a sj^stem of executive proscription, ruthless 
and intolerant. The Capitol swarmed with applicants for official 
station, whose claims were based upon no other consideration than 
electioneering services rendered during the campaign. These 
were quite successful in their designs. Old incumbents were 
turned adrift, — the heads of departments were removed, and new 
office seekers substituted in their stead. Congress had adjourned, 
and sustaining himself behind the broad power of executive 
privilege, he managed the business of removal and appointment 
pretty much at will. Treasury officers, collectors, attorneys, 
marshals, diplomatists, registers, all shared alike the same fate. 
Qualification for a post weighed little in the balance, — political 
proclivities, controlled the whole business. During the Adams 
administration, previous, there had been but two removals from 
office; during the entire six precedent administrations, there had 
been in all but seventy-four removals from office ; yet Jackson, in 
the exercise of his executive functions, during the first Con- 
gressional recess found occasion to make one hundred and seventy- 
six new appointments, — more than half of which was made neces- 
sary by his removal of old incumbents ! Many of these, too, were 
conferred upon members of Congress, against the appointment of 
whom to office, during their Congressional terms, Jackson had 
formerly been vehement in urging a constitutional provision. 
This proscriptive policy elicited the denunciation of the people, — 
particularly of the opposite party. He was defended by his friends 
upon the ground that things needed change and amendment. This, 
to some extent, was true. There had been frauds and defalcations 
detected against the government to a considerable amount, on the 



ANDREW JACKSON. 545 

part of high officials; but still, those that were discovered, were 
not sufficient to justify the wholesale removal of officers who had 
proved faithful in the discharge of every duty, merely for the 
purpose of making room for political favorites. The com-se of 
our executives has ever beeu subject to censorious criticism, 
frequently profusely and unjustly heaped upon them. The bitter- 
ness of pai'tisan faction, has had much to do with loading our 
chief magistrates with undeserved opprobrium. At the same time, 
however, the indiscriminate removal from office of faithful public 
servants, because they may chance to be of different politics from 
the President, — a procedure which may be properly said to have 
first been inaugurated with the commencement of Jackson's 
administration, is contrary to the tenor of our Republican insti- 
tutions, and justly merits the disapprobation of good citizens. 

Dissatisfaction now became strongly manifest throughout the 
country, and portended the difficulties destined to be encountered 
by the administration of Jackson for the ensuing eight years. In 
no department of the government coming under executive regu- 
lation, was this prescriptive policy more obviously apparent, than 
in the post-office department. Under the superintendence of 
McLean, that department had given almost universal satisfaction. 
His removal, and the substitution of Barry in his place, were the 
initiatory steps to the numerous changes made throughout the 
entire country. According to postal statistics, carefully formed 
at the time, there were, it appears, near five hundred post-masters 
removed from office during the first year of his administration.* 

Though Jackson had been in the Senate of the United States, 
and had, on several important questions, voted affirmatively with 
those entertaining the idea that the Federal government was 
empowered by the Constitution, to regulate manuftictures, revenues 
and banks, and to make appropriations for purposes of internal 
improvement, much anxiety, and some doubt existed in the public 
mind as to the course he would pursue in his administration. 
His competitors were men of more experience, and had filled a 
larger space in political life. They and their friends were dis- 
posed to give the measures of the new President a fair trial, 
and await the development of events, without taking positions 
hostile to him. Elected by an immense majority, upon the 



* American Annual Register. Williams. 



546 ANDREW JACKSON. 

avowed principle of national reform, and his own high personal 
popularity, he went into oflBce divested of all coercive restraints, 
free to carry out his own views. Thus, " with a surplus of more 
than five millions of dollars in the national treasury, the country 
respected abroad, at peace with all the world, and in a state of 
unexampled and progressive domestic prosperity," Jackson 
entered upon the administration of the government. Congress, 
with large majorities in both houses, favorable to his election, 
met, December 7th, 1829, and organized by the election of 
Andrew Stevenson to the speakership. The President's first 
annual message, though one of conceded ability, embracing an 
elaborate review of foreign relations, the condition of the revenues, 
and domestic aflairs generally, was not altogether satisfactory to 
his friends and supporters in the two Houses. In this message, he 
touched upon the subject of a continuance of the old United 
States Bank, in a manner that indicated the course he would likely 
pursue in regard to that institution. He said : 

" The charter of the Bank of the United States expires in 1836, 
and its stockholders will most probably apply for a renewal of 
their privileges. In order to avoid the evils resulting from pre- 
cipitancy in a measure involving such important principles and 
such deep pecnninry interests, I feel that I can not, in justice 
to the parties interested, too soon present it to the deliberate con- 
siueraciou of the Legislature, and the people. Both the consti- 
tutionality and the expediency of the law creating this bank, are 
well questioned by a large portion of our fellow-citizens ; and it 
must be admitted by all, that it has failed in the great end of 
establishing a uniform sound currency. 

" Under these circumstances, if such an institution is deemed 
essential to the fiscal operations of the government, I submit to 
the wisdom of the Legislature, whether a national bank, — one 
founded on the credit of the government and its revenues, — might 
not be devised, which would avoid all constitutional difilculties, 
and, at the same time, secure all the advantages to the govern- 
ment and country, that were expected to result from the present 
bank." 

Jackson's friends in Congress, became early arrayed in hostility 
to the policy indicated in the foregoing extract, and a want of 
harmony between President and cabinet soon became quite mani- 
fest. Among the first acts of importance, durin,<i this Congress, 



ANDREW JACKSON. 547 

was the passage of a bill regulative of duties upon woolens im- 
ported into the country. Considerable dissatisfaction existed 
in regard to some features of the tariff of 1828, to procure a 
modification of which, this bill was passed. The subject of tariff 
monopolized the larger portion of the early deliberations of this 
Congress, and bills reductive of former duties npon several articles 
were passed. This was a laborious Congressional term, and many 
important subjects became matters of legislative consideration. 
Thirty thousand dollars were appropriated toward putting a stop 
to the traffic in slaves: tunnage duties were regulated: the 
collection of the revenue was so arranged as to prevent fraudulent 
practices : the office of Solicitor of the Treasury was created : 
territorial divisions were attended to: several military claims 
were settled. 

On the 29th of December, 1829, the celebrated Foot resolutions 
were introduced into the deliberations of Congress, and elicited. 
one of the most talented and remarkable debates ever witnessed, 
in the Capitol. Webster, Hayne, and Benton, towered each in 
all their native sublimity of eloquence, force, and logic. Of the 
incidents connected with these resolutions, we shall speak more 
fully in the life of Daniel "Webster. The discussion took a wide 
range, embracing the great question of State rights and federal 
sovereignty, and touching upon the principles of nullification. 
The noble and patriotic sentiments so eloquently expressed by 
Webster, seem to have been indorsed by the country, and though 
many of the southern people held to their ftivorite doctrine of 
State rights, they were subsequently, in his nullification message,, 
sustained by Jackson himself. 

The continued removals from office widened the breach between 
President and cabinet, and the national Legislature refusing to 
confirm many of the nominations of the Executive by votes suffi- 
ciently heavy to convey a direct censure upon his course, the de- 
struction of all harmony was becoming inevitable. In this state- 
of things, a coolness began to indicate itself between Jackson 
and the Yice-President, John C. Calhoun. The friends of the 
latter, indeed, began already to look upon him as the successor' 
to the first honors of the nation, and gathered around him, not 
averse to the continuance of the rupture between him and the- 
President* While the star of Calhoun, however, seemed rising 
to success, the unsound base of his pretensions gave way, hurling- 
37 



548 AXDREW JACKSON. 

hiin down and dashing forever the national scepter from liis 
grasp. 

In the investigation, before mentioned, of Jackson's conduct 
in the Seminole war, it was alleged that Calhoun had proposed to 
censure the General for the capture of the Spanish posts. A let- 
ter containing this accusation was placed in the hands of Jackson, 
who, astonished that the Yice-President should pursue such a 
course, immediately transmitted it to him, demanding an expla- 
nation. Calhoun, in reply, affirmed that he regarded the capture 
of the Spanish posts as a transcendental exercise of his authority. 
An open rupture between the two was the result. This greatly 
hightened the inharmonious feelings, now becoming apparent 
at the seat of government. 

Nullification early became a subject of exciting agitation. 
Opposed to the tariff of 1824 and 1828, the South Carolina del- 
egation in Congress, on the passage of the latter with its various 
modifications, contemplated the resignation of their seats. But, 
changing their views, they determined to assail the tariff system 
in every conceivable form of hostility, to make it odious to the 
people. In accordance with this idea, they issued their protest 
and prepared for operations. Nullification was now rife, and 
declarations to the effect that Congress had no constitutional 
power to pass acts regulating domestic manufactures were boldly 
made. The incidents connected with the nullification spirit 
formed one of the most important topics of discussion in our 
entire political history. For more elaborate and extended re- 
marks upon this subject, the reader is referred to the life of that 
singular combination of talent, profundity, and statesmanship, 
John C. Calhoun. 

The veto of two bills passed by Congress, appropriating mon- 
eys for internal improvements, by the Executive, created great 
excitement in both Houses, and convinced the people that he 
would not be over-sensitive in the exercise of executive prerog- 
ative. These bills were the authorizing of subscriptions to the 
Maysville and Lexington Railroad Company and to the Louis- 
ville and Portland Canal Company. 

In 1830 our foreign affairs received a due meed of executive 
and legislative consideration. 

By acts passed by the United States in 1818, 1820, and 1823, 
such commercial restrictions had been placed upon the vessels of 



ANDREW JACKSON. 549 

Great Britain comiug iuto our ports, that the former power was 
induced to establish measures excluding all intercourse on our 
part with her colonial possessions. The disadvantages to this 
couutry from these proceedings were great, and McLean was 
sent as Minister to England for the purpose of obviating them, 
lie was instructed to propose to England, on the part of his gov- 
ernment, a repeal of the acts of 1818, 1820, and 1823, if she 
would open to our commerce the "West India, Canada, and other 
colonial ports. This mission was highly successful. The entire 
colonial trade of Great Britain was opened to the United States, 
which in turn declared the restrictive acts absolutely repealed. 
Peaceful and prosperous commercial reciprocity was now, in one 
sense, established between the two countries. 

This was followed by treaties highly important to this govern- 
ment, concluded with Brazil, Prussia, Turkey and Denmark, — 
tlie United States recovering from the latter over a half million 
of dollars for damages previously sustained by our commerce. 

Congress commenced its second session in December, 1830, 
and began its labors with the trial of Judge James H. Peck, 
impeached at the instigation of one Lawless, who alleged that he 
had confined his (Lawless's) person contrary to authority. He 
was acquitted by a majority of one vote, the whole number cast 
being forty-three. 

This resulted in the introduction and final passage of a bill 
regulative of the judiciary in such cases, considerably restricting 
the power of the courts. 

The President, in his message, gave his reasons for vetoing the 
bills of the preceding session making appropriations for internal 
improvement, and indicated decided hostility to that kind of 
legislation. "This mode of aiding such works," said he, "is in 
its nature deceptive, and in many cases conducive to improvi- 
dence in the administration of the national government. Appro- 
priations will be obtained with greater facility and granted with 
less security to the public interest, when the measure is thus dis- 
guised, than when definite and direct expenditures of money are 
asked for. The interests of the nation would doubtless be better 
served by avoiding all such indirect modes of aiding particular 
objects. In a government like ours, more especially, should all 
public acts be, as far as practicable, simple, undisguised, and 
intelligible, that they may become fit subjects for the approbation 



550 ANDREW JACKSON. 

or aniaiadvorsiou of the people. The bill authorizing a subscrip- 
tion to the Louisville and Portland Canal affords a striking illus- 
tration of the difficulty of withholding additional appropriations 
for the same object when the first erroneous step has been taken, 
by instituting a partnership between the government and private 
companies. It proposes a third subscription on the part of the 
United States, when each preceding one was at the time regarded 
as the extent of the aid which government was to render to that 
work, and the accompanying bill for lighthouses, etc., contains 
an appropriation for the survey of the bed of the river, with a 
view to its improvement by removing the obstruction which the 
canal is designed to avoid. This improvement, if successful, 
would afford a free passage of the river, and render the canal 
entirely useless. To such improvidences is the course of legisla- 
tion subject in relation to internal improvements on local matters, 
even with the best intentions on the part of Congress." 

These views encountered bitter hostility. That portion of the 
message relating to the subject was referred to a special commit- 
tee, who brought in a report highly condemnatory of his posi- 
tion. The friends of internal improvement, among whom were 
numbered many of Jackson's former supporters, went bravely to 
work. Bills making appropriations for various purposes passed, 
notwithstanding the expressed opposition of the Executive, by 
heavy majorities, — sometimes nearly three to one. This decisive 
stand, right in the face of his former vetoes, induced the Execu- 
tive to regard at least with deference the acts of the National 
Congress, and prevented the overthrow of the policy that had 
long been looked upon as settled by the public mind. The delib- 
erations of the second session of the Twenty-first Congress re- 
sulted in the regulation of the copyright law, giving to authors a 
term of twenty-eight years, with the right of renewal for one- 
fourth of that time ; the regulation of revolutionary pensions and 
provision for superannuated soldiers ; provision for the adjust- 
ment of debts contracted during Monroe's official term ; appro- 
priations for the final settlement of Indian affairs ; acts liquid- 
ating the claims of certain public debtors ; provision for the 
collection of duties at Cincinnati, Pittsburg, and Nashville, Ten- 
nessee, etc. 

Before the close of this session of Congress, the breach between 
Jackson and Calhoun had widened, and the bitterness of their 



ANDREW JACKSON. 55X 

respective frieuds had become more acrimonious. The publication 
of the correspoudeuce between them, that occurred in regard to the 
Seminole war, gave Calhoun somewhat the advantage in the con- 
troversy, and detracted considerably from the influence of the ad- 
ministration. Jackson refused to enter into cabinet consultation 
with his constitutional advisers upon matters of vital national in- 
terest. He was accused, however, with being influenced by a com- 
bination of petted ofiice-holders in his appointments and on many 
important measures. Opposition to his administration began to 
assume a form of deadly hostility by those entertaining diflferent 
political views. He M^as persecuted and assailed with resentful 
perseverance. His alleged ofiice-holding combination was de- 
nounced as " the hitchen cabinet^'' while in regard to himself, 
names of the worst tyrants of ancient times were sought out and 
placed as parallels. In the midst of excitements like these, can- 
didates for the ensuing Presidential term began to be talked of. 
Though Jackson had often declared that no incumbent should 
hold the ofiice for a longer period than one term, and had sug- 
gested a constitutional amendment to that effect, he was not, it 
now became apparent, averse to engaging in a second canvass. 
The friends of Calhoun in the south, and those of Yan Bureu in 
the north, had urged the claims of those statesmen to the succes- 
sion, and were no little chagrined at the disposition of Jackson 
to permit his name to go before the country for re-election. Jack- 
son was re-uomiuated in February, 1830. The resignation of his 
entire cabinet followed, and created no small stir in the Demo- 
cratic ranks. This cabinet dissolution has been ascribed to a 
want of harmonious social intercourse between the heads of the 
families of the cabinet, the ladies of the other members refusing 
to recognize on terms of intimacy the wife of the Secretary of 
War. 

In the summer of 1831, a new cabinet was formed. Edward 
Livingston of Louisiana was created Secretary of State ; Lewis 
McLean of Delaware, Secretary of the Treasury ; Lewis Cass of 
Ohio, — now of Michigan, — Secretary of War; Levi Woodbury of 
]S"ew Hampshire, Secretary of the Navy, and Roger B. Taney, 
of Maryland, Attorney-General. 

A large number of the people, who had resolved to oppose the 
re-election of Jackson to the presidency, had determined to bring 
forward the name of Henry Clay in contest. This combination 



552 ANDREW JACKSON. 

favorable to Clay, was recognized as the "National Republican" 
party. Their proposed standard bearer was early put in nomin- 
ation by several State Legislatures, and a general convention was 
called at Baltimore, to meet on the 12th of December, 1831. 
Political anti-freemasonry, growing out of the Morgan afiair, had, 
in the. meantime, gathered a certain degree of strength in the 
State of New York, and was gaining ground with considerable 
rapidity. This party, at first local, but having drawn to its sup- 
port many able politicians, also recommended a national con- 
vention at Baltimore, for the purpose of presenting a presidential 
candidate. They were to meet in September. They met and 
nominated William Wirt as their candidate. Affairs were in this 
condition at the assembling of the Twenty-second Congress, 
December 5th, 1831. The majorities in both Houses were largely 
administration men, though their candidate for speaker, Andrew 
Stevenson, was elected, after numerous close ballotings, by a 
majority of only two votes. 

The first action of the Senate was, on the confirmation of Van 
Buren's appointment as Minister to England. His name was 
sent in by the President. After lengthy deliberation with closed 
doors, he was rejected by the casting vote of the Yice-president, 
whose apology for his course was the alleged agency of the candi- 
date in breaking up the old cabinet. 

By the representative apportionment, according to the census 
of 1830, the western States had acquired an unreasonable pre- 
ponderance of influence. This matter came up for early consider- 
ation. It was referred to a committee, of which James K. Polk 
was chairman. He presented a report, fixing the representation 
at forty-eight thousand ; after protracted debates, and the change 
of the report to forty-seven thousand seven hundred, it passed and 
became a law. 

The renewal of the charter of the United States Bank, which 
was to expire in 1836, was one of the most exciting political 
questions that ever agitated the public mind. This session of 
Congress brought it before the people in all its multifarious 
bearings. Jackson, as we have shown, indicated, in his first 
annual message, the course he should pursue in regard to the 
application of its stockholders for a new charter. In his message 
to this Congress he was still more explicit in this avowed hostility, 
and set forth his reasons in language not to be mistaken. His 



ANDREW JACKSON. 553 

recommeudatiou of banks based upon the public funds, was 
received with surprise by Congress. Benton asked leave, early 
in the session, to bring in a bill opposing the re-charter of the Bank, 
Permission was refused by a vote of twenty-three ayes, to thirty 
nays. These efforts of the opposition to the Bank did not, in the 
least, depreciate the value of its stock, though both the Executive 
and his adherents continued to reiterate their objections. The 
presentation of a memorial to Congress by the stockholders, and 
those friendly to the renewal of the charter, submitting the matter 
thus to consideration, produced immediate disputes between the 
friends of the administration and those of the Bank ; the former 
affirming that it was an inopportune introduction of the measure 
before they were prepared to act, — the latter persisting in a course 
deemed essential to the protection of its interests. The memo- 
rial praying a renewal elicited grave consideration. It was referred 
to a select committee, composed of men, eminent for their talents 
and influence. Early in March, they reported, urging some 
changes, but little restricture of the operations of the Bank, and 
recommended a renewal of the charter for a period of fifteen years. 
It was in this state in the Senate, when it was resolved to await 
the action of the lower House. Here the contest came up in all 
the heat and bitterness of political rivalry. The memorial was 
presented by McDuffie of South Carolina. It was referred to the 
committee of Ways and Means, which reported in favor of a re- 
newal of the charter. Early in May the subject came up in the 
Senate, and was discussed with marked ability in all its bearings. 
After various modifications and amendments, the bill for the 
renewal passed by a majority of eight votes. It passed the lower 
House on the 30th of June, by a majority of twenty-two. It 
M'as now forwarded to the President for approval or rejection. 
On the 10th of July the bill was returned with the President's 
veto. The veto message was quite elaborate, — setting forth, in 
detail, his reasons for the course pursued. After summing up 
the reasons why he withheld his signature, he closed as folloM^s: 
" I have now done my duty to my country. If sustained by 
my fellow-citizens, I shall be grateful and happy ; if not, I shalli 
find, in the motives which impel me, ample ground for content- 
ment and peace. In the difficulties which surround us and the 
dangers which threaten our institutions, there is cause for neithei 
dismay nor alarm. For relief and deliverance, let us firmly rely 



554 ANDREW JACKSON. 

on tliati»kiml Provideuco, whicli I am sure, watches with peculiar 
care over the destinies of our Republic, and on the intelligence 
and wisdom of our countrymen. Thruugh His abundant good- 
ness, and their patriotic devotion, our liberty and union will be 
preserved." 

This veto, though its effects were favorable to Jackson's popu- 
larity in some sections of the country, drew upon him the severest 
censure. The State of Pennsylvania was particularly denunci- 
atory of what they termed usurpational exercise of prerogative. 
A very large meeting convened in the city of Philadelphia, and 
passed a number of condemnatory resolutions; among others, one 
to the effect that they would "use all honorable and lawful means 
to prevent the re-election of Andrew Jackson to the presidency." 

Next, as a matter of legislative action, followed the subject of 
the public lands. Bibb of Kentucky, proposed a bill reducing 
the price fixed upon the public domain. Here Henry Clay was 
unpleasantly involved. An aspirant to the presidency, and 
chairman of the committee of Manufactures, it devolved on him 
to bear the brunt of satisfactory settlement. The public lands, 
consisting of large territorial areas acquired, from the old Atlan- 
tic States, Louisiana, and the Floridas, and acquisitions from the 
Indians, were originally designed to settle the old revolutionary 
war debt, and for educational purposes. To make such provision 
for their disposition as would-be mutually satisfactory to the old 
Atlantic States and the interests of the growing West now de- 
volved on the committee on Manufactures. 

Clay, by one of those master-strokes of statesmanship charac- 
teristic of him, not adopting either of the propositions submit- 
ted for consideration, — the reduction of the price of the lands, 
and their cession to the several States, — elaborated his scheme for 
the distrihutlon of the jproceeds of the public lands. 

During this session of Congress, the subject of internal im- 
provement came up, in the shape of several bills passed by the 
two Houses, making appropriations. Contrary to the expecta- 
tions of many, two of these received the signature of the Presi- 
dent, though the harbor bill was postponed till the next session. 

The tariff question again presented itself for consideration. 
After several reports, amendments, and modifications, a bill was 
agreed upon reductive of former duties, and admissive of the 
protective principle. Contrary to anticipation. South Carolina 



ANDREW JACKSON. 555 

was not satisfied witlx this measure. The people of th# State 
met iu convention, and denounced the acts of the federal govern- 
ment in unmeasured terms. Here followed the long train of evils 
engendered by the tariff question, and the assumptions of that 
State of the right to declare null and void the acts of the national 
government.* In the midst of these nullification troubles in the 
South, a subject of considerable moment presented itself in the 
I^orth. This was the Maine boundary question. The settlement 
of our north-eastern boundary had, by treaty stipulation, been 
submitted for arbitrament to the king of the Netherlands. Over- 
looking the point of dispute entirely, he proposed a new bound- 
ary highly advantageous to Great Britain. Our Minister justly 
objected to this as being beyond his authority, and while England 
was insisting upon the enforcement of the decision, entered an 
emphatic protest. The State of Maine, disdaining the interfer- 
ence by treaty or otherwise, with her long-established geograph- 
ical outlines, would not consent to the decision. On account of 
some of the citizens taking part in the election of a representa- 
I tive on that side the line awarded by the arbiter to Great Britain 
they were thrown into confinement. This raised the indignation of 
the State, and measures were taken to protect themselves. The 
administration now proposed a purchase from the State of Maine 
of the disputed territory, and preliminary steps were taken to ac- 
complish the object. Massachusetts was a party to the dispute, 
also claiming the territory, and it was recommended that the 
transaction should be fully laid open to the governor of that 
State. Upon the assertion that much of the transaction was of a 
confidential nature, the State of Maine refused to furnish the cor- 
respondence to the governor of Massachusetts. That State, there- 
fore, refused to become a party to negotiations in which matters 
of leading interest were withheld from her knowledge. In this 
shape the matter came before the Senate, and the President was 
instructed, by formal vote, to enter upon new negotiations. 

The reciprocal commercial privileges established between the 
British colonies and this country did not result so advantageously 
to us, as might have been imagined. 

By the imposition of heavy and unequal duties upon shipping 
commodities, American commerce was almost wholly withdrawn 

* See Life of John 0. Calhoun. 



55G ANDREW JACKSON. 

from ^eir ports, while Eugland continued to carry on hers under 
a system of discriminate duties, against which we could not 
compete. 

Our foreign affairs, in the aggregate, however, during Jackson's 
administration, were managed with ability and decision. A 
treaty during the year 1831, regulative of boundary and com- 
merce, was concluded with Mexico. Treaties were also con- 
cluded with France, Austria, Turkey and Naples, on teims 
highly advantageous to the United States. The principal feature 
in the treaty with France was the indemnity of the United States 
for losses sustained by our commerce. Such was also the case 
with Naples. During the foolish reign of the unfortunate Murat, 
sad depredations had been sustained at their hands. Restitution 
was demanded, and this treaty resulted in a guarantee to pay to 
the United States the sum of one million seven hundred and 
twenty thousand dollars. Thus Jackson's first administration 
drew to a close, leaving the country in a state of great pros- 
perity^, which the friends of the President were not slow to attrib- 
ute to the manner in which his duties had been discharged. The 
thoughts of the nation were now turned to the choice of his suc- 
cessor. The Anti-masons, as before mentioned, nominated Wm. 
Wirt. Those opposed to the administration met in convention at 
Baltimore, and nominated Henry Clay for President and John 
Sargent for Yice-President. In May, 1833, the administration 
party met in large and enthusiastic convention at the«6ame place. 
Jackson received the nomination without dissent. Martin Yan 
Buren was put on the ticket for Vice-President with great una- 
nimity. 

Thus the contest opened warmly enough. Calhoun and his 
friends, though alienated from the administration and somewhat 
disappointed at not being considered in the nominating conven- 
tion, could not support the Clay ticket. While the Anti-masonic 
party, eschewing, to a great extent, every political question, could 
not unite with either. A well-organized combination of the 
friends of Clay, Calhoun, and the Anti-masonic party, might 
have had some chance of beating Jackson. This canvass was a 
virtual submission to the people for indorsement of the measures 
of the precedent administration. His views upon banks, internal 
improvements, tariffs, and the public lands, were well known, and 
before the country. No document from any executive, perhaps, 



ANDREW JACKSON. 557 

was eveu more extensively circulatpd than was his veto message. 
The Bank of the United States, tlierefure, figured conspicuously 
during tlie canvass, and on that subject, so far as Jackson's views 
were concerned, there could be no mistake. His election, there- 
fore, would be a rejection of the bank, compared to which, the 
highest kingly prerogative siidvs into insignificance. The result 
was, that Jackson was re-elected by a larger electoral vote, but 
not so large a popular one as cast for him in 1828. He received 
two hundred and nineteen. Clay forty-nine, Wirt seven. Thus, 
for four years more, he was chosen to preside over the destinies 
of a country, whose battles he had fought so bravely, and whose 
civic afiairs he had endeavored to administer patriotically. 

Congress met in December, 1832. John Bell, member from 
Tennessee, was chosen speaker. Tariff and nullification early 
occupied the attention of Congress. On the communication of the 
ordinance of Nullification by the President, it became the all- 
absorbing topic of discussion. In the debates that followed, John 
C. Calhoun bore a conspicuous part, and vindicated his gallant 
State from the charges of treason and bad faith in a masterly 
manner. After long and animated discussions upon the tarifi", 
Clay came forward, as the great pacificator, with his compromise 
tarifi", which, meeting the views of Calhoun and the opposition, 
passed the House, and resulted in a final adjustment. This wise 
measure passed the House by a majority of thirty-four, and the 
Senate, by a majority of thirteen. It received the signature of the 
President, and became a law in March, 1833. 

The leading and most important measures touched upon by the 
President in his annual message, were the removal of the deposits, 
and the sale of the United States Bank stock. The capital and 
excess of funds belonging to the bank amounted to over forty-two 
millions of dollars. These subjects were referred to a committee, 
who reported that they considered the deposits safe in the custody 
of the bank. Kesolutions were immediately adopted against their 
removal, by a vote of one hundred and nine ayes to forty-six nays. 

The investigation of this subject was followed by appropriations 
for internal improvement purposes, — rivers, harbors, roads, etc. 
These acts and some minor legislation, closed the first adminis- 
trative term of Andkew Jackson. 

He entered upon the duties of chief Executive a second time, ou 
the Ith of March, 1833. Our foreign aifairs were in a condition 



558 a:ndrew jack son. 

highly prosperous. Treaties .of commerce and reciprocity for- 
merly coDchided with the principal European powers, seemed to 
be complied with, and all things indicated a peaceful official 
term. 

Nullification had subsided in the south, — the partisan licat, 
incident to an exciting campaign, had ceased to agitate the public 
mind, and every thing indicated a state of tranquillity in public 
affairs. This, however, was but a calm that preceded the impend- 
ing storm. The subject of the removal of the deposits early came 
up. The law by which the bank was chartered in 1816, required 
that the public moneys should remain in the vaults of the insti- 
tution, but provided that they might be removed by the Secretary 
of the Treasury upon his giving Congress satisfactory reasons for 
such a course. 

On Jackson's refusal to sanction a re -charter of the bank, he 
determined to effect the removal of the deposits. Louis McLean, 
the acting Secretary of the Treasury, being opposed to the re- 
moval of the deposits, was transferred to another department of 
the government, and William Duane was appointed in his stead. 
He soon learned that Duane was also opposed to the measure. 
That gentleman declaring explicitly that he would not remove 
them without instructions from Congress to that effect, he was 
removed, and Roger B. Taney appointed in his place. In this 
gentleman, the President found a ready instrument for carrying 
out his measures. Assuming the responsibility with an inde- 
pendence, worthy the greatest civic or military hero, he had 
the deposits removed from the custody of the bank. Frightful 
commercial distress and monetary depression followed, and the 
prostration of public and private credit seemed, for a time, 
inevitable. The whole country was intensely excited, — the bank 
and the removal of the deposits formed, everywhere, a theme 
of discussion and animadversion. 

The Twenty-third Congress, though a majority were adminis- 
tration men, presented, in their deliberations, the most exciting 
scenes. That part of the President's message relating to the all- 
absorbing topic, was deemed highly unsatisftictory, while the 
Secretary's report, setting forth the reasons for the step, elicited 
the severest censure. 

The distresses prevailing in all parts of the country, were 
followed by numerous memorials and petitions to the President 



ANDREW JACKSON. 559 

from merchants and manufacturA's, prayiug a re-charter of 
the institution, or some species of relief. His invariable and 
characteristic reply to these numerous applications was : " that the 
government could give no relief and provide no remedy ; that the 
banks were the occasion of all the evils which existed, and that those 
who suffered by their great enterprise, had none to blame but them- 
selves ; that those who traded on borrowed capital ought to break." 

This continued the theme of Congressional discussion through 
the entire winter. Early in April, resolutions passed the House 
to the effect that the old bank ought not to be re-chartered, 
and that the deposits ought not to be returned to its vaults. The 
first of these resolutions passed by a vote of one hundred and 
thirty-two ayes to eighty-two nays, — the second, by a vote of 
one hundred and eighteen ayes to one hundred and thirteen nays. 

The first session of the Twenty-third Congress was long and 
arduous. Beside legislation upon matters of secondary im- 
portance, the coinage of the United States was regulated ; renewed 
appropriations were made for the improvement of rivers and 
harbors ; for the Road from Little Rock, Arkansas, to Memphis, 
Tennessee, — also the Cumberland River road, and extending high- 
ways through Michigan . 

The books and papers belonging formerly to General "Washing- 
ton, were also bought by legislative enactment, during this session 
of Congress. The second session commenced, December 1st, ISSi. 
This was a brief and comparatively an unimportant session. 
Acts were passed regulative of the mints, providing surveys and 
post roads, and in reference to the deposits in the various State 
banks to which they had been transferred. This Congress closed 
its deliberations on the 3d of March, 1835. 

It was thought by many, at this time, that Jackson would 
resign the presidency in favor of Van Buren. Whether he ever 
designed such a course is more improbable than a matter of 
question. He favored Yan Buren's claims to the succession, and 
so expressed himself as early as January, 1835, but the idea of 
resigning his high trust before the expiration of his official term, 
he never, for a moment, seriously entertained. Yan Buren, it 
finally became evident, would be the candidate for the ensuing 
canvass. Many of the Democrats in the south were favorable to 
the election of Hugh Lawson White, — a senator of high reputation 
from the State of Tennessee. He was nominated by the States of 



560 ANDREW JACKSON. 

Alabama and Tennessee in Jlinuary, 1S35. On the assemblage 
of the Democratic Xational Convention at Baltimore, in May, 
1S35, Yau Bureu was nominated by acclamation, as a candidate 
for the presidency, and Richard M. Johnson of Kentucky for 
the Vice-Presidency. Among the names for the same office on 
the part of the opposition, were Daniel Webster, William Henry 
Harrison, and John McLean. The Twenty-fourth Congress met, 
December 7th, 1S35, and organized by electing James K. Polk 
to the speakership. 

With the exceptions of our relations with France, our foreign 
affairs were still in a promising condition. That power having 
failed to pay the first installment of the indemnity agreed upon in 
former treaty stipulations, involved us in an unpleasant position, 
and induced the President to recall our minister from the court, 
until a different attitude was assumed by the delinquent. 

The Distribution act, as it was termed, was the most important of 
the session. Except some five millions of dollars, it provided that 
all the money in the treasury should, on the first day of January, 
tf[837, be deposited with the several States according to their 
representation in Congress, — the deposits to be made in quarterly 
amounts. It passed the Senate, — ayes thirty-nine, nays six, — • 
House, ayes one hundred and fifty-five, nays thirty-eight. A bill 
for the distribution of the proceeds of the sales of the public lands 
also passed, by a majority of five votes. A law, regulative and 
protective of patents, and patent rights, was also passed at this 
session. Michigan and Arkansas were admitted as States into 
the Union. 

The suspension of the National Bank, induced the legislatures 
of the several States to charter State banks, and soon a general 
system of banking, beyond the restraints of national law, was 
prevailing all over the the Union. A speculative spirit in stocks 
and public lands, soon became widely manifest. It was this land 
speculative mania, and the hazardous issues of these new banks 
given in payment, that induced Thomas II. Benton to bring in a 
bill providing that nothing but specie should be taken in payment 
for the public lands, — hence the name, "Old Bullion" identified 
that veteran statesman through life. 

At the presidential election, Yau Buren was elected by a 
majority of forty-six votes, over all the candidates opposed to him. 
Harrison received seventy-three. White twenty-six, Webster four- 



ANDREW JACKSON. " 5Q]_ 

teen, Mangiim eleven votes, making a total of one hundred and 
twenty-four, while Van Buren received one hundred and seventy. 
Johnson was elected Yice-Presideut by a good majority. 

The second session of the Twenty-fourth Congress commenced 
December 5th, 1836. Few acts of interest came up for deliber- 
ation. The expunging resolutions, ofiered by Benton, formed the 
most exciting theme of controversy. The expunging resolutions 
passed by a vote of twenty-four to nineteen, though much warm 
discussion took place before their final passage. To protect the 
finance, a bill passed both Houses this session, limiting the re- 
ceivable revenues of the United States. This bill was retained 
by the President until after the adjournment of Congress, which 
was equivalent to its veto. This was the last act of Jackson's 
political life. 

He left the high position to which he had been twice honored, 
when the country was in a state of great prosperity and develop- 
ment. " You have," says he in his farewell address to the people 
of the United States, on the occasion of his retirement, " no 
longer cause to fear danger from abroad ; your strength and 
power are well known throughout the civilized world, as well as the 
high and gallant bearing of your sons. It is from within, among 
yourselves, from cupidity, from corruption, from disappointed 
ambition and inordinate thirst for power, that factions will be 
formed and liberty endangered. It is against such designs, 
whatever disguise the actors may assume, that you have especially 
to guard yourselves. You have the highest of human trusts 
committed to your care. Providence has showered on this 
favored land, blessings without number, and has chosen you as the 
guardians of freedom, to preserve it for the benefit of the human 
race. May He who holds in his hands the destinies of nations, 
make you worthy the favors he has bestowed, and enable you with 
,pure hearts and pure hands, and sleepless vigilance, to guard and 
to defend to the end of time, the great charge he has committed 
to your keeping. 

" My own race is nearly run ; advanced age and failing health 
warn me that, before long, I must pass beyond the reach of human 
events, and cease to feel the vicissitudes of human alFairs. I 
thank God that my life has been spent in a land of Liberty, and 
that he has given me a heart to love my country with the aflec- 
tion of a sou. And filled with gratitude for your constant and 



562 ANDREW JACKSON. 

unwavering kindness, I bid you a last and affectionate fare- 
well." 

Thus closed the public life of Andrew Jackson, a man in 
many respects among the most remarkable of his day. He now 
retired to the Hermitage, where he closed his life among his 
friends, — an inactive, though most attentive observer of passing 
events. 

During his life, he was looked upon as the oracle of his party. 
He survived the close of his last administration but eight years. 
He was, during this time, a member of the Presbyterian church, 
and paid great attention to religious duties. He had, for some 
time, been affected with dropsy, under the influence of which, he 
was gradually declining. He continued, to fail until the spring 
of 1845, when his disease assumed an alarming aspect. While 
prostrate, and suffering intense pain, he turned to the Bible for 
consolation, saying: "I am in the hands of a merciful God. I 
have full confidence in his goodness and mercy. My lamp of life 
is nearly out, and the last glimmer is come. I am ready to 
depart when called. The Bible is true. Upon that sacred volume 
I rest my hope of eternal salvation, through the merits and blood 
of our blessed Lord and Savior Jesus Christ." 

He thus continued to sink until Sunday morning, the 8th of 
June, when speedy dissolution became apparent. He called his 
family and domestics to his bed-side, and said: " Do not grieve 
that I am about to leave you, for I shall be better off. Although 
I am afflicted with pain and bodily suffering, they are nothing 
compared with the sufferings of the Savior of the world, who was 
put to death on the accursed tree. I have fulfilled my destiny 
on earth ; and it is better that this worn out frame should go to 
rest, and ray spirit take up its abode with the Redeemer." He 
continued to sink until evening, when he breathed his last. 

News of his death flew rapidly over the country, and called forth, 
everywhere, the highest testimonials of national grief and re- 
gard. Thus died Andrew Jackson. Whatever may have been 
his faults, through the bitterness of party faction, they were highly 
exaggerated, and posterity is best prepared to render him that 
justice which can not be withheld, and designate him as one who 
ranks among the foremost of the great men of our country, — 
whose patriotism can not be questioned, and whose ermine 
character was above reproach. We can not, perhaps, close this 



ANDREW JACKSON. 5Q3 

sketch iu a more befitting manner, than to adopt the language of 
his friend and biographer, Eaton : 

" In the person of General Jackson is perceived nothing of the 
robust and elegant. He is six feet and an inch high, remarkably 
straight and spare, and weighs not over one hundred and forty 
five pounds. His conformation appears to disqualify him for 
hardship ; yet accustomed to it from early life, few are capable of 
enduring fatigue to the same extent or with less injury. His dark 
blue eyes, with brows arched and slightly projecting, possess a 
marked expression ; but when from any cause excited, they 
sparkle with peculiar luster and penetration. In his manners he 
is pleasing, — in his address commanding, while his countenance, 
marked with firmness and decision, beams with a strength and 
intelligence that strikes at first sight. In his deportment, there is 
nothing repulsive. Easy, afiable, and familiar, he is open and 
accessible to all. Influenced by the belief that merit should con- 
stitute the only difierence in men, his attention is equally bestowed 
on honest poverty as on titled consequence. His moral character 
is without reproach, and by those who know him most intimately, 
he is most esteemed. Benevolence in him is a prominent virtue. 
He was never known to pass distress without seeking to assist 
and relieve it." 
38 



STEPHEN DECATUR. 



Among those who contributed most to bring the American navy 
into repute, was an ardent liero, who, in person, "rose slightly 
above the middle hight, and was vigorously, yet gracefully 
moulded. From his ample shoulders depended well-knit, sinewy 
arms ; his waist was slight, limbs long and well rounded. His 
whole figure denoted mingled activity and strength, and he emi- 
nently excelled in all the athletic exercises, being in particular, a 
vigorous swimmer, and an adept in the use of arms of every 
kind. His body, by nature and training, lent itself admirably to 
the prompting of his active and intrepid spirit. He was patient 
of fatigue, sparing in his diet, averse to luxurious indulgence. 
The erectness of his figure adding to the appearance of his hight, 
harmonized with the towering arrangement of his head, which, 
inclining upward, gave him a spirited and noble air, and con- 
tributed much to the graceful stateliness of his carriage. His 
hair and beard were black and curling, his brow lofty and calm, 
terminating in dark and well-arched broM^s; his eyes large, black, 
and lustrous, habitually soft and gentle in their expression, but of 
piercing brightness in moments of excitement. * * * The 
expression of ^his countenance when in repose, was calm, contem- 
plative, and benignant ; in conversation, complaisant, and per- 
suasive; in scenes of excitement, spirit-stirring and commanding. 
His temper was excitable and impetuous ; but, in his mature years, 
so completely under command, as to exhibit almost imperturbable 
calm of manner."* 



* Mackenzie, 
r 564) 




i^^^^^§$sS 



STEPHEN DECATUR. 



STEPHEN DECATUR. 5g5 

Such was the appearance of Stephen Decatur, — the justly 
styled Bayard of the seas, when England swept them with her 
triumphant men-of-war. Such was the gallant commander, who 
was to arrest her progress and unfurl the colors of his country to 
stream victorious in ever}' port and on every wave. 

He was born in Worcester County, Maryland, January 5th, 
1779, His paternal ancestors were French, having emigrated to 
this country at an early day, — on the mother's side, he was of 
Irish descent. His father, whose bold disposition led him to adopt 
a seafaring life, fought in the Eevolution, and after the peace, 
entered the merchant service, in connection with some of the most 
enterprising men of the country, in which he continued for a 
number of years. 

Young Stephen took a sea voyage with his father, in his ninth 
year, and thus early manifested a love for the "ocean wave." When 
a small boy, he was brave, but affable, courteous and frank, giving 
evidences of an ingenuous disposition. His early schooling seems 
^0 have commenced in the city of Philadelphia, where his mo- 
ther returned after its evacuation by the British. Here he first 
gave indications of a capacity destined to be useful. Fond of 
athletic sports, gay and lively like the French, persuasive and 
gentle, like the Irish, he was a favorite with his companions, who 
styled him " Captain Dick," and chose him for the leader of their 
frolics and amusements. 

An incident is furnished, illustrating the nature of young 
Decatur, and affording a clue to his future distinction. When 
about fourteen years old, he and his companions were going to a 
fishing excursion. It was customary in those times for youths to 
wear the blue cockade of their country. It was about this time 
that the sympathies of a large portion of the people were warmly 
aroused in behalf of Genet and the French nation. Parties were 
divided, and the boys adopted the opinions of their fiithers. 
Young Decatur and his friends had on the blue cockade. They 
fell in, however, with a much larger party of boys, who wore the tri- 
colors of France, and were singing Jacobin songs. One of these 
accosted Decatur, bidding him substitute the tri-colored for the 
blue cockade. '■^ I have a right to wear the colors of my country, 
sir, and will do it,^'' was the reply. The other, trying to enforce 
his order, rushed at Stephen, who parried his blow, when a brisk 
fight ensued. All the boys became mixed up in it, — each deter- 



566 STEPHEN DECATUR. 

mined to maintain his principles. After fighting for some time 
they were separated, leaving Decatur and his friends in posses- 
sion of their colors. 

Transferred from his primary school to the Pennsylvania Uni- 
versity, he made considerable progress in his studies, until becom- 
ing wearisome to his daring, active nature, he threw aside his 
books and entered the counting room of Gurney & Smith, 
mercantile partners of his father in the city of Philadelphia. 
Here, though diligent in his duties, his partiality for the naval 
service indicated itself in unmistakable evidences. His leisure 
moments were devoted to the study of mathematics and charts, 
and the construction of miniature ships, — their arrangement in 
order of battle, etc. 

Seeing his proclivities were not for the counting-room, he was 
sent to New Jersey, where he assisted in the construction of the 
frigate United States, — the same vessel on which he began his 
naval career, and which he led so proudly to victory. When the 
United States government, after an apathetic spirit that seems 
unaccountable at this time, was induced by the depredations of 
France to turn attention to naval affairs, the command of the 
Delaware was given to the father of Decatur, who was commis- 
sioned post-captain. May 11th, 1798. He, soon after, fell in 
with, and captured the French privateer, Le Croyahle^ of fourteen 
guns and seventy men. This was the first capture of a French 
privateer. The heart of Decater swelled with pride, as he saw his 
father's noble vessel come into port towing the captured prize. 
He could no longer be curbed by parental solicitations. The 
frigate United States, under the command of Commodore Barry, 
was soon to sail, and he determined to try his fortunes on the 
same vessel he had helped to construct. Arrangements were 
made, and he departed on the United States with the commodore. 
After cruising in the West India seas, and making voyages to 
Barbadoes and Martinique, the United States and Delaware suc- 
ceeded in capturing two French frigates, — the Jaloux and Sans- 
pareil, one of sixteen, the other of fourteen, guns. The United 
States, soon after, took two other vessels belonging to the French, 
though they were of smaller caliber. Falling in with a French 
frigate, in the vicinity of Martinique, in 1799, the United States 
sent a broadside against her, from the effects of which, she must 
inevitably have sunk. Seeing her condition, the crew raised implor- 



STEPHEN DECATUR. 5(37 

ing supplications for help. The United States speedily hove to. 
Decatuk was first to reach the sinking vessel. By great presence 
of mind, and the most active efibrts, the boats were let down, and 
every man on board saved just as the vessel sank in the sea. 
Decatur, himself, pulled the captain of the French craft into his 
boat. Utterly surprised, the captain asked: "Is that a ship of 
the United States ?" " It is," was Decatur's reply. "I am very 
much astonished, sir," — added the captain. "I did not know the 
United States were at war with the French Republic." " ISTo, sir," 
rejoined Decatur, " but you knew that the French Republic was 
at war with the United States ; that you were taking our merchant 
vessels every day, and crowding our countrymen into prison at 
Basseterre, to die like sheep." The truth of the remark admitted 
no cavil, and the French captain surrendered, with his crew, without 
further complaint. 

During this cruise, and the actions incident to it, Decatur 
rendered essential service, as attested by the fact of his advance- 
ment to the post of Lieutenant. The following letter by an eye 
witness of his conduct during these times, has been preserved, 
and affords great insight into the character of Decatur, and the 
attributes whereby he attained distinction. It was written by 
Captain Robert T. Spence: 

" The first time I saw Decatur," says he, " was in the 
"West Indies, during our difierences with the French Republic. 
He was then a lieutenant on board of one of our largest frigates, 
whose officers had been selected from among the most promising 
in the navy, and were, on the occasion to which I allude, generally 
on the quarter deck, grouped as is the custom, in difierent places, 
conversing on the various subjects of their profession. I was 
introduced to many of them. They were pleasing, gentlemenlike 
men, having the characteristic air and look of sailors. But in 
Decatur, I was struck with a peculiarity of manner and appear- 
ance, calculated to rivet the eye and engross the attention. I had 
often pictured to myself the form and look of a hero, such as my 
favorite Homer had delineated ; here I saw it embodied. 

" On being released from a kind of a spell by which he had 
riveted my attention, I turned to the gentleman to whom I was in- 
debted for the introduction, and inquired the character of Decatur. 
The inquiry was made of a person, to whose long experience and 
knowledge of human nature, the inward man seemed to be unfolded. 



568 STEPHEN DECATUR. 

'Sir,' said he, 'Decatur is an officer of uncommon character, of 
rare promise, — a man of an age, — one, perhaps, not equaled in 
a million.' 'A man overboard!' was now cried through the ship. 
'Second cutters away!' 'Third cutters away!' was called from 
deck to deck. I observed Decatur spring from the mizzen 
chains. I ran to the stern. In a few minutes I saw a youth 
upheld above the surging wave by a buoyant and vigorous swim- 
mer, and thus sustained until released by the boats. Life had 
nearly fled ; but it was not extinct. It was the life of one who 
has since had celebrity, and lived to see his preserver the pride 
and glory of his country. 

"• It was under such circumstances I first saw the generous Deca- 
tur ; a man more unique, more highly endowed than any other I 
ever know ; to whom, perhaps, the country is most indebted for 
that naval renown which is the admiration of the world ; a 
renown so associated with the name of Decatur, as to render 
them indissoluble." 

This, though a somewhat highly-colored portrait of the young 
naval hero, leaves, no doubt, a very correct impression of his 
nature and characteristics. 

Shortly after, being in his twenty-first year, Decatur was 
regularly commissioned a lieutenant in the navy. On his return 
from his West India cruise, he took acceptable presents to his 
former school mistress, then advanced in life. These consisted 
of a barrel of coffee, a barrel of sugar and other necessaries 
of living. Many incidents have been recorded, illustrative 
of the generous, noble nature of our hero. Not long after he 
received his commission, he became involved in a quarrel that 
resulted in a duel with a man by the name of Somers. The facts 
were about these, Decatur was sent to Philadelphia to enlist a 
new crew for the vessel. He succeeded in procuring a number of 
able-bodied and expert seamen. Some of these fell in with a sea 
captain of another ship, who prevailed on them to go on board 
• his vessel. This exasperated young Decatur, who immediately 
went on board the ludiaman and demanded restitution. The 
chief mate was forced to comply, but given to an irritable 
temper, he used abusive language to Decatur, who immediately 
sent him a challenge. It was accepted, and the parties met. 
Decatur only wished, in accordance with the custom of the 
times, to redeem his honor, without depriving the mate of life, 



STEPHEN DECATUR. 5G9 

and declared to his friend, Lieutenant Stewart, that he should 
aim to hit him in the hip. When the word was given to fire, 
Decatur took his aim, and lodged the ball precisely where he 
said, — in the upper part of the mate's hip. Through this aflair, 
he not only exhibited great coolness and bravery, but a spirit of 
magnanimity highly commendable. 

During this time, the United States frigate had been undergoing 
repairs, which being completed, with swelling canvas and a fresh 
crew, she again put to sea. After cruising along the coast, from 
Georgia to Cape Cod, for some time, guarding vigilantly our com- 
mercial interests, she sailed with the American diplomatists for 
the ports of France. She encountered a stormy, troublous voyage, 
and after various fruitless attempts to enter a French port, put in 
at Coruuna, in February, 1800, whence the commissioners pro- 
ceeded by land on their mission. Directing her course homeward, 
she reached the Delaware about the middle of the ensuing April, 
in a condition no longer fit for duty. This, for a time, threw 
Decatur into inactivity against which his nature rebelled. At. 
his earnest request, he was transferred to the brig Norfolk, com- 
manded by Calvert, who put to sea the last of May. Touching 
first at St. Domingo, Calvert sailed to the Spanish Main, and 
returned home without accomplishing any thing worthy of note. 

Hoping the occurrence of some opportunity for distiuction, he 
returned to the United States frigate, which sailed for Guadaloupe 
in December, 1800. All hopes of present distinction, however, 
were soon blasted. The conclusion of a treaty of peace between 
the American and French commissioners, shortly after, put an 
cud to hostilities, and the vicissitudes that required his service. 

The father of Decatur, who had thus far borne an active part 
in the efforts of our young navy, now returued to his old mercan- 
tile pursuits. He subsequently settled near Fraukford, Pennsyl- 
vania, where he continued to reside, giving, on all occasions, 
evidences of the high bred gentleman, — a good and honored 
citizen, and a man above reproach, until his death. 

Decatur was now exempt from naval service, until the piratical 
depredations of Tripoli and the Algerines, upon our commerce,, 
induced the government to send a squadron to the Mediterranean. 
This squadron was composed of the Philadelphia, Captain Samuel 
Barry ; the President, Captain James Barron ; the Essex, Captain 
Bainbridge, and the schooner Enterprize, Lieutenant Sterrett, — the 



570 STEPHEN DECATUR. 

whole under Commodore Dale. Captaiu Bainbridge of the Essex, 
in the selection of so important an officer as first lieutenant, with 
unerring judgment, pitched upon Decatuk, who sailed immedi- 
ately in that capacity, to the northern coast of the Mediterranean. 
The instructions of Bainbridge were to protect the coasts and 
watch the ports of Tripoli and Tunis, and assist the American 
convoys in all cases where his service might be needed. He first 
stopped at Barcelona, whence, after a brief stay, he sailed down 
the Mediterranean with a large convoy, which was conveyed safely 
through the straits. No inconsiderable service was rendered 
by this vessel to the homeward-bound convoys belonging to 
America. 

Commodore Dale, in the meantime, having sailed for Gib- 
raltar, and overawed the Tripoline admiral at that place, and dis- 
mantled the cruisers, now left vessels at Syracuse with directions 
occasionally to appear before Tripoli and Tunis, and the Essex 
to watch the cruisers around the former point, returned with the 
Enterprize and President to the United States. 

The arrival of Commodore Morris in May, 1802, with the 
Chesapeake, relieved the Essex of her duties. She, therefore, 
sailed for home, where she arrived early in July, carrying among 
her crew the gallant Decatuk. Enjoying but a few weeks' repose, 
in the capacity of first lieutenant, he joined himself to the New 
York, a thirty -six gun ship, commanded by Captain James Barron. 
She sailed for the Mediterranean, September Ist, 1802. 

Hostilities being now more open, on the part of the Tripo- 
lines. Commodore Morris was directed to use every means to 
bring them to terms. He, therefore, assembled his squadron, 
consisting of the President, the John Adams, the New York, 
and Enterprize, at Malta, for the purpose of commencing more 
vigorous operations. Detained here by a heavy gale. Midship- 
man Bainbridge became involved in a quarrel with a British 
officer, that resulted in the death of the latter. Bainbridge 
had attended the theater in company with some fellow officers. 
They were the subjects of disparaging remarks of the Briton, 
who said, among other things, that " Those Yankees could 
never stand the smell of gunpowder." The remark was quickly 
resented. A duel ensued, in which Decatur stood second 
for his iriend Bainbridge, and behaved with the greatest courage 
and firmness. The parties exchanged two shots. At the latter 



STEPHEN DECATUR. 571 

round, Bainbridge's ball struck his antagonist below the eye, and 
left a mortal wound, — he himself escaped untouched. 

Decatur now returned to the United States, and received the 
temporary command of the Argus. Sailing in this for Gibraltar, 
in accordance with naval regulations of seniority, he resigned 
command of the brig, and assumed that of the schooner Enter- 
prize, with twelve guns. On the 23d of October, soon after 
assuming this command, he captured the Tripoline craft, Mastico, 
with seventy prisoners, near Tripoli. In this action he showed 
great courage and capacities of command. 

After remaining inactive for some time in the antiquated city 
of Syracuse, hallowed by her historical memories, and associa- 
ted with a Hiero, a Diosuysius, a Nicias, and an Archimedes 
it was resolved to commence operations. Bainbridge was a 
prisoner in Tripoli. The gallant old ship Philadelphia, was in 
possession of the Tripolines. With forty guns, always loaded 
and well manned, she protected the entrance to the harbor, 
and was a trophy whose appearance was as encouraging to 
the enemy, as depressing to the Americans. On consultation, it 
was resolved to burn her in the night time. But who was to 
undertake the perilous service? To the heroic Decatur, nothing 
was more congenial. He proffered his services, which were 
accepted. He assembled his men on board, and asked who would 
follow ? Every man and boy on the Enterprize gathered around 
their commander. Selecting what was necessary, in connection 
with the Siren, commanded by Stewart, she lifted anchor, — 
sailed for Tripoli, and came in sight of the Bashaw's Castle, 
February 7th, 1804. 

Immediate preparations were made for carrying their designs 
into execution, but a heavy wind arising, their ships were forced 
back into the sea. Many days of heavy weather now set in, 
during which, the Intrepid, Decatur's vessel, and the Siren, were 
buffeted about, in imminent peril of foundering. To highten the 
difficulties of the expedition, provisions began to fail, and signs 
of discouragement became apparent. To a mind like Decatur's, 
however, difficulties only afforded a stimulant. By great patience 
and dauntless energy, he succeeded in bringing the vessels in 
sight of the Philadelphia. As she loomed before him, the same 
noble craft that his father had rescued on a former occassiou, his 
soul seemed inspired with his mission. Standing at the helm, 



572 STEPHEN DECATUK. 

his young eyes steadfast upon the frowning guns of his prize, he 
approached the Philadelphia. Beside him stood his interpreter, 
in case of being spoken. The balance of the crew were still and 
concealed. Behind, in the darkness, lay the Siren. The moon 
was shining, but not very brightly. On the deck of the Phila- 
delphia, he saw the heads of the ever-vigilant crew, gazing upon 
his vessel, now within twenty yards of the foe. The next instant, 
" Keep off^'' fell through the night upon his ear. The interpreter, 
according to instructions, told them they had lost their anchor, and 
asked leave to pass to the shore to procure others. At this moment 
the Siren was descried in the distance, which renewed the subsid- 
ing suspicions of the men on the Philadelphia. They asked what 
vessel she was? "The Transfer," replied the interpreter, "for- 
merly a British vessel, now purchased for the Tripolines, and 
much needed by them." They were again cjuieted. During this 
time, the Intrepid had approached the vessel, and fastened herself 
to the ring-bolts. She was thus drawing along-side the huge 
enemy, when suddenly they were discovered. " Americans ! 
Americans!" cried the crew of the Philadelphia, as they made 
preparations to fire their guns. " Men board !" shouted Decatck, 
as he sprang upon the Philadelphia. He was followed by his 
brave men, who leaped eagerly forward. They sprang to the 
decks. Decatur formed his men. Each man drew his sword 
and rushed to a night encounter. To clear the vessel was the 
work of five minutes. The Tripolines were hurried pell-mell into 
the water, and sank to rise no more, fell by the sword, or jumping 
into boats, made for the shore. He was soon master of the vessel. 
The crew of the Intrepid went into their places. The cables and 
sparring of the Philadelphia were cut, and she was set on fire. 
As the streaming flame circled around mast and boom, flinging 
its lurid glare over the waste of water, the old vessel floated 
along until her final explosion ; — the exultant shouts of her 
captors penetrated the prison walls of Tripoli, and proclaimed 
speedy liberation. 

Few naval achievements have been recorded, where a higher 
degree of courage and daring were manifest, than in the capture 
of this vessel by Decatur. The fame of the young naval lieu- 
tenant became extensively known, and his character much 
admired . 

He now resumed command of the Enterprize, while Commo- 



STEPHEN DECATUR. 573 

dore Preble effected a blockade of Tripoli. Kemaining before that 
place for a short time, he sailed to Tunis, thence to Naples, Messina, 
and Syracuse. From the latter place he returned to Tripoli, and 
made early preparations to attack the place, — none more eager 
than Decatur. The Bashaw, looking on upon their preparations 
from his castle, and seeing the wooden crafts of the commodore 
battling with the angry waves, and relying upon his strong 
defenses, remarked of the Americans, "They will mark their 
distance for tacking ; they are a sort of Jew, who have no 
notion of fighting." Preble, however, boldly arranged his vessels 
for the attack. Decatur was placed in command of a division 
of the gunboats, and gallantly assisted in the bombardment. 

Botli parties now opened a heavy fire, — the American vessels 
still advancing. When within two cables' length of the shore, it 
was perceived that the enemy, relying upon their great superi- 
ority of numbers, had left their strongholds, and were making for 
a fight on water. Decatur, determined to board them, bore 
rapidly down with the intention of attacking the enemy's eastern 
division. In this he was assisted by Bainbridge, Trippe, and his 
brother James. Amid a thick shower of balls and grape, he 
pressed steadily forward. Reaching the enemy's crafts, he com- 
manded his men to board. They instantly sprang upon the decks, 
and notwithstanding the enemy were three to one, engaged in a 
most desperate hand-to-hand fight. In ten minutes the decks were 
cleared, — the Tripoline flag hauled down, and the stars and stripes 
floating triumphantly in its place. At this moment, information 
was brought that his brother's boat had succeeded in capturing one 
of the heaviest of the enemy's boats, but as he was preparing to 
tow her out, the captain, in a most dastardly manner, stepped for- 
ward and shot him dead on the spot. The lion of his soul was 
aroused, and revenge, at the sacrifice of every prudential consider- 
ation, was uppermost in his mind. With but nine men, and the 
brave McDouough, he turned the head of his vessel to the enemy, 
and boldly pushed forward within their lines. Singling out the ves- 
sel to which his brother's murderer belonged, he leaped upon her 
deck, followed by McDonough and his gallant little party. Fierce 
was the contest that ensued, and against fearful odds. At length he 
perceived the gigantic and assassin-like form of the man who had 
slain his brother. The Tripoline captain was armed with a long 
heavy pike, Decatur had nothing but a small cutlass and a pistol. 



574 STEPHEN DECATUR. 

The captain made a pass with his pike ; in attempting to ward it 
off Decatur broke his cutlass at the hilt. Another pass was 
made which pierced Decatur's shoulder. The captain now 
grappled him and both fell, — Decatur uppermost. By his supe- 
rior weight, however, the captain turned him under. At this 
instant a blow was aimed at the head of Decatur by an unseen 
foe, that must have put a period to his eventful career, had not a 
daring young marine laid his own head to the blow, and with his 
own heroic life, saved that of his commander. The captain now 
drew a steel dagger from his breast, and lifted it gleaming at the 
heart of the prostrate Decatur. He seemed to have but a moment 
to live. But the naval hero never lost his presence of mind, and 
disengaging his left hand, he parried the blow, and then with his 
right dextrously drew his pistol and cocked it at the breast of his 
antagonist, who relaxing his hold gave back in great conster- 
nation, leaving him again victorious. Trippe had also a personal 
encounter, but succeeded, after a desperate struggle, in discom- 
fiting his antagonist. These results decided the day. Imitating 
the example of their captains, the Tripoliues gave way on all sides. 
Decatur himself, took two prizes, and killed and captured a 
large number of the enemy. And, notwithstanding the desperate 
hand-to-hand fight in which he was engaged, and surrounded with 
overwhelming numbers, he received no considerable wound. 

Decatur was now advanced to the rank of post-captain, and 
received a sword by vote of Congress, as a merited reward of his 
gallantry. A series of four spirited attacks was now made against 
Tripoli, the last of which proved particularly destructive. In each 
of these Decatur behaved with characteristic bravery and dis- 
cretion. After the town had suflered severely, being in many 
places literally riddled by the grape, bombs, and balls, fired by the 
Americans, more decisive measures were resolved on. Preble 
determined to send fire-ships into the harbor for the purpose of 
burning the enemy's shipping. The Intrepid, — the same in which 
Decatur had performed his daring exploit against the Phila- 
delphia, was therefore selected, and laden with one hundred 
barrels of powder and near twice that number of balls. Fusees 
were so fixed, that a quarter of an hour intervened from the time 
they were lighted before ignition took place, — thus giving time to 
those who led the ship to escape. 

Somers volunteered and was accepted for the service. This 



STEPHEN DECATUR. 575 

movement terminated disastrously. Just after night-fall, early in 
September, with proper convoys and boats to bring off the adven- 
turous crew, the fire-ship commenced gliding into the harbor. 
Before reaching her destination, a blue sulphurous light was seen 
to illume her apertures, and the next moment one of the most 
inconceivably terrific explosions took place, scattering timber, 
ball, and splinter, through the air, and hurling destruction all 
around. Neither Somers nor any of his gallant crew were ever 
heard from. All night the men of the squadron were in a state 
of intense anxiety in regard to the fate of their comrades. Day- 
light revealed considerable damage sustained by the ship of the 
enemy, who were hauling the wrecks of some of their boats to the 
shore. It was conjectured that the enemy had discovered the 
Intrepid, and sent a boarding-party to surprise her, and that rather 
than fall into the hands of the enemy and fail entirely in his 
undertaking, Somers had put a match to the magazine, and made 
martyrs of himself and friends to their country. 

Preble was succeeded in the command before Tripoli by Com- 
modore Barron, who arrived with the President and Constitution, 
on the tenth of September. Decatur was placed in command of 
the Constitution, and Preble returned home. Decatur at once 
proceeded to Malta. At twenty-five years of age, he found him- 
self commander of one of the finest vessels in the service. He 
early began operations, and was styled, as his vessel would dart 
along the bosom of the deep, the " terror of the foe." At Syra- 
cuse, whither he sailed after giving his vessel some repairs, he 
was transferred to the command of the frigate Congress, of thirty-six 
guns, — Commodore Rogers, by seniority, taking command of the 
Constitution. Preble, after settling his accounts, and receiving a 
letter of afiectionate farewell from all his subordinates, that proved 
the harmony and good-will existing among all, returned to the 
United States, where he was hailed with demonstrations of joy 
and welcome. 

The squadron of Commodore Rogers having made necessary 
repairs, reappeared before Tripoli, determined to end the contest. 
The Bashaw, however, exhibited a desire to relinquish the unjusti- 
fiable exactions demanded, and signified a willingness to negotiate' 
terms of peace. Ministers were therefore appointed, and a treaty 
was concluded, promotive of the interests of our country. On tho' 
consummation of this important event, to which he had contributed 



576 STEPHEN DECATUR. 

so much and so gallantly, full of pride and hope, young Decatuk 
returned to his native land. He was welcomed as a hero, and 
entertained by all ranks in a manner that attested his exalted 
position. At one of these entertainments, his father was present. 
"While his son was receiving the toasts and gratulations of all, the 
venerable man arose, — his heart swelling with paternal pride, and 
tears trickling down his cheeks, and responding to a toast, he 
said in a tremulous voice: "Our children are the property of the 
country." The scene was truly impressive, and never forgotten 
by his son. 

Soon as the Tripoline war was brought to a close, the navy was 
reduced, and France and England began their system of spoliations 
upon our commerce. Under pretext of intercepting their enemies, 
they hovered about our coasts, and did great mischief to our 
trade on the high seas. Jeflerson called earnest attention to the 
subject, and recommended naval preparations. Congress, instead 
of taking steps for the preparation and equipment of a suitable 
navy, by an unaccountable misconception of the true interests at 
stake, authorized the construction of fifty gunboats. Decatur 
was appointed to the command of a squadron of these stationed 
in the Chesapeake, and, notwithstanding the nature of his duties 
was new and arduous, devoted himself to their discharge with zeal 
and alacrity. When not in active service, he made Norfolk the 
principal point of his anchorage. During his stay in this city, he 
formed the acquaintance of a Miss Wheeler, to whom he became 
warmly attached. His feelings were fully reciprocated, and they 
were married soon after. She was a lady of rare beauty, grace 
and refinement. The union was the result of much happiness to 
both parties. 

Soon after his marriage, he was appointed to the command of 
the Gosport navy-yard, and entered upon its duties. The attack 
upon the Chesapeake by a British vessel soon followed. While at 
Norfolk, it seems some British deserters had enlisted with Sinclair, 
who was making a crew for the Chesapeake. Decatur, on assum- 
ing the command of the Gosport navy -yard, received a letter from 
the British consul, requiring that they be speedily delivered up. 
Decatur refused, giving as his reason, that Sinclair was not under 
his command. The Chesapeake having shipped her crew, and been 
fitted up, departed for the Mediterannean. Reaching Hampton 
Heads, a British vessel, the Leopard, of fifty guns, began chase, and 



STEPHEN DECATUR. 577 

having proceeded near enough, sent a messenger to the American 
commander, requiring him to permit a search of his ships for the 
deserters. This, Commodore Barron, in writing, refused to do. 
A heavy fire was opened from the Leopard. The Chesapeake, 
after firing a few guns only, being in a very disadvantageous 
position, struck her colors and surrendered. Having carried out his 
instructions in the affair, the commander of the Leopard now with- 
drew. This affair created a wide-spread sensation, and accelerated 
the declaration of war on the part of this country against England. 
Barron was subjected to a court-martial, of which Decatur, con- 
trary to his wishes, was a member, and Barron was suspended 
from the command for a period of five years. When the famous 
Milan and Berlin decrees of Bonaparte, and the English orders 
in council, resulted in the American Embargo, Decatur was 
appointed to the command of the frigate Chesapeake, which had 
already become unpopular for her unsuccessful cruises. 

About this time he lost his father and mother, both of whom be- 
loved and cherished with all the fervor of an ardent, affectionate 
sou. For the enforcement of the Embargo, to which services 
Decatur was immediately assigned, the President urged the 
increase of the naval force, and Congress authorized the equip- 
ment of a hundred and. ci'^ht^'^ '^im-bop.ts. Tb^" ^nefiicie^'^^'^ of 
gunboats becoming visibly apparent, it was determined to fit out 
several vessels of larger caliber for tiie service ; among those l(ius 
selected was the United States, the command of which was given 
to Decatur. Thus, on the same proud vessel he had helped to 
construct, and in which he had commenced his first naval efforts, 
he unrolled the colors of his country, and dauntlessly began cruis- 
ing along the coasts. About this time the President, commanded 
by Commodore Eogers, was fired into by the British sloop. Little 
Belt, and a warmly contested skirmish ensued. Both parties 
claimed the advantage, and the reports of both commanders were 
30 contradictory, that a court of inquiry was instituted into the 
conduct of Rogers. Over this court, in view of his sterling 
integrity, and superior judgment, Decatur was selected to 
preside. The verdict of this court resulted in the unequivocal 
acquittal of Eogers, and the maintenance of his report of the 
action. 

After the settlement of this affair, Decatur was engaged in 
conversation with Captain Carden of the British service. Their 
39 



578 STEPHEN DECATUR. 

remarks turued upon results likely to grow out of a war between 
England and America. They were speaking as friends, not as 
commissioned officers of two belligerent powers at war with each 
other. Garden made the following remark: "-Though, Decatur, 
your ships may be good enough, and you are a clever set of fellows, 
what practice have you had in war? There is no rule. "We now 
meet as friends, and God grant we may never meet as enemies ; 
but we are subject to the orders of our government and must obey; 
what do you suppose will be the result ?" Decatuk made the fol- 
lowing noble reply : "I heartily reciprocate your sentiment, that 
you and I may never meet except as we do now ; but if as enemies, 
and with equal forces, the conflict will undoubtedly be a severe 
one, for the flag of my country will never be struck, while there 
is a hull for it to wave from." 

As will be seen, these two congenial spirits afterward met, in 
obedience to the stern mandate of war and the orders of their 
government, on another part of the ocean, in deadly battle array. 
The continued outrages upon our commerce, and imprisonment 
of our seamen, on the part of England, upon the most flimsy 
pretexts, led to a formal declaration of war, though every effort 
had been made to avoid a catastrophe, so fraught with infinite 
mischiefs to both countries. At this event, no one connected with 
the naval service, occupied a more prominent position, or was bet- 
ter calculated to insure distinction than was Stephen Decatur. 
As commander of the United States, he still hovered around the 
southern coast, watching with constant vigilance, opportunity to 
signalize his gallant vessel and cripple the efforts of the enemy. 

So inadequate was our naval force to cope with the power that 
had long maintained supremacy of the waters, that Congress 
actually contemplated preventing its venturing offensively to sea ; 
a measure which was only checked by the timely remonstrance 
of Commodore Bainbridge and Captain Stewart, both of whom 
were in Washington, and who wrote beseeching and effective 
letters against such a course. Having determined to make every 
possible arrangement to meet the aggressor on her own hitherto 
unconquered element, Decatur was transferred with the command 
of the United States to the squadron of Commodore Rogers, which 
he joined at New York, June 21st, 1812. 

The squadron immediately put to sea, with a view of attacking 
the British fleet, bound from Jamaica to England, and laden with a 



STEPHEN DECATUR. 579 

valuable cargo. Suffering himself to be diverted form his original 
design by tailing in with the Belvidere, he gave chase to that 
vessel, which, after leading him many leagues from his course, 
made her escape. Rogers, no doubt, by this movement, lost 
the opportunity of making a valuable capture. After various 
maneuvers, in which six British vessels were taken, the squadron 
returned to Boston, by way of Newfoundland, where it arrived in 
the latter part of August. They immediately put to sea. They 
were not long in finding opportunity for service and honor. 
Decatur, again on the decks of his noble vessel, the United 
States, had been careful to keep her in excellent war trim. On 
the 25th of October, near the Island of Madeira, Decatur per- 
ceived the Macedonian bearing down toward him. This was the 
same vessel of which Captain Garden, to whom reference has 
just been made, was commander, and one of the most elBicient in 
the British service. Decatur looked upon her beautiful form and 
flowing sails with dilated eye, and gave the order to prepare for 
battle. Furling sails and manning the guns, as the ships ap- 
proached each other, a stern encounter became obvious. The 
action soon commenced. At first the firing was kept up at too 
great a distance to do much execution on either side. As they 
neared each other, the topmast and gaff of the Macedonian 
snapped by a fire from the United States, and fell into the water. 
Changing her position, the Macedonian approached to closer com- 
bat. Decatur's vessel opened upon her an awful fire. So precise 
and continuous was it, that it seemed a livid sheet of flame. More 
than once the British crew thought her on fire, and raised exultant 
shouts. They were soon convinced of their error. The thunders 
of Heaven seemed let loose upon them, as men fell all around, 
and spar, mast, and rigging, were ripped to fragments over their 
heads. Pierced to splinters, the mizzen-mast quivered and fell 
into the surge. " Ay, ay. Jack," exclaimed the gun-captain, who 
directed the shot, "we have made a brig of her." "Take good 
aim, my lad," replied Decatur, "at the main-mast and she will 
soon be a sloop." Turning quickly to another captain of a gun, 
lie said : " Aim at the yellow streak ; her spars and rigging are 
going fast enough ; she must have a little more hulling." These 
directions were promptly obeyed, and soon, shot to pieces, literally 
riddled, her main-mast and foreyard were all that remained of 
the wreck of the once proud vessel. A few minutes after, she 



580 STEPHEN DECATUR. 

hauled down her colors, and a triumphant shout arose from the 
crew of the United States. The Macedonian, a complete wreck, 
was cut to pieces from stem to stern, hull, mast, and rigging. 
Covered with the dead and dying, and bespattered with blood, 
she presented a sad spectacle. The British lost a hundred and 
four, killed and wounded, and the entire crew as prisoners. The 
loss of Decatur was but twelve, killed and wounded. The same 
Captain Carden, between whom and Decatuk we have just re- 
corded a friendly conversation, now became the prisoner of the 
latter. Being conveyed to the United States, he presented his 
sword to his young conqueror, with an equanimity that war's 
grim frowns could not subdue, Decatur courteously said : " Sir, 
I can not receive the sword of a man who has so bravely defended 
his ship," 

The capture of the Macedonian and Captain Carden, — justly 
esteemed among the most accomplished of the British officers, 
just upon the heel of the surrender of their boasted war-craft, the 
Guerriere, created a decided sensation in Eugland, and produced 
a more favorable opinion of the inexperienced naval capacities of 
a young Republic, contending for "free trade and sailors' rights." 
The recipient of just renown, Decatur returned from the capture 
of thp Mflpednrtian to his own cnnnfry^ whpre be was received with 
unbounded enthusiasm. At New London he received marked 
dibtiuctiou and applause. He huu drawn upou hiuiocif the ^dze 
of men, and was rapidly reaching the meridian of his fame. 
State legislatures and the National Congress, heaped honors upon 
him in the shape of votes of thanks and complimentary reso- 
lutions. Swords and medals were profusely awarded to him as 
being the champion of the American navy. Addresses, toasts, 
and entertainments were showered upon him, and the public 
prints teemed with his praise, and the blazonry of his heroic 
deeds. Yet modest and unpretending, considering himself as 
boKmgingto his country, toward which, he felt he had discharged no 
ni'Te than a duty she had a right to demand, he did not become 
inuxicated from drinking of the cup of adulation, but with manly 
diunity, elevated by patriotic fervor, mingled with his countrymen 
as one of her ordinary independent sons. Having attained a 
position first in the rank with those connected with the naval ser- 
vice, the Macedonian and Hornet were now added to Decatur's 



STEPHEN DECATUR. 581 

command. After a very brief respite, he took his squadron into 
Long Island Sound. 

He now maneuvered with considerable tact and naval ingenuity, 
sometimes avoiding attack by a dextrous movement, then separat- 
ing the enemy's line, and endeavoring to give chase. The number 
of the British ships that hovered around, seeking for some advan- 
tage to engage, was superior to his own, and well manned. By 
his vigilance and sagacitj^, he proved more than a match for them. 
A battle was finally proposed between two of his own ships and 
the same number of the enemy. The proposition was accepted, 
and for a time it was thought a fight would take place. The 
affair passed off", however, and ended in disappointment, particu- 
larly to Decatur, who was far from unwilling for the collision to 
take place. 

About this time, occurred one of those magnanimous acts, with 
which Decatur's life is replete. Hiram Thayer, the son of a 
respectable Massachusetts farmer, was impressed on one of the 
enemies ships, and made to perform menial service with the 
enemies of his country. His father proceeded under a passport, 
granted to Decatur, to the British squadron, and identified his 
son. Though the identity was completely satisfactory, and they 
could not urge that he was kept as a prisoner of war, they retained 
him in custody, Decatur promptly interfered, and procured his 
release. Such occurrences as these, on the part of the British, 
tended greatly to exasperate the feelings of the Americans and lend 
bitterness to the animosities prevailing during the war of 1813. 

Decatur, in 18 li, was again transferred to the command of 
his old vessel, the President. At this time, from various move- 
ments of the enemy upon the high seas, it was thought they con- 
templated an attack upon New York, and every effort was made 
to guard the avenues to that city. For this purpose, Decatur 
was sent on an expedition to the Chesapeake Bay, and Missis- 
sippi. All this while he was eagerly looking out for some oppor- 
tunity to distinguish himself. After making this cruise, he again 
put to sea, determined to try his fortune on a wider sphere of 
action. In January, 1815, he fell in with a British squadron, 
some fifty miles east of Long Island. The commander of tliis 
squadron was anxious to defeat Decatur. The latter so managed 
his vessels, as to baffle his intentions for the present, of attacking 
him with his combined forces. He now engaged the Endymion, 



582 STEPHEN DECATUR. 

one of the finest ships in the English service. The action was 
begun under circumstance disadvantageous to the American 
vessel. The guns of the Endymion being of heavier caliber, she 
raked the President at a distance too great for the latter to do any 
heavy execution. Seeing his men fall around him, without being 
able to return an effective fire, Decatur heroically resolved to board 
her. Quickly calling his men around him, he made known his 
design, and made the following appeal: "■My lads, that ship is 
coming up with us. As our ship won't sail, we '11 go on board 
of theirs, every man and boy of us, and carry her into New York. 
All I ask of you is to follow me. This is a favorite ship of the 
country. If we allow her to be taken, we shall be deserted by 
our wives and children. What ! let such a ship as this go for 
nothing. 'T would break the heart of every pretty girl in New 
York." This appeal was received amid enthusiastic cheers. 
Warned by the huzzas of the crew, the Endymion steered oif, and 
prevented the design being put in execution. Both sides now 
opened a heavy fire. After continuing it for some time, the 
Endymion, being neary riddled to pieces, was silenced. This 
victory was somewhat dearly bought, many of his men and some 
of his most valued officers being killed in the engagement. 

Decatur now hoped to be able to avoid collision with the balance 
of the squadron, and it being darkened by clouds that had just 
risen, immediate steps were taken to insure his safety. In this, 
however, he was doomed to bitter disappointment. The clouds 
cleared away, and the bright starlight discovered his crippled 
vessel to the British craft, Pomona, which bearing directly upon 
her, poured in a tremendous broadside. Joined, soon after, by the 
Tenedos, they both opened a fire so destructive, that resistance 
was a mere waste of blood, and Decatur was compelled to 
utter that hitherto unspoken word, surrender. The President, 
notwithstanding the predicted desertion by their "wives and 
sweethearts in New York," fell into the hands of the enemy. 
Decatur was conveyed to Bermuda, whence, after being well 
received and entertained, he was sent home in a chosen frigate. 
He was received by his fellow-countrymen with the same marks 
of esteem and popular favor that were always lavishly bestowed. 

Meantime Jackson's cannon had thundered victory at New 
Orleans, and England, no longer claiming the title of undisputed 
mistress of the seas, signified a willingness to enter into a treaty 



STEPHEN DECATUR. 583 

of peace ; which was duly concluded by ministers from the two 
powers. The piratical excursions of the Algerines, upon the 
seas, greatly to the detriment of our commerce, next de- 
manded the naval service of the United States. After repeated 
ineffectual attempts to suppress the career of the semi-barbarian 
sea robbers, without a resort to arms, it was determined to force 
them into submission. A squadron was immediately fitted, the 
command of which was given to Decatdk. This was no small 
testimonial of his former services. He made quick work of his 
mission. Proceeding to Gibraltar, he learned the proximity of 
tlie Algerine fleet, and immediately started in pursuit. Coming 
up to the admiral's ship, he engaged her, and succeeded in captur- 
ing a frigate and brig. Availing himself of the advantages tliese 
conquests gave him, he pushed rapidly ahead to the city of 
Algiers, and dictated terms of peace to the enemy. Thus 
ended the Algerine war, and with it forever, the system of piracy 
practiced at that time. 

Notwithstanding treaty stipulations, the regencies of Tripoli and 
Tunis, still perpetrated outrages upon our commerce. Though, 
without instructions from his government, who were ignorant of 
their non-compliance with treaty requisitions, Decatur proceeded 
on his own responsibility, from his Algerine expedition, to Tunis, 
and forced the authorities into indemnity. Hastening to Tripoli, 
the Bashaw was forced into the same arrangement. He now 
proceeded to Syracuse, thence to Naples and Messina, whence, 
after a highly interesting correspondence, ventured into in vindi- 
cation of his country, with the Neapolitan government, he pro- 
ceeded to New York by way of Gibraltar. On his return, every 
demonstration of gratitude and admiration was tendered him. 
He was, soon after, appointed commissioner of the navy, which post 
he occupied with honor and credit. His public career was now 
drawing to a close. It had been successful, brilliant, and heroic. 
Identified with the American navy, his name will not be forgotten, 
while the colors for which he contended in boyhood, float respected 
in every port and on every sea. As testimonials of his valued 
services, he received from the cities of Baltimore and Philadelphia, 
two of the most elegant and costly sets of silver plate, which 
were presented in the most flattering manner. Thus honored, 
respected, and beloved in a country, to the maintenance of whose 
rights and dignity, he had devoted the prime of his life, he was 



584 STEPHEN DECATUR. 

regarded as among the fixed stars, that were to adorn our his- 
torical coronet. Here we would willingly lay aside the pen, or 
draw a vail over that Draconian code of honor, that tore from his 
country one of whom she was so justly proud. But duty makes 
it necessary, inasmuch as we have attempted to give his rise and 
progress to glory's hight, that we should give the manner in 
which he disappeared from among men. 

Im the fatal duel with Commodore Barron, he was cut down in 
the prime of a useful life. In regard to the circumstances that led 
to the meeting, Decatur was not wholly exempt from censure. His 
course on the court of inquiry, instituted upon the conduct of 
Decatur, while in command of the Chesapeake, has already been 
mentioned. Barron, as before stated, was suspended from the 
service for five years. During the war of 1812, Barron applied 
for admission into the navy. Against this application, Decatur 
was active in his eflbrts. Actuated, no doubt, by motives patri- 
otic and worthy, he carried out his opinion presented at the court 
of inquiry, and still asserted that his behavior on the Chesapeake 
was unsoldierlike, and should debar him from future commission. 
More than this, he also said to the commodore: "I have enter- 
tained, and do still entertain the opinion, that your conduct as 
oflScer since the affair of the Chesapeake, has been such as ought, 
forever, to bar your re-admission into the service." Barron had 
embarked in the merchant service, and in the early part of the 
war, was absent from the country. It was this to which Decatur 
had reference. Decatur was now informed that a hostile com- 
munication from the commodore might be expected : " I am ready 
to meet it," was the reply. Learning this statement, colored with 
a high degree of exaggeration, Barron sent the following note: 
" I have been informed in Norfolk, that you have said you could 
Insult me with impunity, or words to that effect. If you have said 
so, you will, no doubt, avow it, and I shall expect to hear from 
you." To this Decatur replied: "I feel a thorough conviction, 
that I never could have been guilty of so much egotism as to say, 
that I could insult you or any other man with impunity." Here, 
for a time, the matter ended. The old differences were revived. 
Rumors were afloat, and found busy heralds. Other letters, of no 
conciliatory nature, passed between the parties. Finally, one of 
Decatur's letters was construed into a challenge by Barron, who 
signified his willingness to accept. Preliminaries were arranged, 



STEPIiEN DECATUR. 585 

Commodore Baiubridge was the second for Decatur, and Jesse 
Elliot for Barron. The former declared from the outset, that " he 
would rather lose his own life, than take that of a fellow-creature," 
and announced his intention of shooting his antagonist in the hip. 
The meeting took place at Bladensburg, on the 22d of March, 
1820. Decatur rose early, — soothed the anxieties of his beloved 
and devoted wife, — prepared his will for signature, — took break- 
fast with cheerfulness, though not indifference, and repaired to 
the fatal spot. Barron and Elliot were already there. Baiubridge 
measured the ground, and won the choice of stands. Placing 
Decatur on the lowest ground, he told them that he should say 
" Present ! one, two, three," and that they must not fire before 
the word " one," nor after the word " three." All things were now 
ready. Barron remarked to Decatur, as he afterward said, with 
a view to reconciliation, " that he hoped, on meeting in another 
world, they would be better friends than they had been in this," 
" I have never been your enemy, sir," was Decatur's reply. Yet, 
there stood Banbridge and Elliot, witnessing weapons of death 
pointed to the breasts of two fellow-men, one of whom wished to 
meet as friends in " another world," the other affirming that he 
was not his " enemy," in this, — without an effort to prevent the 
fatal shot. In part, the blood spilled on that day is on their own 
hands. The word was now given ; as the second pronounced 
"two," both parties tired simultaneously. But one report was 
heard, Decatur's ball took effect in the hip of the commodore, 
who instantly fell. Barron's ball passed through the abdomen of 
Decatur, severing a large blood-vessel, and inflicting a fatal 
wound. Tlie latter drew himself up erect, pressed his hand to 
the wound, and fell, saying: "I am mortally wounded, and wish 
that I had fallen in defense of my country." Bleeding, and suffer- 
ing intense pain, he was carried to his home. His deepest solici- 
tiiide was for his wife, whom he tenderly loved. He begged his 
friends, who gathered around, to look to his wife, not to him. She 
was withered to the earth, — overwhelmed with misery on first 
receiving the intelligence. His will was made out, which he 
duly signed. He continued to sink rapidly, saying that he did 
not know that mortals could endure pain so intense. Just after 
ten o'clock at night, the following mournful notice announced that 
he was no more: "A hero has fallen ; Commodore Decatur, one 
of the first ofiicers of our navy, — the pride of his country, — the 



586 STEPHEN DECATUR. 

gallant, noble-hearted gentleman is no more. He expired a few 
minutes ago, of a mortal wound, received in the duel this morn- 
ing. Mourn Columbia ! for one of thy brightest stars is set. A 
son without fear, without reproach, in the fullness of his fame, in 
the prime of his usefulness, has descended to the tomb. Not only 
as a hero is he lamented. With those who personally knew him, 
his civic qualities riveted anew the ties by which his military 
virtues had bound him to their hearts. He was amongst the fore- 
most of those who have added to the fame of his country ; and 
his premature death is mourned as it ought to be." He was 
buried next day at four o'clock, with all the honors due to his rank 
and fume. The President and cabinet, members of the Supreme 
Court, headed by Chief Justice Marshall, the marine, city authori- 
ties, civic and military, proceeded with his corpse to its final 
resting-place. His remains repose in the grounds of Kalorama, 
a beautiful site, overlooking the city of Washington and the Poto- 
mac River ; his name and his deeds will form a part of our proud 
history, and a record of admiration, while a tinge of glory lingers 
on our naval flaff. 




JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 



The venerable Socrates once administered to his favorite pupil, 
the Protean Greek,* a gentle reproof: " I would have you know 
that the rising, is more brilliant than the setting sun," replied the 
latter. John Quincy Adams was just reaching the meridian of 
his fame, when his distinguished father, after a life of usefulness 
and honor to his country, was passing from among men. Never 
did father have greater cause to glory in a son. Born on the 
eve of the Revolution, his father, the champion of resistance and 
independence, John Quincy Adams became imbued with the 
spirit of freedom and virtue, from his very cradle. 

There is so much grandeur and sublimity connected with his 
name, so much perfectibility and true greatness in the vast outline 
of his character, that if we linger awhile around the subject, a near 
approach to which, seems almost sacrilege, we shall surely be par- 
doned. To draw a true portrait, true to the original, — to sketch his 
form, lineaments, character, and greatness, — we feel that a more 
skillful artist is needed. For this, however, time, ev^er accurate, has 
been the most faithful engraver. His is not one of those characters, 
that grows dim with the rust of gathering years, but brightens in 
beauty, widens in outline, and deepens in influence, as mind 
becomes elevated and enlightened. Distant generations will 
number him among the sages, — the Socrates of modern times. 
Orator, statesman, philosopher, jurist, scholar, civilian, and 
Christian, he combined the attributes of a great man, and made 
them subservient to an ambition purely patriotic. 

* Alcibiades. 

(587) 



588 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 

He was the son of John and Abigail Adams, and was born at 
Quiucy, Massachusetts, July 11th, 1767. He was descended from 
the early puritans, his lineage being traced back to Henry Adams, 
the founder of the family in this country, who came over from 
England soon after the establishment of the Massachusetts colony, 
probably about 163S. The family, from its earliest records, was 
distinguished for inflexible virtue and sternness of principle. Of 
the parents of our subject, enough has been said to show that 
these qualities were a part of his inheritance. His earlier school- 
ing consisted more of the practical than the theoretical, — being 
more connected with men and stirring scenes, than books and 
academies of learning. Yet it was that sort of schooling best 
adapted to develop the remarkable qualities of his mind, and tit 
him for his high destiny. While his father was engaged in 
urging the Declaration, before Congress, John Quincy was at 
home, being instructed by his excellent mother in the primary 
branches. When but nine years old, he wrote the following 
letter to his father, which shows that he had a solid basis to build 
upon : 

" Beaintree, June 2d, 1777. 

Dera Sir: — 

I love to receive letters very well, much better than I love to 
write them. I make but a poor figure at composition. My head 
is much too fickle. My thoughts are running after birds' eggs, 
play, and trifles, till I get vexed with myself. Mamma has a 
troublesome task to keep me studying. I own I am ashamed of 
myself. I have Imt just entered the third volume of Rollings 
History, but designed to have got half through it by this time. I 
am determined this week to be more diligent. Mr. Thaxter is 
absent at court I have set myself a stint this week, to read the 
third volume half out. If I can but keep my resolution, I may, 
at the end of the week, give a better account of myself. I wish, 
sir, you would give me in writing, some instructions with regard 
to the use of my time, and advise me how to proportion my 
studies and play, and I will keep them by me and endeavor to 
follow them. With the present determination of growing better, 

I am, dear sir, your son, 

John Quincy Adams."* 

• Seward. 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 589 

In 1778, the elder Adams, as before stated, -was appointed 
Minister to France, whither his son, then in his eleventh year, 
accompanied him. While embarking on this mission, he dropped 
a few hasty lines to his wife, to which a postscript was appended, 
saying: "Johnny sends his duty to his mamma, and his love to 
his sisters and brothers. He behaves like a man." 

While his father was engaged in diplomatic duties, John 
QuiNCY availed himself of all opportunities to acquaint himself 
with men and things around him. His father thus wrote, in 
regard to him : " My son has had great opportunity to see this 
country, but this has unavoidably retarded his education in some 
things. He has enjoyed perfect health from first to last, and is 
respected wherever he goes for his vigor and vivacity, both of 
mind and body ; for his constant good behavior and for his rapid 
progress both in French, as in general knowledge, which for his 
age is uncommon." 

On his return to the United States, John Adams was appointed 
Minister to Great Britain. His son again accompanied him. 
Seeing little prospect of a successful mission, he was instructed to 
proceed on his embassy to Holland. He took John Quincy with 
him to that country, and placed him in the universities of Amster- 
dam and Leyden, where he made considerable proficiency in 
the various branches taught there. Remaining for some time 
at these schools, he was, in 1781, then in his fifteenth year, 
appointed private secretary to Francis Dana, minister to St. 
Petersburg. He held this post for over a year, discharging its 
duties with a sagacity and fidelity, worthy a man of mature years. 
Leaving St. Petersburg alone, he proceeded to Holland, joined his 
father at the Hague, where he resumed his studies. After having 
brought his duties in Holland to a close, John Adams was appoint- 
ed one of the ministers to negotiate a treaty of peace. His sou 
went with him to Paris, and watched with keenest interest the 
maneuvers of diplomatists, during the conclusion of the treaty. 
Intimately associated with Franklin and Jefferson, and other 
great men, with an active, vigorous mind, he was well qualified 
to improve by the opportunities thrown around him. He studied 
well the governments of Europe, and the great characters with 
which he came in contact. 

In 1781:, he went to London with his father, who was ap- 
pointed to negotiate a treaty of peace. He remained there 



590 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 

duriug the years 178J:-'85. He carried with him to the metropo- 
lis, the same inquiring, investigating mind, and treasured, in 
these two years, much that was useful and instructive. Her then 
living orators, whose tones vibrate yet, afforded the highest intel- 
lectual banquet for his young soul. Her bards and poets, he saw, 
through the vista of the by-gone, and listened to their strains, 
where he could most appreciate them. The fruitions of her Philan- 
thropists and moralists, were fresh and fedeless about him, as he 
stood upon the very thresholds of their fame. 

The great and sublime lessons, thus presented to his capacious 
mind, were drank in with the enthusiasm of conquest. In the 
midst of this school of discipline, however, he turned his young 
eye homeward. There he saw being elaborated, the most magnifi- 
cent civic structure ever designed by the cunningest political 
architects. Then his own duties, in connection therewith, loomed 
perspectively before him, and he resolved to prepare for theii dis- 
charge. At an age, and a time when the minds of most youths 
would have been intoxicated with scenes of court life, and the varied 
displays of the great capital of commerce, he yearned for home, 
and an opportunity to complete, in a course of rigid discipline, his 
education. He, therefore, returned home, and in his nineteenth 
year^ ontpved the TTiiivprfiii-y of Cambridge, where he gradu- 
ated with distinction in 1788. 

i^iiei" cuiupicLiug liib cuixtjge cuui'su, iiu uuuimenceu Lne stuoy 
of law under Theophilus Parsons, a man of varied attainment and 
extensive legal lore. Having obtained license, he began the 
practice in the city of Boston. He passed a dreary and uncomfor- 
table noviciate. Business was dull, and for a time, his prospects 
were bleak enough. They finally began to brighten, and when 
he found he was more than balancing expenses by his professional 
services, he felt great reasons for rejoicing. 

But it was not in the forum he was destined first to distinguish 
himself. His father was treading the path before him, and the 
country bade him follow, which he obeyed, as by intuition. The 
close of the American Revolution, was followed by the incoherent 
bloody throes of the French revolution. Whirling in delirious 
anarchy for a time, every prospect of success was wrested from 
her nerveless grasp, and she left bleeding and covered with odium 
by the unanimous voice of Europe. Her revolution, and its 
frightful consequences, were ascribed to America, whence, it was 



JOHN QUINCl ADAMS 591 

alleged she had caught the spirit of freedom. Her struggle, aud 
the attitude proper to assume in relation to it, by other nations, 
"was a theme of momentous consideration for statesmen and 
political economists. In this country, it was a question of vital 
interest. In the wide-spread sympathies existing in her behalf, 
John Quincy Adams, who pondered the matter with the care and 
caution of a veteran statesman, did not participate. Seeing 
that the French revolution would be an inevitable failure, not 
wishing her nationality crushed out by combinations of allied 
power, and believing that neutral peaceful ground was the true 
course for his country, he entered into the controversy, aud 
became a leading spirit. He published, in 1791, in the Boston 
Sentinel, his "Publicola Letters." Their perusal created a pro- 
found sensation, both in Europe aud America. By some, they 
were regarded as a triumphant reply to parts of Paine's Rights of 
Man. Fox spoke of them as "the best things that had been 
written." The authorship was ascribed to the elder Adams, who 
was compelled to utter an emphatic disavowal. 

He next wrote the letters signed " Marcellus," which were 
extensively circulated, read, and admired. Of these letters it is 
sufficient to say that they were read, and commended by Wash- 
ington himself, who was so struck with the ability evinced by the 
author, that he made diligent inquiries concerning him. Their 
tone advocaced sUougl^ a strict neutraiity toward the parties to 
the contest. In these letters he thus early laid down two great 
fundamental principles of his political life, to which he adhered 
with stern consistency: "Union at home, and independence of all 
foreign alliances or entanglements, — independence, not only politi- 
cally, but in manufactures and in commerce." 

lie had thus brought himself before the country, in an attitude 
where merit could but elicit respect and consideration. He was 
ambitious, — not selfishly so, — but ambitious to be of service to 
his country. His legal prospects not being very bright, he had 
many misgivings as to his future, and wrote : " I am not satisfied 
with the manner in which I spend my time. It is calculated to 
keep me forever fixed in that state of useless and disgraceful 
insignificancy, which has been my lot for years." He determined, 
however, to devote himself more energetically to his profession. 
He was now in his twenty-fifth year, and we shall soon see himi 
40 



592 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 

rousing his dauntless spirit, and soaring beyond the sphere of his 
cotemporaries. 

Daring the prevalence of excitement, incident to the course 
of Genet, Adams wrote a series of letters over the signature of 
"Columbus," favoring neutrality. Embodying the policy best 
suited to be carried out by this country, and being in sentiment 
coincident with the views entertained by the administration, they 
drew upon the author wide-spread admiration, and in conjunction 
with his other writings, brought him prominently before the 
public. 

Having already attracted the attention of Washington, whose 
sagacity and peace-loving nature, were sure to dictate the selection 
of the wisest and most prudent patriots for official station, Adams 
was appointed, in 1794, Minister to the Hague, and immediately 
embarked on his embassy. Thus, at an age when most young men 
are looking with eager anxiety upon their professions, in the light 
of experiment, we find Adajsis appointed upon a delicate and im- 
portant foreign mission. Our diplomatic history presents few 
instances of men so young, being thus honored and confided in. 
On his arrival at the Hague, where his earlier school days were 
passed, he found aSairs in an unsettled condition, and saw little 
prospect of doing any service for his country. These circum- 
stances induced serious thoughts, on his part, of returning to the 
Onited States. Learning this, Washington sent the following to 
his father, remonsti-ating against such a step: "Your son," says 
he, "must not think of retiring from the path he is now in. 
His prospects, if he pursues it, are fair ; and I shall be much 
mistaken if, in as short a time as can be expected, he is not found 
at the head of the diplomatic corps, be the government adminis 
tered by whomsoever the people may choose." 

This flattering prediction, from so distinguished a source, was 
more than verified. He remained in Holland, studying the interest 
of his country, and watching with closest scrutiny, the political 
workings of things throughout Europe. During the performance 
of his ministerial duties, it became necessary for him to visit 
London. There he formed the acquaintance of Miss Louisa 
Catharine Johnston, daughter of Joshua Johnston, of Maryland, 
who was consular agent at the time, and formerly one of the 
signers of the Declaration of Independence. They soon conceived 
for each other a true friendship, which warmed into an ardent 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 593 

attachment. They were married, July 26th, 1797, and lived lon^ 
together in the full enjoyment of peaceful, domestic happiness. 

On the elevation of John Adams to the Presidency, the con- 
tinuance of his sou as minister, became a question of delicate 
consideration. lie wished to perform his whole duty to his coun- 
try, without subjecting himself to accusations of family prefer- 
ment. Washington was consulted in regard to the matter, and 
gave an emphatic opinion, favorable to his continuance: "If," 
says he, " my wishes would be of any avail, they should go to you 
in a strong hope that you will not withhold merited promotion 
from John Qcincy Adams, because he is your son. For, without 
intending to compliment the father or the mother, or to censure 
any others, I give it as my decided opinion, that Mr. Adams is 
the most valuable public character we have abroad." 

He was, soon after, appointed minister to the court of Berlin, 
where he arrived in 1798. While there, he devoted himself to 
literary pursuits, during his leisure time, with the freshness and 
enthusiasm of youth. For the German poets, he conceived great 
admiration, and for the purpose of perfecting himself in the 
language, as well as to imbibe the sentiments, made a translation 
of Wieland's Oberon. Adams was one of the closest students of 
his day, and acquired a fund of general intelligence and scholarly 
lore, attained by few others. As a literary man, had his life been 
devoted alone to letters, unfettered by political relationships, he 
would have distinguished himself, and conferred lasting benefits 
upon his country. His travels through Silesia, the scenery of 
which made vivid impression on his mind, were published in 
Philadelphia, and subsequently translated into several languages, 
and extensively circulated. He succeeded in concluding a higliiy 
advantageous treaty with Prussia, in which he evinced rare 
diplomatic capacity and energy. 

This young ambassador of Freedom, representing our Republic 
at the courts of Europe, during one of the most momentous 
periods of the world's history, presents an object of deep interest. 
All Europe was convulsed, and wily minister, intriguing monarch, 
and daring warrior, were struggling for dominion on the land and 
on the sea. Yet Adams, youthful as he was, protected our 
interests with a prudence and sagacity, that placed him where the 
unerring eye of Washington had foreseen, " at the head of our 
diplomatic corps." 



594 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 

Ou the accession of the elder Adams to the Presidency, the 
affairs of the country, particularly the financial department, were 
in a perplexing condition. Though he pursued a course of moder- 
ation and peace, his administration was not in all respects popu- 
lar. The passage of the "Alien law, which empowered the 
President to banish from the United States, any foreigner whom 
he should consider dangerous to the peace and safety of the 
country," — ■followed by the "Sedition Law, imposing fine and 
imprisonment for any scandalous, false, and. malicious writing 
against the government of the United States, or either house of 
Congress or the President," — rendered the administration unpopu- 
lar in many sections of the country, which subsequent differences 
with his party tended to increase. Being beaten for the succession, 
by Jefferson, when his official term was expiring, he recalled Johk 
QuiNCY Adams to the United States, leaving his successor free to 
make his own selections, without family considerations. 

On his return to the United States, in 1802, John Quincy Adams 
was received with high admiration, and appearances already began 
to indicate that the distinction of the father would be transcended 
by that of the son. Too prominently had he placed himself before 
the country to remain in inactivity. In 1803, then in his thirty- 
seventh year, he was elected to the United States Senate, from 
Massachusetts, and took his seat among veteran statesmen, where 
hs wac destined to tower in undazzlcd grandeur, a colossus of the 
nation. 

The Federalists were largely in the majority in his native State, 
yet his noble patriotism, bursting party shackles, soared above 
minor considerations, and with vision true, embraced in his views 
of right, the whole country, and the elevation of his fellow-men. 
On one occasion, in the selection of men composing the governor's 
council, it being customary to yield to the voice of the majority, 
and consequently select each member from among the Federalists, 
Adams urged the adoption of some means whereby the rights of 
the minority would be respected, by placing some Anti-Federalists 
among the number, and cast his vote to that effect. At another 
time, he was asked : " What are the recognized principles of poli- 
tics?" "There are no principles in politics, — there are recog- 
nized precepts^ but they are very bad ones," was the reply. 
"But," asked his interrogator, "is not this a good one," — 
To seek the greatest good of the greatest number?' " "No," he 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 595 

answered, "that is the worst of all, for it looks specious, while it 
is ruinous. AVhat shall become of the minority in tiiat case? 
This is the only principle to seek, — The greatest good to all."* 

Among the early duties of the Senate, was action upon the 
pun^iase of Louisiana. Adams opposed the measure. After its 
passage, however, he labored zealously in the preparation of a ter- 
ritorial government. The extension of right to trial by jury, in all 
cases, he urged with great force. It was attempted to levy a tax 
upon the people of the territory, before population gave them a 
voice in Congress. "Taxation, without representation," had 
become ominous to our liepublic. Adams opposed it sternly, and 
upon the broad principles of constitutional right. 

One of his most important acts, however, in the Senate, as pre- 
figuring the great energies and powerful talents he would display 
on the great agitating question of slavery, was his eflbrt to 
establish a law levying duty on the importation of slaves. In the 
midst of his labors, however, his senatorial career was about end- 
ing. England's orders in council, interdicting commercial re- 
lations wath France, and the Milan decree, prohibiting all com- 
mercial interchange with Great Britain or her colonies, provoked 
the American Embargo. The excitement and commercial dis- 
tresses, unavoidably growing out of this measure, which may 
justly be styled among the undesirable necessities of the times, 
have already been mentioned. Massachusetts was decidedly 
hostile to it, while petitions and memorials crowded upon the 
President, praying its repeal. The very party that elected Adams, 
were almost unanimous in their hostility. In this emergency, 
what was he to do? He took a calm survey of the whole matter. 
On one side was the party that placed him in power, on the other 
a President who had beaten his father, and been elevated to office 
by an opposite party, advocating the enforcement of an act, tlie 
creation of which, seemed forced upon us by the appeals of im- 
periled commerce. After full investigation, he determined, 
regardless of results, to sustain Jefferson and the Embargo, which 
he did with manly tirmness. He now had heaped upon him every 
variety of charge of venality and corruption, by the Massachusetts 
Federalists, and opponents of the Embargo, who affirmed that he 
was actuated by selfish ambition. Singular ambition, truly ! to 



* Quarterly. Seward. 



596 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 

leave the party that placed him in power, then in overwhelming 
majority in his State, and identify himself with a measure, whose 
friends were in a dead minority in the same State. " Ambition 
should be made of sterner stuff." His course being disapproved 
by his State, and not wishing to represent a constituency whose 
views were at variance with his own, and still adherent to the 
great maxim of his life, to make party relationships matters oi 
secondary consideration, Adams, in 1808, resigned his seat in the 
Senate. The presidency of Cambridge being vacant by the death 
of WiHard, the position was flatteringly tendered to him, the 
acceptance of w^hich, he peremptorily declined. He, shortly 
after, however, accepted the position of professor of rhetoric and 
belles-lettres in that institution, the duties of which, he discharged 
to his increased popularity, and the honor of his seat. He held 
this place until 1809. In March of that year, Madison came to 
the Presidency of the United States, and Adams accepted the 
appointment of minister to Russia, whither he sailed the ensuing 
summer. He reached St. Petersburg in the fall of the same year. 
He was shortly after tendered a seat on the bench of the Supreme 
Court but did not accept. 

"While at the Russian court, he wrote his celebrated volume bear- 
ing the title of "'Letters of John Quincy Adams, to his son, on 
the Bible, and its teachings." They were written to his son, then 
a school-boy in his native State. No man ever had deeper rever- 
ence for the Bible, or made it a more constant companion and 
monitor. It has been said of him, that he read it through, at least 
once a year. The sublimity of its truths, and the purity of its 
maxims, certainly impressed his whole career. Never did man 
live a more correct exemplification of the true Christian than did 
he. In religion, as in politics, he eschewed sects and partyism, 
and looked higher, — to the general diffusion of truth, and har- 
monious exercise of Christian principles. 

He soon acquired great influence at the Russian Court, and did 
much in producing the proposed mediation of Alexander between 
his country and the United States, and Great Britain. Hostilities 
had resulted to the glory of the American arms, and both parties 
began to see that a protraction of them was neither to the interest 
of the one, nor advancement of the other. The proposition to medi- 
ate was accepted. Clay, Gallatin, Russell, and Bayard, were 
joined with Adams to effect negotiations. The labors of these com- 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 597 

missioners received the highest encouiums, even from Eno'laud 
herself, and resulted in the treaty of Ghent, concluded December 
24th, 1814. News of the treaty of peace was received with 
enthusiastic demonstrations at various places in Europe, while in 
America, it was the signal for general rejoicing. Having com- 
pleted their labors at Ghent, Adams, in conjunction with Clav and 
Gallatin, proceeded to London, to negotiate a commercial treaty 
with Great Britain. Adams reached the metropolis on the 25th 
of May, 1815. This was soon consummated upon advantageous 
terms to the United States. In all these negotiations, Adams dis- 
played rare diplomatic capacity, and showed that he fully under- 
stood the politics of all Europe, as well as of his own country. 
He attained an influence at foreign courts, equalled by few of our 
foreign ministers. His vast erudition, varied attainments, love 
of arts and science, and refined taste, made him a welcome guest 
in the most polite circles, and invested him with marked interest 
and esteem. 

On the accession of James Monroe to the Presidency, he 
determined to pursue, as far as compatible M'ith the dignity of a 
nation, a line of policy, moderate and conciliatory; to do this, 
he desired to draw around him as supporters of his administration, 
men of firmness, prudence, experience and patriotism. These 
considerations induced the selection of John Quincy Adams for 
Secretary of State. Soon as this choice was determined on, the 
new President thus wrote Jackson: "I shall take a person for the 
department from the eastward ; and Mr. Adams, by long service 
in our diplomatic concerns, appearing to be entitled to the prefer- 
ence, supported by his acknowledged abilities and integrity, his 
nomination will go to the Senate." Jackson replied as follows: 
" I have no hesitancy in saying, you have made the best selection 
to fill the department of State, that could be made. Mr. Adams, 
in the hour of difficulty, will be an able help-mate, and I am 
convinced his appointment will afford general satisfaction." 
Thus, Adams had reached a position of high, responsible duty. He 
immediately embarked his family, and sailed for home, where he 
arrived in August, 1817. Public dinners were every where 
extended to him, and ovations, of which the highest born auto- 
crat might well have been proud. On one of these occasions, in 
the city of Boston, his venerable father was present, and though 
over eighty years of age, looked with animated interest on the scene. 



598 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 

Adams immediately proceeded to Washington, and entered upon 
the duties of his office, in the month of September. Monroe 
reposed unlimited confidence in his Secretary, who discharged his 
duties in a manner that showed it was not misplaced. Looking 
alone to our national elevation, and the maintenance of true policy, 
he labored zealously through Monroe's administration, with an 
ability and sagacity that the national archives abundantly testify. 
Early in Monroe's administration, the conduct of Jackson in the 
Seminole war, and the taking possession of the Spanish post, was 
a source of much comment and animadversion. The execution of 
Arbuthnot and Ambristed, who were condemned upon accusations 
of inciting the Indians to acts of hostility, created the liveliest 
excitement in England. Castlereagh averred that, the raising of 
a finger in the British cabinet would have been signal sufficient 
for a rush to arms. 

Adams, by his superior skill and vigilance in the discharge of 
his duties as Secretary of State, did much to avert the evil, of 
which we were somewhat apprehensive. When Calhoun intro- 
duced his resolution of censure upon Jackson, for his conduct in 
the Seminole war, to the effect, that he should be punished in 
some form, or reprimanded in some manner, the members of Mon- 
roe's Cabinet were unanimously in favor of its passage, except 
Adams, who boldly defended the General, as being clothed with 
discretionary power. This is another instance where his patriot- 
ism showed itself, like a gilded spire towering above every con- 
sideration of partisan or sectional feeling. 

While occupying the Department in Monroe's Cabinet, the 
great question of South American independence came up in Con- 
gress. With characteristic prudence and caution, Adams favored 
the diffusion of the principles of universal freedom, but was 
opposed to foreign warlike entanglements. The following letter 
to Luriottis will best give his views upon this subject: 

Washington, ^u^Msi 18th, 1823. 

Sir:— 

A copy of the letter which you did me the honor of addressing 
me, on the 20th of February last, has been transmitted to me by 
the minister of the United States, at London, and has received 
the deliberate consideration of the President of the United 
States. 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 599 

The sentiments with which he has witnessed the struggles of 
your counti-jmen for their national emancipation and indepen- 
dence, had been made manifest to the world, in a public message 
to the Congress of the United States. They are cordially felt by 
the people of this Union, who, sympathizing with the cause of 
ficedom and independence, wherever its standard is unfurled, 
behold with peculiar interest the display of Grecian energy in 
defense of Grecian liberties, and the association of heroic exertions 
at the present time, with the proudest glories of former ages, in 
the land of Epaminondas and Philopoemon. 

But, while cheering with their best wishes, the cause of the 
Greeks, the United States are forbidden, by the duties of their 
situation, from taking part in the war, to which their relation is 
that of neutrality. At peace, themselves, with all the world, 
their established policy, and the obligations of the law of nations, 
preclude them from becoming voluntary auxiliaries to a course 
which would involve them in war. If, in the progress of events, 
the Greeks should be enabled to establish and organize them- 
selves as an independent nation, the United States will be among 
the first to welcome them in that capacity into the general family, 
to establish diplomatic and commercial relations with them, suited 
to the mutual interest of the two countries, and to recognize with 
special satisfaction, their constituted state, in the character of a 
sister Republic. 

I have the honor to be, with distinguished consideration, sir, 
your very humble and obedient servant, 

John Quincy Adams. 

Adams was warmly enlisted in behalf of abolition of the slave 
trade. In 1823, a resolution to this effect, passed the House by 
a heavy majority : 

" Resolved^ That the President of the United States, be request- 
ed to enter upon, prosecute, from time to time, such negotiations 
with the several maritime powers of Europe and America, as he 
may deem expedient, for the effectual abolition of the African 
slave trade, and its ultimate denunciation as piracy, under the 
law of nations, by the consent of the civilized world." 

On the passage of this resolution, Adams provided instructions, 
penning with his own baud those of Rush, then minister to the 
court of St. James. Steps were immediately taken to carry out 



GOO JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 

the spirit of the resolution, when the Senate insisted upon the 
modilieation of the terms submitted by the action of parties, to 
which England would not consent, and the whole thing, for the 
time being, fell through. The popular administration of Monroe, 
to the success of which Adams had largely contributed, closed in 
the spring of 1S25. 

So deep a hold had Adams taken upon the public, whose rights 
he had so nobly and triumphantly vindicated, that the eye of the 
nation was directed toward him, as best fitted for the succession. 
The Presidential campaign of 1824 was one of intense excite- 
ment, characterized in many respects with a virulence and bitter- 
ness, hitherto never witnessed on a similar occasion. Adams was 
nominated by the eastern States, Clay by the western ; Crawford 
was regarded as the candidate of the southern, while Jackson's 
brilliant military fame, and forensic experience, entitled him to 
eminent consideration throughout the entire Union. After a 
warmly contested canvass, it resulted as foreseen, — no choice was 
made by the people. The electoral college numbered two hundred 
and sixty-one votes. Of these, Jackson received ninety-nine, 
Adams eighty-four, Crawford forty-one, and Clay thirty-seven. 
This threw the election into the House, which took place early in 
February, 1825. It was au occasion of vast interest, and large 
crowds flocked to the capitol. Daniel Webster and John Ran- 
dolph, were appointed tellers. The ballots being all counted, 
"Webster arose and said : 

"Mr. Speaker: The tellers of the votes at this table, have pro- 
ceeded to count the ballots contained in the boxes set before them. 
The result they find to be, that there are for John Quincy Adams 
of Massachusetts, thirteen votes ; for Andrew Jackson of Ten- 
nessee, seven votes ; for William II. Crawford of Georgia, four 
votes." Thus, John Quincy Adams was the duly elected Presi- 
dent of the United States, for the ensuing four years. John C 
Calhoun was chosen Vice-President. On the 4th of March, 1825, 
the oath of office Avas administered, and he delivered his inaugu- 
ral. The ceremony was one of the most imposing ever witnessed 
at the capitol. It is worthy of remark, that on this occasion, he 
was dressed in a suit made entirely of home manufacture. His 
first duty was the selection of his cabinet. In this he was sure 
to act with that unflinching patriotism and prudence, of which, 
his life had been a continuous exemplification. For Secretary of 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 601 

State, he selected Heury Clay of Keutucky ;* for Secretary of the 
Treasury, Richard Rush of Pennsylvania; for Secretary of War, 
James Barbour of Yirginia ; for Secretary of the Nav}^, Samuel 
Southard, and for Attorney-General, William Wirt. 

The venerable Lafayette, in the meantime, had visited the 
United States, and, as the "nation's guest," been the recipient of 
marked honors and distinction. He visited Adams, for whom he 
entertained the warmest regards. On his departure from the 
capitol, he fell on Adams' neck, and uttered the sorrowing fare- 
well, amid suffused tears, and with a heavy heart. This scene 
was solemnly impressive. The patriarchal father of John Quincy 
Adams, lived to see his son elected to the Presidential chair, and 
closed his long, eventful life. 

Adams, on entering upon the duties of President, early showed 
that he would neither proscribe men from, nor select them to 
office, merely in consequence of political opinions entertained. 
The public good was the darling object of his soul, to promote 
which, all other considerations were made secondary. "It was 
in my hearing," says one of his cotemporaries, of some distinction, 
"that to a representation, that a certain important and influential 
functionary in New York, was using the power of his office 
adversely to Adams' re-election, and that he ought to desist or be 
removed. Adams made this reply : ' That gentleman is one of 
the best officers in the public service. I have had occasion to know 
his diligence, exactness, and punctuality. On public grounds^ 
therefore^ there is no cause to remove him. If I can not ad- 
minister THE GOVEKNMENT ON THESE PRINCIPLES, I AM CONTENT TO 

GO BACK TO Quincy.' "f 

On another occasion, he was saluted by one opposed to him in 
politics, in this wise : " Mr. President, though I difier with you in 
opinion, I am glad to find you in good health." Adams grasped 
his hand, and said : " Sir, in our happy and free country, we can 
differ in opinion without being enemies." How like those of 
Washington, are these admirable sentiments. How illustrative 
of a character beyond the influence of partizan bitterness, and with 
feelings of selfishness, not even slightly tinctured. 



* For particulars of the party bickering and personal abuse arising out of this 
appointment, see Life of Heury Clay. 

t King's Eulogy. Seward. 



602 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 

" Be just, and fear not, 



Let all the ends thou aim 'st at, be thy country's, 
Thy God's, and Tinith's,"— 

was truly understood and put in practice by Adams in all ti-ansac 
tions, official and private, Adams' administration, though fraught 
with no wars, nor political storms, was one of the most success- 
ful that ever blessed the counti'y. Internal improvements were 
promoted, home manufactures were fostered, and renewed treaties 
of commerce and alliance were concluded with different European 
powers. In the language of Colton : " As time advances, the 
evidences are accumulating on all sides, that the administration 
of John Quincy Adams was one of the most wise, patriotic, 
pacific, just, and wealth-producing in the history of the country." 

On the convention of the Nineteenth Congress, in 1825, party 
hostility, engendered principally by the friends of the defeated 
candidates for the Presidency, became manifest. Thomas H. 
Benton proposed an amendment to the Constitution, accompanied 
with an able and lengthy report, taking the election of President 
out of the hands of the electoral college, and leaving it with the 
people. No action was had upon the proposition. McDuffie, of 
South Carolina, also proposed an amendment to the Constitution, 
advocating the selection of electors by districts, and preventing 
future elections from devolving on the House. In presenting 
this proposition, McDuffie dwelt with much asperity upon the 
course pursued on the recent election, and was very bitter in his 
remarks upon Henry Clay, and the alleged bargain and intrigue. 
This aroused the ire of the Kentucky members, who were equally 
severe and pointed in defense of their gallant leader. Quite an 
exciting scene ensued, in which the lines between the adminis- 
tration men and the opposition, were more closely drawn, and the 
breach of parties widened. These propositions, as also a reso- 
lution, presented by Mason, in regard to executive patronage, 
amounted to little more than the creation of dissensions, destruc- 
tive of existent harmony. 

It was proposed, during this session, that a general Congress, 
composed from the different nations, be held at Panama, with a 
view of closel}^ uniting the several powers, and establishing fra- 
ternal relationships. The proposition was favorably received by 
Adams, who sent a confidential message to the House, setting 
forth the objects sought to be attained, and recommending Kichard 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 603 

Anderson and John Sargent as delegates, A committee was 
appointed, who, in January, 1826, presented a report against the 
measure. Tlie Senate refused to accept the report, by a vote of 
twenty-four to nineteen. They now confirmed the nominations of 
the President ; an appropriation was soon after made to defray 
the expenses of the commissioners. Thus, notwithstanding the 
condemnatory report of the committee, which, it was averred, was 
appointed by Calhoun, on account of each member's known hos- 
tilit}' to Adams, the administration was triumphantly sustained. 
Anderson died on his way to Panama. The Congress assembled 
at the place designated, in June, 1826, and entered into general 
negotiations of peace and amity. They adjourned, fixing the 
meeting at Tacubaya, in Mexico, in February, 1827. South 
America, in tlie meantime, became greatly agitated, and the self- 
ish designs of Bolivar were manifest. The Congress of Nations 
never assembled at the time appointed, and the whole matter, from 
which so many good results had been predicted, fell through. 

The Nineteenth Congress seemed imbued, to some extent, with 
the principles of the President, in regard to internal improve- 
ments and home manufactures. Several hundred thousand dol- 
lars were appropriated, besides large parcels of public lands, to 
promote improvements. It was agreed, also, to defray, out of the 
public treasury, the expense attending a minute investigation, 
and pLiulicatioii of all the facts ic-lating to the silk culture in i,lie 
United States. 

Jackson being again brought forward for the Presidency, excite- 
ments were early engendered, and it became apparent, the oppo- 
sition would unite harmoniously in a vigorous campaign to socHire 
his election. The very course the most commendable in an 
executive, pursued by Adams, tended to weaken his strength, and 
deprive him, in many instances, of warm, influential supporters. 
He adhered tenaciously to the sentiments expressed in his inaugu- 
ral, that party considerations should not influence him in the 
smallest degree, in appointments and removals. Adams was a 
STATESMAN, uot a mere politician^ and in administering the 
government, has, at least, shown the wide, the very wide distinc- 
tion between the two. By this course, political opponents received 
patronage, and a consequential increase of influence, which was 
unsparingly used against the very source whence it emainated. 

Congress met again, December 4th, 1826. During this second 



G04: JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 

session, but few national measures of interest were presented for 
consideration. Large appropriations were made for internal 
improvements ; measures were taken for the diffusion of learning 
and the establishment of seminaries ; the proposition for a bank- 
rupt law was defeated ; commercial intercourse with the British 
colonies was prohibited, in consequence of discriminating duties; 
canals were projected, and grants made for their completion ; half 
a million dollars a year was appropriated to the improvement of 
the navy, limited to six years ; additional duties on woolens were 
considered, etc. With the legislation upon those measures, and 
a vast amoimt of deferred business on the table, Congress ad- 
journed. 

The Twentieth Congress met, December, 1827. It was soon 
perceived that the administration had lost a portion of its sup- 
porters. Elections had been held in several of the States, amid 
high political excitements, into which the tariff question, — the 
proposed additional duties on woolens, entered with special con- 
sideration. The opposition succeeded in the election of speaker 
of the House, and the presiding officer of the Senate being hostile, 
the President, it was evident, would encounter a formidable array 
of opponents during the session. As already stated, much 
interest had been created throughout the country, by the discussion 
of the tariff question. Adams, contrary to general expectation, 
after touching, in his message, upon other subjects before the 
public, did not allude to this at all; Rush, however. Secretary of the 
Treasury, made, early in December, an elaborate report, in which 
manufactures received great consideration, and protection was 
warmly urged. General inquiry was now instituted into the 
manufacturing interests of the country. The committee on manu- 
factures, after a diligent investigation of the subject of near a 
month, in which much valuable information was elicited, reported 
in January, and recommended additional duties upon many 
articles of import. Discussions upon this subject were kept up 
with considerable animation, until silenced by the adjustment 
tariff of 1828. This was, in many features, obnoxious to some 
parts of the south, but continued in force until the compromise 
tariff of 1832-'33. A bill reductive of duties on wines passed 
shortly after ; another, regulative of the process of the federal 
courts, for the convenience of the newer States, also passed. 

It was at this first session of the Twentieth Congress, that the 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. G05 

presiding officer, John C. Calhoun, came to the conclusion, that 
his authority did not permit him to preserve order in the Senate. 
Following out this erroneous idea with characteristic stubborness, 
it became necessary to pass some special resolution, investing him 
beyond question, with a prerogative so essential to the preser- 
vation of decorum and dignity in the Senate. Such a resolve 
was proposed. It was soon seen that it would encounter hostility. 
Many averred that it was an aristocratic privilege, at variance 
with the principles of republicanism, and dangerous!}^ inimical to 
the freedom of the country. After protracted discussion, the 
measure passed by a majority of thirty-one to fifteen, and thus the 
presiding officer of the Senate became convinced that he had a 
right to preside over that body! 

This, and some minor legislation closed the deliberations of 
the session, which adjourned in May. The next session convened 
December 1st, 1828. Tlie Presidential election took place in the 
meantime, and resulted in the choice of Andrew Jackson, by a 
majority of ninety -live, Jackson having received one hundred and 
seventy three, and Adams eighty-three electoral votes. 

It now remained for the President and his coadjutors, to finish 
the work intrusted to their care, in a manner patriotically, as it 
had been prosecuted. The last session of the Twentieth Congress 
presented no measures of national legislation of exciting interest. 
The President, in his last annual message, gave an able review of 
the condition of the country, and evoked the guidance of the 
Supreme Will to continue our prosperity. During the session, 
bills regulative of navigation, giving extension on exports were 
passed ; the constitutionality of appropriations by the general gov- 
ernment, for purposes of internal improvement, was thoroughly in- 
vestigated, discussed, and acceded to, — majorities in both houses 
pronouncing them constitutional; a million of dollars were appro- 
priated to the Ohio and Chesapeake canal ; grants made to the 
Lake Erie and Miami river canal; to Alabama, for canal and 
river improvements, large grants were made ; a quarter of a 
million was appropriated to the construction of Delaware bay 
breakwater ; fifteen thousand more was set apart to open the Main 
military road ; provision was made for exploring purposes ; the 
sale of the Missouri salt springs and lead mines was authorized ; 
tolls, toll-gates and roads, were regulated, etc. 

This session of Congress was quiet and ordinary. What legis 



606 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 

lation there was, had produced little bitterness, or exciting discus- 
sion. The intensity of feeling exhibited during the election, was 
followed by an apathetic reaction, and the incoming administration, 
and the course it would be likely to pursue, engrossed more of 
public attention, than the close of the old. To quote the language 
of the American Annual Register: '• Thus terminated the adminis- 
tration of John Quincy Adams; and whatever opinion may be 
entertained of its policy, and its tendency, it can not be denied 
that its character was marked and definite; and that it exercised 
a strong influence npon the interests of the country. The merits 
and demerits of his policy were positive, and not negative. 
Certain definite objects were proposed as desirable, and the 
energies of the government were directed toward their attainment. 

"•The United States, dm*ing this administration, enjoyed unin- 
terrupted peace ; and the foreign policy of the government had 
only in view the maintenance of the dignity of the national char- 
acter ; the extension of its commercial relations, and the suc- 
cessful prosecution of the claims of American citizens upon 
foreign governments. 

" It was, however, in the domestic polic}^ of government that 
the character of the administration was most strongly displayed. 
During its continuance in office, new and increased activity was 
imparted to those powers vested in the federal government for the 
developmeul/ of uie robuurces of the coantrj ; and the public 
revenue liberally expended in prosecuting those national measures 
to which the sanction of Congress had been deliberately given as 
the settled policy of the government. 

"More than one million of dollars had been expended in en- 
larging and maintaining the lighthouse establishment; half a 
million in completing the public buildings; two millions in erect- 
ing arsenals, barracks, and furnishing the national armories ; 
nearly the same amount had been expended in permanent additions 
to the naval establishment ; upward of three millions had been 
devoted to fortifying the seacoast; and more than four millions 
expended in improving the internal communications between 
different parts of the country, and in procuring information, by 
scientific surveys, concerning its capacity for further improvement. 
Indeed, more had been directly effected by the aid of government, 
in this respect, during Mr. Adams' administration, than during 
the administrations of all his predecessors. Other sums, exceed 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 607 

ing a millioi], had been appropriated for objects of a lasting 
character, and not belonging to the anmial expense of the govern- 
ment; making, in the whole, nearly fourteen millions of dollars 
expended for the permanent benefit of the country, during this 
administration, 

" At the same time, the interest on the public debt was punctu- 
ally paid, and the debt itself was in a constant course of reduction, 
having been diminished $30,373,188 during this administration, 
and leaving due, on the first of January, 1829, $58,363,136. 
While these sums were devoted to increasing the resources and 
improving the condition of the country, and in discharging its 
pecuniary obligations, those claims which were derived from what 
are termed the imperfect obligations of gratitude and humanity, 
were not forgotten. 

'•More than five millions of dollars were appropriated to solace 
the declining years of the surviving ofiicers of the Revolution;. 
and a million and a half expended, in extinguishing the Indian 
title, and defraying the expense of the removal, beyond the Mis- 
sissippi, of such tribes as were unqualified for a residence near 
civilized communities, and in promoting the civilization of those 
who, relying on the faith of the United States, preferred to remain, 
on the lands which were the abodes of their fiithers. 

"In the condition which we have described, in peace with all 
the World, with an increasing revenue, with a surplus of $5,125- 
638, in the public treasury, the administration of the government 
of the United States was surrendered by Mr. Adams on the 3d. 
of March, he having previously left the governmental house, 
and relinquished the executive power. The next day General: 
Jackson entered upon the administration of the government."* 

" The smile with which he threw aside the trappings of power, 
and the graceful propriety with which he took leave of patronage 
and place, were truly commendable." 

Having seen this great man rising rapidly to distinction, until 
he had reached the highest point of earthly ambition, it would: 
seem now, that we should go with him to the quietude of private 
repose. Not so, however. For him a double destiny seemed 
designed, for which nature and application had eminently qualifiedl 
him. Before returning again into politics, however, we may. 

* American Annual Register. Willard. 
41 



608 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 

notice his vast aud varied attuinmeuts. His fouduess for literary 
pursuits has before been mentioned ; in the department of letters, 
he attained a position that might well excite the envy of the most 
ardeut devotee. Profoundly versed in classic lore, embellished 
with the polish and refinement of modern letters and associations, 
his mind naturally bold, vigorous, and discriminating, exhibited 
evidences of the finished master in every department of learning. 
At this time he was esteemed one of the most pleasing and in- 
structive conversationalists of his day, and drew men toward 
him, who came as to a fountain for mental refreshment. 

Besides his numerous orations and pamphlets, preserved a8 
finest specimens of style and thought, his Letters on Sijesia ; 
Letters on Rhetoric and Oratory; Letters on Freemasonry, aud 
the Jubilee of the Constitution, and various other productions, 
attest his literaiy merit. The following sketch, though brief, 
which we extract from one of his lectures on Rhetoric and Oratory, 
will convey an idea of Adams' style of composition. Speaking 
of ancient and modern eloquence, he says : 

"With the dissolution of Roman liberty, and the decline of 
Roman taste, the reputation and the excellency of the oratorical 
art fell alike into decay. Under the despotisms of the Caesars, 
the end of Eloquence was perverted from persuasion to panegyric, 
aud all her faculties were soon palsied by the touch of corruption, 
or enervated by the impotence of servitude. Then succeeded the 
midnight of the monkish ages, when with the other liberal arts, 
she slumbered in the profound darkness of the cloister. At the 
revival of letters in modern Europe, Eloquence, together with her 
sister muses, awoke and shook the poppies from her brow. But 
their torpors still tingled in her veins. In the interval, her voice 
was gone ; her favorite languages were extinct ; her organs were 
no longer attuned to harmony, and her hearers could no longer 
understand her speech. The discordant jargon of feudal anarchy 
had banished the musical dialects in which she had always de- 
lighted. The theaters of her former triumphs were either deserted, 
or filled with the babblers of sophistry and chicane. She shrunk 
intuitively from the forum, for the last object she remembered to 
have seen there, was the head of her darling Cicero planted 
upon the rostrum. She ascended the tribunals of justice ; there 
she found her child. Persuasion, manacled and pinioned by the 
letter of the law; there she beheld an image of herself, stam- 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 609 

mering in barbarous Latin, and staggering under the lumber of 
a thousand volumes. Her heart fainted within her. She lost 
all confidence in herself. Together with her irresistible powers, 
she lost proportionably the consideration of the word until, instead 
of comprising the whole system of public education, she found 
herself excluded from the circle of science, and declared an outLaw 
from the realms of learning. She was not, however, doomed to 
eternal silence. With the progress of freedom and of liberal 
science, in various parts of modern Europe, she obtained access 
to mingle in the deliberations of their parliaments. With labor 
and difficulty she learned their languages, and lent her aid in 
giving them form and polish. But she has never recovered the 
graces of her former beauty, nor the energies of her ancient 
vigor." 

Describing a visit to Adams, in 1834, one of his friends has left 
the following: 

" The ex -president was the chief talker. He spoke with infinite 
ease, drawing upon his vast resources with the certainty of one 
who has his lecture before him ready written. The whole of his 
conversation, which he steadily maintained for nearly four hours, 
was a continued stream of light. Well contented was I to be a 
listener. His subjects were the architecture of the middle ages ; 
the stained glass of that period ; sculpture, embracing monuments 
particularly. On this subject, his opinion of Mrs. Nightengale's 
monument, in Westminster Abbey, difiers from all others I have 
seen or heard. He places it above every other in the Abbey, and 
observed, in relation to it, that the spectator 'saw nothing else.' 
Milton, Shakespeare, Shenstone, Pope, Byron, and Southey, were 
in turn remarked upon. He gave Pope a wonderfully high 
character, and remarked, that one of his chief beauties, was the 
skill exhibited in varying the cesural pause, — quoting from various 
parts of his author to illustrate his remarks more fully. He said 
very little on the politics of the country. He spoke at consider- 
able length of Sheridan and Burke, both of whom he had heard, 
and could describe with the most graphic efiect. He also spoke 
of Junius ; and it is remarkable, that he should place him so far 
above the rest of his cotemporaries. He spoke of him as a bad 
man, but maintained, as a writer he had never been equalled. 
The conversation never flagged for a moment ; and on the whole, 



610 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 

I shall remember mj visit to Qiiincy as among the most instruc- 
tive and pleasant I ever passed." 

The foregoing affords some, though far from a complete idea of 
Adams' literary attainments, and great versatility of talent and 
genius. Though ardently attached to literature, in the pursuits 
of which, he designed passing at Quiucy the remainder of his 
days, it soon became clear that a diiferent field was opening to 
him. In 1830, he was mentioned, in connection with the National 
Congress, in one of the districts of his native State. Contrary to 
the expectations, and even the wishes of many of his best fi'iends, 
he signified a willingness to serve the people in whatsoever sphere 
they might deem him fitted. He was duly elected, and took his 
seat at a period of high congressional excitement. Few men on 
that celebrated floor could measure intellectual strength with him. 
To use the words of Seward : " He exhibited a fund of knowledge 
so vast and profound, — a familiarity so perfect with nearly every 
topic which claimed the attention of Congress, — he could bring 
forth from his well-replenished store-house of memory, so vast an 
array of facts, shedding light upon subjects deeply obscure, — dis- 
played such readiness and power in debate, pouring out streams of 
purest eloquence, or launching forth the most scathing denun- 
ciations when he deemed them called for, — that his most bitter 
opposers, while trembling before his sarcasm, and dreading his 
asScUiltS, could not but grant him the leward of their higheet 
admiration. Well did he deserve the title conferred upon him by 
general consent, of the " Old Man Eloquent." 

Before his entrance into the halls of Congress, he completed the 
erection of a monument to the memory of his father, in the town 
of Quiucy, which was lettered with inscriptions appropriate to his 
illustrious name. He took his seat in Congress, December, 1831. 
The idea of an ex-president appearing in public life in that 
capacity, created deep interest throughout the entire Union. 

As a test of the confidence reposed in his ability and zeal, he 
was made chairman of the Committee of Manufactures, at that 
time of tarifi" discussions, one of the most delicate and important 
in the House. The same unblemished character for integrity and 
spirit that had hitherto been so eminently his, adorned his career 
in Congress. True to the tenor of his whole political life, he still 
discarded party and party shackles in the investigation of every 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 611 

subject of national policy. The same unwearied perseverance in 
the faithful discharge of duty that had always characterized him, 
marked his course there. Though among the oldest members, he 
was first at his post, and the last to leave it, participating in the 
discussion of all important issues, with the ardor, freshness, and 
enthusiasm of youth. 

He was engaged in his congressional labors, when Madison 
died, when he was selected to deliver the eulogy of his dis- 
tinguished predecessor, as he had formerly been to deliver that of 
Monroe. Both have subsequently been published in a neat 
volume, and are justly appreciated as among the finest specimens 
of our national literature, abounding in rich and copious thought, 
profound knowledge of statesmanship, and refined classical allu- 
sions. 

When in 1835, the Texan revolution broke out, and men were 
rushing from the United States to aid in the scheme of severing 
Texas from Mexico, and money was solicited from the public trea- 
sury, for the purpose of consummating the object, Adams took 
grounds of decided hostility to any such steps. When the ques- 
tion of recognizing the independence of Texas came up in 1836, 
he was equally opposed. His opposition to these measures was 
owing to his views upon the slavery question, it being evident 
that in the event of Texas being acknowledged free and inde- 
pendent, and her subsequent annexation, it would be the acqui- 
sition of slave territory, and result in the extension of an insti- 
tution to which his abhorrence was deep-rooted, honest and undis- 
guised. The ulterioi objects, as he conceived, of the revolutionists 
and advocates of independence, were boldly laid before Congress 
by him, in the discussions that ensued upon the subject. Adams 
was opposed to slavery in all its forms, and felt it his duty to labor 
to prevent its extension. He, no doubt, would have preferred 
that the limits of the Union should be confined to its then existent 
area, than that oi)e acre more of land should ever be added, if that 
acre were to be pressed by the foot of a slave. Others thought 
differently. The Texas movement was more successful than its 
warmest friends anticipated. Whatever results of good may have 
grown out of the revolution, recognition, and the subsequent war 
with Mexico, and the consequent territorial acquisition by the 
United States, no one at the present day will be so bold as to 



612 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 

accuse the venerable Adams of acting contrary to convictions of 
truth, honor, and justice toward his country and mankind. 

But what distinguished Adams more than anything else in 
Congress, was his firm, unflinching advocacy of the right of 
petition, called forth by the desire to abolish slavery in the District 
of Columbia. This subject formed the leading agitation during 
the session of ISSG-'ST. Petitions, praying the abolition of slavery 
in the District, flooded the House from the North and the East, 
and Adams was usually the medium through which they were 
presented. Southern members became thoroughly aroused, and 
determined to put a stop to the agitation of the question. A 
committee, consisting of some of the ablest men in the South, 
were appointed to take the matter into consideration. They 
reported several resolutions, among others the following, dis- 
countenancing petition in every sense: 

" Resolved^ That all petitions, memorials, resolutions, propo- 
sitions, or papers, relating in any way, or to any extent, what- 
ever, to the subject of slavery, shall, without being either printed 
or referred, be laid upon the table, and that no further action, 
whatever, shall be had thereon." 

On the presentation of this resolution, Adams sent the follow- 
ing to the speaker's chair, asking that it might forever remain on 
the journal for the inspection of posterity : 

'' I hold the resolution to be a direct violation of the Consti- 
tution of the United States, of the rules of the House, and of the 
rights of my constituents."* 

The resolution passed, and would, it was supposed, efiectually 
put an end to further petitions. In this, however, they were 
mistaken. To a mind like that of Adams, difiiculties only afforded 
a stimulant to perseverance. Petitions continued to pour upon 
the House, and found the same stern advoacte in Adams, who 
daily presented them to consideration, demanding action. Abuse 
and invective poured upon him from all sides, yet he quailed not. 
The following, from the journal of the day, is but one of such 
scenes daily transpiring. Adams, on the 6th of January, 1837, 
was presenting a petition from near two hundred ladies : 

" Mr. Glasscock objected to its reception. Mr. Parks moved 
that the preliminary motion, on the reception of the petition, 

• Debates. Seward. 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 613 

be laid on the table, which was carried. Mr. Adams said, that if 
he had understood the decision of the speaker, in this case, it was 
not the petition itself which was laid upon the table, but the 
motion to receive. In order to save the time of the House, he 
would give notice that he should call up that motion for decision 
every day, so long as he should be permitted to do so by the 
House ; because he should not consider his duty accomplished so 
long as the petition was not declined, and so long as the House 
had not decided that it would not receive it, Mr. Pinckney arose 
to a question of order, and inquired if there was now any ques- 
tion pending before the House. 

The speaker said, he had understood the gentleman from Mas- 
sachusetts, as merely giving notice of a motion hereafter to be 
made. In doing so, it certainly would not be in order to enter 
into debate. Mr. Adams said, that so long as freedom of speech 
w^as allowed to him as a member of that House, he would call up 
that question until it should be decided. 

" Mr. Adams was called to order. 

" Mr. Adams said he would then have the honor of presenting to 
the House the petition of two liundred and twenty-eight women, 
the wives and daughters of his immediate constituents, and as a 
part of the speech which he intended to make, he would take the 
liberty of reading the petition. It was not long, and would not 
consume much time. 

" Mr. Glasscock objected to the reception of the petition. 

"Mr. Adams proceeded to read, that the petitioners, inhabitants 
of South Weymouth, in the State of Massachusetts, ' impressed 
with the sinfulness of slavery, and keenly aggrieved by its exis- 
tence in a part of our country over which Congress ' 

" Mr. Pinckney rose to a question of order. Had the gentleman 
from Massachusetts a right, under the rule, to read the petition? 

"The speaker said, the gentleman from Massachusetts had a 
right to state the contents of the petition. 

" Mr. Pinckney desired the decision of the speaker, as to whether 
a gentleman had a right to read a petition. 

"Mr. Adams said he was reading the petition as a part of his 
speech, and he took this to be one of the privileges of a meml)er 
of the House. It was a privilege he should take till he should be 
deprived of it by some positive act. 



614 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 

" The speaker repeated, that Adams had a right to state the con- 
tents of the petition. 

"•Mr. Adams, At the time my friend from South Carolina — 

" The speaker said the gentleman must proceed to state the 
contents of the petition. 

" Mr. Adams. I am doing so, sir. 

" The Speaker. Not in the opinion of the chair. 

"Mr. Adams. I was at this point of the petition: 'Keenly 
aggrieved by its existence in a part of our country, over which 
Congress possesses exclusive jurisdiction in all cases whatsoever.' 

"Loud cries of 'Order, order!' 

" Mr, Adams. ' Do most earnestly petition your honorable body.' 

" Mr. Chambers, of Kentucky, arose to a point of order. 

" Mr. Adams. ' Immediately to abolish slavery in the Disti'ict of 
Columbia.' 

" Mr. Chambers repeated his call to order, and the Speaker 
directed Mr. Adams to take his seat. 

" Mr. Adams proceeded with great rapidity of enunciation and 
in a very loud tone of voice :• ' And to declare eveky human 

BEING FREE WHO SETS FOOT UPON ITS SOIL.' " 

In this way, amid the most intense excitement, he read the pe- 
tition entirely through, nor yielded an inch until the last sentence 
was pronounced in a clear, bold tone. There is a moral sublimity 
in thus vindicating his opinions, that certainly can but be admired 
by all, whether endorsing his views or not. 

The scene just recorded, was, soon after, followed by one still 
more exciting. Among other charges brought against Adams, 
was one to the effect that he was actuated by a false philanthropy, 
and that he cared nothing more for the rights of the slave than 
tliose who said nothing in their behalf. To demonstrate this 
assertion, a sham petition was concocted, signed by slaves, and 
forwarded for presentation. Adams had read over a hundred, 
when coming to it, he said to the speaker, (Mr. Polk) : "I have 
in my possession a petition of somewhat an extraordinary char- 
acter, and I wish to inquire of the chair, if it be in order to present 
it." The speaker asked the nature of it. " Sir," replied Adams, 
" the petition is signed by eleven slaves, of the town of Fredericks- 
burg, Virginia. It is one of these petitions, which, it has occurred 
to my mind, is not what it purports to be. It is signed partly by 
persons who can not write, by making their marks, and partly 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 615 

by persons whose luiudwritiug would manifest that they have re- 
ceived the education of slaves. The petition declares itself to be 
from slaves, and I am requested to present it ; I will send it to 
the chair." 

The speaker, making some remarks, to the effect that it was a 
novel case, and required some deliberation, Lewis, of Alabama, 
fell into a violent rage, and turned upon Adams and exclaimed : 
" By G — d, sir, this is not to be endured any longer." 

" Treason ! Treason ! Expel the old scoundrel ; put him out ; 
do not let him disgrace the House any longer," — shouted some 
dozen voices. "Get up a resolution to meet the case," said 
another. 

A resolution was immediately prepared, to the effect, that "he 
be taken to the bar of the House, and censured by the speaker." 

Many excited members demanded loudly that Adams should be 
punished. Several suggested that the petition " be taken out and 
burned." Adams, during all this storm, maintained his equa- 
nimity. Several resolutions were presented requiring his censure. 
"Sir," said Adams, as he arose in all his native dignity, " it is 
well known, that from the time I entered this House down to the 
present day, I have felt it a sacred duty to present any petition, 
couched in respectful language, from any citizen of the United 
States, be its object what it may ; be the prayer of it that in which 
I could concur, or that to which I was utterly opposed. It is for 
the sacred right of PExrnoN that I have adopted this coarse. 
Where is your law which says that the mean, and the low, and 
the degraded, shall be debarred of the right of petition, if their 
moral character is not good ? Where, in the land of freemen, 
was the right of petition ever placed on the exclusive basis of 
morality and virtue ? Petition is su^jpliGation^ it is entreaty^ it 
i^jprayer! And where is the degree of vice or immorality which 
shall deprive the citizen of the right to sujpjplicate for a boon, or 
to pray for mercy f Where is such a law to be found ? It does 
not belong to the most abject despotism. There is no absolute 
monarch on earth who is not compelled, by the constitution of his 
country, to receive the petitions of his people, whoever they may 
be. The Sultan of Constantinople can not walk the streets and 
refuse to receive petitions from the meanest and vilest of the laud. 
This is the law even of despotism. And what does your law say ? 



G16 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 

Does it say that, before presenting a petition you shall look into it 
and see whether it comes from the virtuous, and the great, and tlie 
mighty? No, sir; — it says no such thing. The right of petition 
belongs to all. And so far from refusing to present a petition, 
because it might come from those low in the estimation of the 
world, it would be an additional incentive, if such incentive were 
wanting. But I must admit, that when color comes into the ques- 
tion, there may be other considerations. It is possible that this 
House, which seems to consider it so great a crime to attempt to 
ofler a petition from slaves, may, for aught I know, say that free- 
men, if not of the carnation^ shall be deprived of the right of 
petition in the sense of the House." 

In the midst of the excitement, Henry A. Wise was sent for ; 
being informed that the "Union was in danger," he rushed 
speedily into their deliberations : "What's the matter?" he asked. 
"Adams has introduced a petition from slaves." " And is that 
all?" exclaimed Wise. "The gentleman from Massachusetts has 
presented a petition signed by slaves! Well, what of it? Is 
anybody harmed by it? Sir, in my opinion, slaves are the very 
persons who should petition. Mine pray to me, and I listen to 
them ; and shall not the feeble supplicate? Sir, I see no danger ; 
the country, I believe, is safe." 

Tliis whole matter finally ended by the passage of some reso- 
lutions rejecting the petition. The petition was manufactured, no 
doubt, to place Adams in an unpleasant predicament; but with 
that intuitive sagacity he possessed to a remarkable degree, he 
saw through the design, and determined to make it recoil upon 
its originators. 

Still maintaining his ground upon this subject, and anxious, at 
least, for a full investigation of the slavery question, under circum- 
stances favorable to the development of truth, Adams, in 1839, 
presented the following amendment to the Constitution: 

^'- Resolved^ hy the Senate and House of Representatives .^ in 
Congress assevihled., two-thirds of both Houses concurring therein, 
that the following amendments to the Constitution of the United 
States be proposed to the several States of the Union, which, when 
ratified by three-fourths of the legislatures of said States, shall 
become and be a part of the Constitution of the United States: 

"1. From, and after the 4th day of July, 1842, there shall 
be, throughout the United States, no hereditary slavery ; but on. 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 617 

aud after that day, every child born within the United States, 
their territories aud jurisdiction, shall be born free. 

"2. With the exception of the territory of Florida, there shall, 
henceforth, never be admitted into this Union any State, the 
Constitution of which, shall tolerate within the same the existence 
of slavery. 

" 3. From, and after the 4:th day of July, 1845, there shall be 
neither slavery nor slave trade at the seat of the government of 
the United States." 

The merits or demerits of these propositions, it is not our 
province to discuss. According to the generally admitted prin- 
ciple, that slavery, being recognized as comprehending property, 
under the Constitution of the country, and is essentially a domestic 
institution, they could not have been adopted, and if they could, 
would, no doubt, have resulted in influences injurious in the 
extreme. Though contrary to his anticipations, these propo- 
sitions did not eventuate in a general discussion of the principles 
involved, he maintained his position as their avowed advocate, 
undaunted by the torrent of opposition encountered. His manly 
heroism, won the profound respect of even his bitterest political 
opponents, who were first to load him with abuse and vituperation. 
On every occasion, when the silver tones of his voice rang through 
the House, members eagerly bent their listening ears to catch the 
lowest intonation. The high respect he commanded, was shown 
in the famous New Jersey contested election case, in 1839. The 
incident has been preserved in a manner so characteristic of the 
occasion, that we prefer quoting entire. It is as follows : 

" On the opening of the Twenty-sixth Congress, in December, 
1839, in consequence of a two-fold delegation from New Jersey, 
the House was unable, for some time, to complete its organization, 
and presented to the country and the world, the perilous and dis- 
creditable aspect of the assembled representatives of the people, 
unable to form themselves into a a constitutional body. On first 
assembling, the House has no officers, and the clerk of the preced- 
ing session acts, by usage, as chairman of the body, till a speaker 
is chosen. On this occasion, after reaching the State of New 
Jersey, the acting clerk declined to proceed in calling the roll, 
and refused to entertain an}' of the motions which were made for 
the purpose of extricating the House from its embarrassment. 
Many of the ablest and most judicious had addressed the House 



(J18 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 

in vaiD, and there was nothing but contusion and discord in 
prospect. 

"The fourth day opened, and still contusion was triumphant. 
But the hour of diseuthrallment was at hand, and a scene was 
presented which sent the mind back to those days when Cromwell 
uttered the exclamation: 'Sir Harry Vane! wo unto you. Sir 
Harry Yane!' and in an instant dispersed the famous Rump 
Parliament. 

" Adams, from the opening of this scene of confusion and anarchy, 
had maintained a profound silence. He appeared to be engaged, 
most of the time, in writing. To a common observer, he seemed 
reckless of every thing around him, — but nothing, not the slightest 
incident, escaped him. The fourth day of the struggle had now 
commenced ; Hugh Garland, the clerk, was directed to call the 
roll again. 

" He commenced with Maine, as was usual in those days, and was 
proceeding toward Massachusetts. I turned, and saw that Mr. 
Adams was ready to get the floor at the earliest moment possible. 

"■His keen eye was rivitel uu the clerk ; his hands clasped the 
front edge of his desk, where he always placed them to assist him 
in rising. He looked, in the language of Otway, like the 

' Fowler eager for his prey.' 

" ' New Jersey,- ejaculated Hugh Garland, ' and the clerk has to 
repeat that .' 

" Mr. Adams sprang to the floor. ' I rise to interrupt the clerk,' 
was his first remark. 

" ' Silence! silence ! ! resounded through the hall ; ' hear him, 
hear him. Hear what he has to say; hear John Quincy Adams,' 
was the ejaculation on all sides. In an instant the most profound 
silence reigned throughout the hall, — you might have heard a leaf 
of paper fall in any part of it, and every eye was riveted on the 
venerable Nestor of Massachusetts, — the purest statesman, and 
the noblest of men. He paused for a moment ; and giving Gar- 
land a 

' Witliering look,' 

he proceeded to address the House. 

' It was not my intention,' said he, ' to take part in these extra- 
ordinary proceedings. I had hoped that this House would succeed 
in organizing itself; that a speaker and a clerk would be elected, 
and that the ordinary business of legislation would be progressed 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 619 

in. This is not the time, or place, to discuss the merits of the 
conflicting claimants for seats from New Jersey ; that subject 
belongs to the House of Representatives, which, by the Consti- 
tution, is made the ultimate arbiter of the qualifications of its 
members. But what a spectacle we here present! "We degrade 
and disgrace our constituents and the country. We do not, and 
can not organize ; and why ? Because the clerk of this House, — 
the mere clerk, whom we create, and whom we employ, and whose 
existence depends upon our will, usurps the throne^ and sets us, 
the representatives, the vicegerents of the whole American people, 
at defiance, and holds us in contempt! And what is this clerk 
of yours ? Is he to control the destinies of sixteen millions of 
freemen ? Is he to suspend, by his mere negative, the functions 
of government, and put an end to this Congress ? He refuses to 
call the roll. It is in yonr power to compel him to call it, if he 
will not do it voluntarally.' (Here he was interrupted by a 
member, who said the clerk would resign rather than submit to 
coercion.) ' Well, sir, let him resign,' continued Mr. Adams, ' and 
we may possibly discover some way by which we can get along 
without the aid of his all-powerful talent, learning, and genius. 
If we can not organize in any other way, — if this clerk of yours 
•vr^ill not: ponspnt to onr discharging the trusts confided to us by 
our constituents, then let us imitate the example of the Virginia 
House oi jJurgesseb, vvliicli, vvlica ihe coloiiial govSi'iior, D^n- 
w^ddie, ordered it to disperse, refused to obey the imperious and 

insulting mandate, and like men .' Before he could finish 

the sentence, the House shook with the thunders of applause, 
loud and prolonged. 

Soon as the enthusiasm subsided, Adams moved that the clerk 
call the roll. The same motion had been several times submitted 
without action or result. "How shall the question be put? Who 
will put the question?" asked several members. "I intend to put 
the question myself," exclaimed Adams, sternly. The excitement 
was now subsiding. Ilhett, (R. B.,) of South Carolina, sprang 
upon a desk, arid with a commanding wave of the arm, exclaimed : 
"I move that the Hon. John Quincy Adams take the chair of 
the speaker of this House, and officiate as presiding officer, till 
the House be organized by the election of its constitutional officers. 

As many as are agreed to this will say ay ; those, ." "He had 

not an opportunity," says the narrator of the scene, "to complete 



(520 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 

the seiiteuce,"— ' those who are not agreed will say wo,' — for one 
universal, deafeuiug ay responded to the nomination. Being 
thus selected to preside over their deliberations, order was soon 
restored and organization consummated. 

"Henry A. Wise, of Virginia, exclaimed to Adams: "Sir, I 
regard it as the proudest hour of your life ; and if, when you 
shall be gathered to your fathers, I were asked to select the words 
which, in my judgment, are best calculated to give, at once, the 
idea of the character of the man, I would inscribe upon your 
tomb, this sentence : ' I will put the question.' " 

We can not follow the veteran statesman minutely through his 
congressional career. Space will not permit us to dwell upon 
each and all the events of this period, that form his fadeless coro- 
net. In every instance he advocated the right of petition with 
energetic boldness. His acts in this, should not be miscon- 
strued, — by posterity they will not be. The right to petition, he 
considered sacred and inherent, and he always presented petitions, 
whether favoring the sentiments of the petitioners or not. No man 
was more firmly opposed to a dissolution of the Union, than he ; 
yet when a petition from Haverhill, Massachusetts, reached the 
House, praying such an event, it found in him a ready medium 
of presentation, and a stern advocate of the principle involved. 
Ui^on this, resolutions of censure were drawn up, and advocated 
with marked ability. In January, 1842, Thomas F. Marshall, 
then a member of Congress from Kentucky, presented his famous 
resolutions of censure, tlie last of which read as follows : 

'•'- Resolved^ further. That the aforesaid John Quincy Adams, 
for this insult, the first of the kind ever offered to the government, 
and for the wound which he has permitted to be aimed, through 
his instrumentality, at the Constitution and existence of his 
country, the peace, the security and liberty of the people of these 
States, might well be held to merit expulsion from the national 
councils; and the House deem it an act of grace and mercy wdien 
they only inflict upon him their severest censure, for conduct 
so utterly unworthy of his past relations to the State, and his 
present position. This they hereby do for the maintenance of 
their own purity and dignity ; for the rest, they turn him over to 
his own conscience and the indignation of the American people.''^ 
These resolutions were urged upon the House with all the force and 
eloquence for which their author was so justly distinguished. Yet 



JOHN QUIXCY ADAMS. (321 

to his honor, be it said, there was nothing abusive or malicious in 
his language, closing with the remark : " I am the last man on this 
earth who would strike wantonly at that venerable head, around 
wdiich there rally so many associations to intercept, even a merited 
blow." The resolutions did not pass, though they created intense 
excitement in the House. 

By many, Adams, in the fearless discharge of duty, was 
threatened with violence. Grand-juries, penitentiaries and mobs, 
were pictured before him. Still unmoved by the tempest, he 
exclaimed : 

"Do tlie gentlemen from the South think they can frighten me 
by their threats ? If that be their object, let me tell them, sir, 
tliey have mistaken their man. I am not to be frightened from 
the discharge of a sacred duty by their violence ; nor, sir, by all 
the grand juries in the universe. I have only done mj'duty; 
and I shall do it again under the same circumstances, even though 
they recur to-morrow." In this bold stand, he was encouraged by 
his faithful constituents, and others of the New England States. 

Adams' connection with the Amisted slave case must not be pas- 
sed by. This case drew the consideration of men from all parts of 
the Union. A slaver had succeeded in stealing a cargo of slaves 
from Africa and smuggling them into Cuba. Two Spaniards, 
Don Jose Ruiz and Don Pedro Montes, purchased a number of 
the negroes from their piratical captor, and shipped them on board 
the Amisted for Guanaja. On the voyage the negroes rebelled, 
and killing the captain and crew, commanded their purchasers to 
steer direct for Africa, which they agreed to do. Deceiving them, 
however, they made for the United States, and landed in Connecti- 
cut. The Spaniards claimed the negroes, and accused them of 
piracy and murder, and asked President Van Buren to have 
them conveyed back to Havana for trial. The negroes' version 
of the affair won considerable credence, and the matter was taken 
to the District Court. The verdict of the court was against the 
Spaniards, and affirmed that the negroes should be taken back to 
Africa. 

Not satisfied with the proceedings, the affair was carried to the 
Supreme Court. John Quincy Adams, then in his seventy-fifth 
year, undertook the defense of the negroes. It was the first time 
his voice had been heard there for over a quarter of a century. 
He entered into the cause with all the energy and power of his 



622 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 

younger years, and showed that his mind was unimpaired, and 
still well stored with legal knowledge. He succeeded in the case, 
and the liberation of the negroes. 

In 1843, Adams made a brief tour through western New York 
and Canada. All along the route people flocked to see and catch 
a word from the lips of the " Old Man Eloquent." Public 
ovations were extended, and every conceivable demonstration of 
respect. At Pittsfield he was received with the same imposing 
manifestations that had attended him elsewhere. Replying to the 
address delivered on the occasion, by lion. George N. Briggs, and 
adverting to the stirring times of the Revolution, he said : 

"In 1775, the minute men from a hundred towns in the pro- 
vince, were marching at a moment's warning to the scene of 
opening war. Many of them called at my father's house at Quincy, 
and received the hospitality of John Adams. All were lodged in 
the house which the house could contain ; others in the barns, and 
wherever they could find a place. There were then in my father's 
house some dozen or two of peiDter spoons ; and I well recollect 
going into the kitchen and seeing some of the men engaged in 

EUNNING THOSE SPOONS INTO BULLETS FOR THE USE OF THE TROOPS ! 

"Do you wonder," he added, "that a boy of seven years of age 
who witnessed this scene should be a patriot?" How his a^ed 
heart, tender to every noble emotion, must have swelled as he 
recurred tc 'l\z mighty events of liia early life. 

About this time, also, he was invited to the city of Cincinnati, 
then assuming her proud position as Queen of the AYest, to deliver 
the address at the laying of the corner stone of an astronomical 
observatory upon Mt. Ida, — or Mt. Adams, as it is now more 
appropriately called. He accepted, and on his route to that city 
met the same cordial greetings always extended to him. On his 
arrival, he was received with the honor and hospitality for which 
her people are proverbial. On the 9th of November, 1843, he 
delivered the address, which glowed with the author's character- 
istic beauties and research. 

"We now approach the close of this great man's career. For 
one of his age, his health continued remarkably good. His long 
life and vigorous health was owing, greatly, to his unexception- 
able habits. He had always been strictly temperate, — never 
indulging in any of the vices of youth. "He took pleasure in 
athletic amusements, and was exceedingly fond of walking. 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. (523 

During his summer residence in Quincy, he has been known to 
walk to his son's residence in Boston (seven miles,) before break- 
fast. While President of the United States, he was, probably, 
the first man up in Washington, lighted his own fire, and was 
hard at work in his library, while sleep yet held in its oblivious- 
ness the great mass of his fellow-citizens. He was an expert 
swimmer, and w^as in the constant habit of bathing, whenever 
circumstances would permit. Not unfrequently the first beams 
of the morning sun, as they fell on the beautiful Potomac, would 
find Mr. Adams buffeting its waves with all the sportiveness and 
dexterity of boyhood, while a single attendant watched upon the 
shore. When in the Presidency, he sometimes made a journey 
from Washington to Quincy on horseback, as a simple citizen, 
accompanied only by a servant." 

He still continued his public duties, never once thinking of 
quitting his post. Though over eighty years of age, he continued 
to represent his constituents in the national Congress. He had, 
in the summer of 1840, fallen in the House of Representatives, 
to which the origin of his final disease was ascribed. From this 
accident, he continued to suffer more or less until November, 1846, 
when, walking out with a friend in Boston, he was struck with par- 
alysis. He felt its ultimate results, and having kept a diary many 
years, each entry subsequent to this attack, was made under the 
head of " Posthumous Memoirs." 

Soon as his health would permit he returned to Washington, to 
enter again upon his duties. Though he continued in Congress, 
he did not participate in the proceedings of the House to the same 
extent as formerly. Passing another season at Quincy, in No- 
vember, 1847, he started, for the last time, to Washington, and 
again reached his post, at which he was destined to fall. 

Sunday evening, February 20th, 1848, was spent in the library 
with his devoted wife, who read to him Wilberforce's sermon on 
Time. The next morning he arose early, as usual, wrote his 
letters, and proceeded to his seat in the House of Representatives. 
His step seemed rapid and unsteady, while considerable trepi- 
dation was evinced in his movements. Motion had been made, 
giving thanks, and awarding medals to several gallant officers of 
the Mexican war, for which Adams voted in a very emphatic 
manner. That was his last vote. No more would his voice be 
heard in the capitol. Soon after, the speaker was putting another 
42 



624 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 

question, when Bucklenly ''Stop! stop! Mr. Adams!" was 

uttered in terror-stricken tones. The fallen statesman was soon 
surrounded by numerous friends, pale, and trembling with anxiety. 
"What's the matter ?" " Has he fainted ?" " Is he dead ?" were the 
simnltaneous and anxious inquiries. He had, again, been struck 
with paralysis. The sudden appearance of the plague would have 
created no greater confusion than prevailed in the House. His 
wife, being apprized of his condition, was soon by his side. He 
continued in a state of comparative unconsciousness through the 

day. At three o'clock, he exclaimed : " I thank the officers " 

Here the sentence ended. Immediately after, he said faintly: 

" Tins IS THE LAST OF EARTH ; 1 AM CONTENT," which last WOrds 

of the dying patriarch, fully vindicated his past name, — the "Old 
Man Eloquent." The two succeeding days he lay in the speaker's 
room, unconscious of friends, who anxiously came to whisper, 
"how is he." At seven o'clock on the evening of the 23d of 
February, 1848, he breathed his last, and a frail tenement, serene 
in death, was all that remained on earth of John Quincy Adams. 
On the 26th of February his funeral took place in the city of 
Washington, when his remains were taken to the Congressional 
burying ground, whence they were, soon after, conveyed to Quincy, 
and buried with every attestation of grief, and public honor. 
Among the graves of his fathers, he needs no sculptured inscrip- 
tions to perpetuate his name. The legacy of his country, his deeds 
are history, and will be pondered through distant generations. 




JOHN C. CALHOUN. 



JOHN C. CALHOUN. 



Oliver Cromwell had a mole od his face, that gave to his 
marked couutenauce additional sternness of expression. When 
he sat for his portrait, the artist questioned him as to the mole 
being omitted on the canvas: "Paint me as I am," exclaimed 
the statesman, with a vehemence that permitted no further remark. 
In grand individuality, the subject of the present pages has left 
the impress of his character on the history of his country, just as 
he "\:3. Carclc:" cf hir.isclf he r2r'.c'''"cd c^*T.tod Gt"t^"c'"^ ".v'thou'" 
pandering to popular prejudices, and sacrificed place in preference 
to principle. Ambitious to rank among the first statesmen of his 
day, he did so without the aid of purchased favor, and threw aside 
all vestments nature did not intend him to wear. Among all his 
eminent cotemporaries, no one was more honest in his opinions, 
nor consistently determined in their maintenance, than John C. 
Calhoun. 

He was the son of Patrick Calhoun, and was born on the 18th 
day of March, 1782, in the Abbeville District, South Carolina. 
His lather was of Irish descent, his grandfather having come 
from Ireland to this country in the year 1733. His mother was a 
native of Virginia, and according to genealogy, the daughter of 
" a Scotch-Irish Presbyterian." Patrick Calhoun was married in 
Charlotte County, Virginia, in 1770, to Martha Caldwell, but about 
the time of Braddock's defeat removed to South Carolina, and 
founded the " Calhoun's settlements." The Indians were then 
very troublesome, and the "settlements" were, for a time, 
abandoned. He was chosen leader of a band of rangers, and 

( 625 ) 



62G JOHN C. CALHOUN. 

fought bravely against the Indians, until their defeat enabled him 
to return to the "settlements." Patrick Calhoun was dis- 
tinguished from most of the pioneers by a love for intelligence, 
and by a self-acquired education. He had studied the English 
branches, read a great deal of history, and made himself an 
excellent surveyor, and man of business generally. He was 
elected to the provincial Legislature of South Carolina, of which 
he was a member for thirty years, was a stanch Whig in politics, 
and opposed to the adoption of the Federal Constitution. His 
objection was, "that it gave rights to Congress which conflicted 
with those of the States." Thus, it is seen, that one of the great 
political principles of his son was, in part, hereditary. He had a 
proper appreciation of educational advantages, and determined, 
as far as possible, to confer them upon his children. 

Firmness of purpose, and energy of character, were promi- 
nent traits of his ancestry, and young Calhoun very early gave 
evidences of possessing them to a remarkable degree. In child- 
hood, he was of a quiet, meditative turn of mind, yet possessed 
of ready perception, and a remarkable faculty of investigating 
thoroughly whatever subject was presented to him. The struggles 
and hardships endured by the pioneers of his native State, left a 
lasting impression on his youthful mind, and doubtless had their 
influence in the formation of its bold, dauntless character. After 
receiving instructions from his father and mother in the primary 
branches, which proved of solid service, he was, in his thirteenth 
year, placed at the high school of a Mr. Waddell. The death of 
his father, and discontinuance of the academy, made it necessary 
that he should reside, for a time, with a brother-in-law. During 
this brief residence, however, he was not idle. His kinsman had 
collected a small, but choice library, that afibrded him fine oppor- 
tunities for reading. He seized upon Rollin, the Life of Charles 
XII of Sweden, and Voltaire, and devoured their contents with 
eager avidity. His desire for knowledge, whetted rather than 
diminished by the perusal of these works, he turned to Cook's 
Voyages, and Locke's Essay on the Understanding. This was the 
exercise of but little over a year, and though he read rapidly, 
nothing was passed by without being thoroughly understood. 
During this time, his application was so intense, "that his eyes 
became rod and swollen, his countenance pallid, and his frame 
emaciated," so much so, that his mother sent for him to return 



JOHN C. CALHOUN. (527 

home. For the succeeding fonr years he gave himself to amuse- 
meuts and farm exercises. With his gun or fishing tackle, he 
would spend days on the stream or in the forest, both of which 
sports he enjoyed with high relish. These exercises, varied with 
'igricultural duties, developed a fine, athletic frame, and added 
[fresh strength to his mental powers. But these employments 
were destined to cease. In the summer of 1800, obeying the 
wishes of his brother James, he returned to the school of Mr. 
Waddell, and resumed his studies, with a view of preparing himself 
for the law. Notwithstanding his education had been limited to 
reading, writing, and arithmetic, in two years he was enabled to 
enter Yale College, where he graduated with credit, in 1804. 
His conduct, application, and indications of talent, won the esteem 
of President Dwight, who bestowed upon him high encomiums. 
Though the President and most of his associates were Federalists, 
he adhered with unwavering tenacity to his early avowed Repub- 
lican principles, and had frequent and animated discussions upon 
political issues. As ominous of his future career, it may be 
remarked that, for the theme of his oration when he graduated, 
he selected " the qualifications necessary to constitute a statesman." 
The very embodiment of his theme, he was destined to exemplify 
in forum and Senate, the "necessary qualifications." After 
graduating, three years were devoted to the study of law and. 
miscellaneous reading, being the greater part of the time under 
the tuition of Judge Reeve and Mr. Gould, of Litchfield, Con- 
necticut. Returning to South Carolina, he carefully studied the 
State laws, and obtained license to practice in the courts, in 1807. 

About this time, the attack upon the Chesapeake, by the British 
vessel Leopard, excited the country from one end to the other. 
The occurrence produced a deep impression on the mind of 
Calhoun. The citizens held a meeting in his district, at which, 
according to appointment, he presented a report, of such marked, 
ability, that he was invited to address the next meeting. His 
speech was considered better than the report, and exhibited so 
much force, eloquence, and research, that he at once drew upon 
himself the attention of the people. Soon after, he became a 
candidate for the State Legislature, and was elected with ease, 
from a district that had uniformly refused to vote for lawyers for 
a number of years. 

Here begins his long and illustrious political life. The road to 



628 JOHN C. CALHOUN. 

fame was broad before, and though competitors were on the list, 
he entered it with a purpose and ability that showed he would 
not 

" Pause till the hight was won." 

He took his seat iu the Legislature, and was not long in dis- 
tinguishing himself from his associates. It was about the time 
Madison received the nomination for the presidency. Fully 
identified with the Republican party, after Madison had received 
the nomination, and the candidates for Vice-President were being 
talked of, he advocated the claims of John Laugdon, of New 
Hampshire, over those of George Clinton, and gave his views of 
national politics, and the course essential for his party to pursue, 
in a manner so clear and masterly, that he was considered as 
among the leaders. Henceforth, legal pursuits were to receive 
little attention. At the bar, fron.i the reputation he had acquired, 
there was no room to doubt but he could have attained high 
distinction ; but he had turned his thoughts to politics, to which 
his life and talents were mainly given. He had great command 
of language, a sagacity almost intuitive, profound research, unsur- 
passed presence of mind, energy indomitable, high ambition, and 
an unflinching nerve. With these requisites he could not fail. 
So much credit had he gained in the Leirislature bv his burning 
words and correct reasoning, that he was looked upon, for higher 
statioiiS, 111 1810, as an avowed advocate of the war of 1812, the 
expediency of which was then agitating the public mind, he was 
presented as a candidate for Congress, and elected by an over- 
whelming majority. He took his seat in that body, November 
4th, 1811, at a time when difficulties, incident to the Jay treaty, 
were rendering administrative duties perplexing in the extreme. 
Henry Clay was speaker of the House, and being the advocate 
of hostilities with Great Britain, vindicated his reputation for 
sagacity and judgment, by placing Calhoun on the Committee 
of Foreign Affairs. He engaged with enthusiasm and ardor, in 
discussing the various political questions of the day, and particu- 
larly our affairs with Great Britain. 

The committee, of which he was a member, soon after the 
session commenced, presented resolutions urging immediate 
prei)arations for war. His first speech in Congress was made iu 
favor of these resolutions. It was a withering rebuke against the 
ambitious, grasping policy of Great Britain, an able review of 



JOHN C. CALHOUN. (J29 

international relationship, and a triumphant vindication of the 
course urged by the party favoring a resort to arms. Though his 
name as a legislator had reached the capitol from his native State, 
this speech, for its depth, logic, research and eloquence, took the 
members by surprise. His stand was now taken, and he rose 
immediately to a position of prominence and influence. 

Among such men as Henry Clay and John Randolph, Felix 
Grundy, William Lowndes, and Josiah Quincy, experienced in 
legislation, and fine parliamentarians, he at once won respect and 
consideration. " We hail this young Carolinian," said the leading 
journalists, who were acquainted with his maiden effort, "as one 
of the master spirits, who stamp their names upon the age in 
which they live," 

The tone of the war party now became more bold and defiant, 
and preparations were immediately entered into. Army enlist- 
ments and naval equipments were speedily resolved on, and none 
were more bold or determined in advocating every measure 
deemed essential to the prosecution of hostilities, than Calhoun, 
The restrictive system, — the Embargo, he opposed, upon principles 
he thought correct and politic. In this he showed that, though 
generally a friend of the administrative party, he knew no party 
Bhaokles. when conflicting with his own convictions of right. 

In the summer of 1812, with warmth and effect, he supported 
tile ueciaradou of war, and coutinued a firm advocate to its suc- 
cessful prosecution. Many difliculties grew out of the Embargo, 
of a serious nature to those exporting commodities abroad, the 
proceeds accruing therefrom, being interdicted by the non-impor- 
tation system. Those who had exported, being thus cut off from 
their proceeds, ordered the foreign consignees to return their com- 
modities. The returns consisted principally in goods, which, 
under the non-importation act, were subject to forfeiture. The 
owners petitioned, praying remission of forfeiture. Contrary to- 
the views of many, Calhoun took sides with the petitioners, and 
with characteristic independence and zeal, urged the remission,; 
which M-as finally acquiesced in, the owners consenting to the pay- 
ment of regular duties. Opposition to the Embargo was becom- 
ing strong, and efforts were made to effect its repeal. Calhoun,. 
though opposed to the whole restrictive system, when the ques- 
tion came finally up, cast his vote for its continuance, believing, that 



630 JOHN C. CALHOUN. 

of two evils, — Embargo, or internal divisions, — the first would be 
the lesser. 

The disasters of Napoleon in the snow-wilds of Russia, changed 
the face of things materially. Iler enemy of giant might subdued 
on the continent, England could turn her warrior legions, with 
every resource, against this country. Those opposed to the war, 
painted, in dark colors, the train of evils incident to its prose- 
cution. When the bill, requiring a loan for the prosecution of the 
war came up, the peace party arrayed themselves against it with 
bitter asperity. Speeches were made, able, eloquent, and well 
digested, against the war, and every movement suggested for its 
continuance. These events were favorable to Calhoun. He 
replied to these arguments in a most clear, lucid, and statesman- 
like manner. No speech during the session, of these discussions, 
evinced greater strength, vigor, or force of argument. Commen- 
cing back to the fruitful source of so many evils, the " Orders in 
Council," adopted and enforced by Great Britain, in 1796, he 
dwelt with matchless power and cogent reasoning, upon the 
long train of subsequent evils and acts of oppression inflicted 
upon this county by the aggressive policy of England, in her asser- 
tions of the right to impress our seamen and search our vessels, 
and showed, unquestionably, that her primary design was to main- 
tain undisputed supremacy of the seas, and dictate commercial 
regulations to the world. 

The attack upon the Chesapeake, and other vessels engaged in 
the commerce of the United States, was adverted to in strong and 
denunciatory language. The whole speech was, in fact, one of 
the most masterly and able made on the floor of the House during 
all the discussions that took place. It closed as follows : — 

"This country is left alone to support the rights of neutrals. 
Perilous is the condition, and arduous the task. We are not 
intimidated. We stand opposed to British usurpation, and by our 
spirit and eflTorts have done all in our power to save the last ves- 
tige of neutral rights ; yes, our embargoes, non-intercourse, non- 
importation, and finally war, are all mainly exertions to preserve 
the rights of this and other nations from the deadly grasp of 
British maritime policy. But, (say our opponents,) these efibrts 
are lost, and our condition hopeless. If so, it only remains for us 
to assume the garb of our condition. We must submit, — humbly 
submit, — crave pardon, and hug our chains. It is not wise to 



JOHN C. CALHOUN. g3X 

provoke where we can not r^ist. But first, let us be well assured 
of the hopelessness of our state, before we sink into submission. 
On what do our opponents rest their despondent and slavish 
belief? On the recent events in Europe? I admit they are great, 
and well calculated to impose on the imagination. Our enemy 
never presented a more imposing exterior. But I am admonished 
by universal experience, that such prosperity is the most preca- 
rious of human conditions. From the flood the tide takes its ebb. 
From the meridian the sun commences its decline. Depend upon 
it, there is more of sound philosophy than of fiction in the fickle- 
ness which poets attribute to fortune. Prosperity has its weakness, 
adversity its strength. In many respects, our enemy has lost by 
those very changes which seem so very much in his favor. He 
can no more claim to be struggling for existence ; no more to be 
fighting the battles of the world in defense of the liberties of man- 
kind. The magic cry of French influence is lost. In this very 
hall we are not strangers to that sound. Here, even here, the cry 
of ' French influence,' that baseless fiction, that phantom of faction, 
now banished, often resounded. I rejoice that the spell is broken 
by which it was attempted to bind the spirit of this youthful nation. 
The minority can no longer act under cover, but must come out 
and defend their opposition on its own intrinsic merit. Our 
example can scarcely fail to produce its effects on other nations 
interested in the maintenance of maritime rights. But if, un- 
fortunately, we should be left alone to maintain the contest, and 
if, which may God forbid, necessity should compel us to yield for 
the present, yet our generous efforts will not have been lost. A 
mode of thinking and si tone of sentiment have gone abroad, 
which must stimulate to future and more successful strusrsrles 

DO 

What could not be effected with eight millions of people, will be 
done with twenty. The great cause will never be yielded, — no 
never, never! Sir, I hear the future audibly announced in the 
past, — in the splendid victories over the Guerriere, Java, and 
Macedonian. We, and all nations, are taught a lesson by these 
victories never to be forgotten. Opinion is power. The charm 
of British naval invincibility is gone." 

Such were the style and character of Calhoun's extraordinary 
appeals to the national Congress in favor of carrying on the war 
with all possible energy and efficiency. Having labored faithfully 
in representing his district, and done all in his power to elevate 



(532 JOHN C. CALHOUN. 

the national dignity, he retired from the halls of Congress, wear- 
inof o-oldeu honors. He returned to his native State, but was not 
permitted to stand aloof from political matters. Too well had he 
convinced his constituents of his capacity to serve them with zeal 
and efficiency. In 1812, he was re-elected to Congress, and in 
1814, also. During these sessions he was a stanch friend of all 
measures adapted to a speedy and successful termination of the 
war. When the treaty of peace came to be ratified and pro- 
mulged, he was equally warm in its favor. It was during the 
discussions growing out of this measure, that he took occasion to 
give his views upon existent laws in regard to duties and col- 
lections. The speech was drawn out by the bill of Forsythe, of 
Georgia, urging the abrogation of these regulations, and one of 
the ablest of the session. Calhoun affirmed that no provision 
was required with reference to tunnage and duty equalization, 
inasmuch as the equal rights of citizens was more the matter of dis- 
pute than levies and imposts. Forsythe's bill passed, however, 
and was the subject of considerable legislation in both Houses. 
It was finally arranged by the passage of an act, providing "a 
higher duty of tunnage or of imposts, on vessels, and articles im- 
ported in vessels of Great Britain, than on vessels, and articles 
imported in vessels of the United States." 

We have, already, had something to say of the depressed state 
of fiiiwiiCCo duuiig the war Oi 1812. Tao prostraiion ux iiuaiico 
and public credit, created a desire, on the part of many, to renew 
the old bank charter of 1791 ; but the well-known hostility of 
Jefierson and Madison to any such institution, had tended to deter 
definite action on the subject. During the session of 1813-14, the 
subject of finance was a leading one in the House. Petitions came 
in, praying the establishment of a national bank at New York ; 
these were not iavorably received by the Committee of Ways 
and Means, to which they were referred, upon the ground that the 
creation of such an institution within the area of any of the States 
was unconstitutional. Though to Calhoun the subject was new, 
he turned his attention to it with all the force of his grasping 
mind. The majority of his party were hostile to the measure, yet 
he had precedent legislation for his course, and thought the measure 
demanded by the extraordinary exigencies of the times. To obvi- 
ate the objections of the Committee of Ways and Means, that the 
bank could not be constitutionally located within the limits of 



JOHN C. CALHOUN. 633 

the States, he brought in tesolutions, on the 4:th of February, 

1814, uririno: the establishment of one in the District of Cokimbia. 
These were adopted, but in consequence of the refusal of the two 
Houses to so modify them as to create various branches, no further 
action was had. Treasury issues were seventeen per cent., and 
government stock near twice that amount below par. General 
depression prevailed everywhere. Again, the thoughts of states- 
men were turned to a national bank ; for the purpose of consider- 
ing which, efibrts were made to appoint a committee : these eflbrts 
did not succeed, though Calhoun voted in favor of such action. 

On the re-assembling of Congress, in 1814, the bank, again, 
became a question of leading interest, and a general plan for its 
creation at Philadelphia, was proposed by Dallas. Notwithstand- 
ing Calhoun's views were favorable to such an institution, this 
plan, he regarded as odious in the extreme, and after full investi- 
gation, resolved to identify himself with the opposition, and voted 
accordingly. In November, the general discussion of the subject 
came up in the House, in a debate upon the bill, authorizing sub- 
scriptions to the United States Bank. Calhoun made a speech 
of great ability in opposition. His views, as expressed at the 
time, and which may be found on page 495 of the History of the 
Bank of the United States, were as follows : 

"The capital of the Bank remaining unchanged, at fifty 
millions, the payment of subscriptions to this capital stock to be 
made in the proportion of one-tenth in specie (which he afterward 
varied to six-fifteenths), and the remainder in specie or in treasury 
notes, to be hereafter issued ; subscriptions to be opened monthly 
in the three last days of each moutli, beginning with January, 

1815, for certain proportions of the stock, until the whole is sub- 
scribed ; pa3'ment to be nuide at the time of subscribing; the 
shares to consist of one hundred, instead of five hundred dollars, 
each ; the United States to hold no stock in the Bank, have no 
agency in its disposal, nor control over its operations, nor right 
to suspend specie payments. The amount of treasury notes to be 
subscribed, viz: forty-five millions to be provided for by future 
acts of Congress, and to be disposed of, in something like the 
following way, viz: Fifteen millions of the amount to be placed 
in the hands of agents appointed for the purpose, or in the hands 
of the present commissioners of the sinking fund, to go into the 
etock market to convert the treasury notes stock ; another sum, 



634 JOHN C. CALHOUN. 

8ay five millions, to be applied to tke redemption of the treasury 
notes becoming due at the commencement of the ensuing year ; 
the remaining twenty millions, he proposed to throw into circu- 
lation as widely as possible. They might be issued in such pro- 
portions monthly, as to be absorbed in the subscriptions to the 
Bank at the end of each month, etc. This operation, he presumed, 
would raise the value of treasury notes, perhaps, twenty or thirty 
per cent, above par, being the value of the privilege of taking the 
Bank stock, and thus aiford, at the same time, a bonus and an 
indirect loan to the government ; making unnecessary, any loan 
by the Bank, until its extended circulation of paper shall enable 
it to make a loan which shall be advantageous to the United States. 
The treasury notes so to be issued, to be redeemable, in stock, at 
six per cent., disposable by the Bank at its pleasure, and without 
the sanction of government ; to whom, neither is the Bank to be 
compelled to loan any money." This is, in a few words, a fair 
statement of the project of Mr. Calhoun, which he supported by 
a variety of explanations of its operations, etc.; "the notes of the 
Bank, when in operation, to be received, exclusively, in the pay- 
ment of all taxes, duties, and debts, to the United States." The 
operation of this combined, Mr. Calhoun conceived, would be to 
aflbrd ; "1st, Relief from the immediate pressure on the treasury ; 
2d, A permanent elevation of public credit; and, 3d, A perma- 
nent and safe circulating medium of general credit." The Bank 
should go into operation, he proposed, in April, 1815. 

This plan met with decided hostility, particularly from Forsythe, 
and the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Dallas. After being modi- 
fied, the Bank bill was again submitted, and received a tie vote, — 
Calhoun voting afiirmatively. It devolved on the speaker now to 
give the casting vote, which being in the negative, it was lost. 
This continued to be the question of leading interest till the close 
of the session, which took place without definite action on the 
bill. On the assembling of Congress, December, 1815, the sub- 
ject was again taken up, with strong indications that conflicting 
opinions would harmonize upon some plan of establishing the 
institution. 

Early in January, 1816, Calhoun made a report of rare 
ability, introducing, at the same time, a bill favorable to a 
national bank, " as the most certain means of restoring to the 
nation a specie currency." This bill was the subject of continued 



JOHN C. CALHOUN. 635 

discussion, till the 14th of March, when it passed by a vote of 
eighty ayes to seventy-one nays, — Calhoun voting in its favor. 
During all the debates had upon the measure, Calhoun was one 
of the most active participants, and made some of the ablest 
efibrts of his life. The bill, having passed and received the 
sanction of the President, established the Bank charter of 1816, 
and became the law of the land. 

Another question came up, during the session, of considerable 
national importance. During the war of 1812, a direct tax had 
been levied to meet the necessities of the times. After peace had 
been declared, Mr. Lowndes, chairman of the Committee of Ways 
and Means, brought in some resolutions, urging a continuance of 
the direct tax. Feeling that the necessities resulting in its cre- 
ation, were still, to some extent, existing, Calhoun supported the 
resolutions, which finally passed by a fair majority. Next, and 
intimately connected with the above, came the tariff of 1816, 
which also received his support and advocacy. Calhoun's 
favuriug the tariff of 1816, afterward subjected him to censure, 
and the charge of inconsistency. The duties upon most articles 
subject to protection, were fixed at twenty per cent. But the 
imposition of seventy-five per cent., upon iron, and the minimum 
specified upon goods manufactured of cotton, he admitted, were 
wrong. Calhoun contended, in 1816, that Congress had power 
to impose duties for revenue, and that the commercial prosperity 
of the country demanded such a course, — so he contended, in 1832. 
Thus, in the principle of imposing duties, his views remained the 
same. His interest in the tariff question can not excite peculiar 
surprise. He lived in a State that was essentially productive of 
the very articles for which she had no home consumption ; these 
articles necessarily sought markets elsewhere. To guard against 
manufacturing monopoly, and to protect the producer as well as 
the consumer, was an object of just solicitude. 

During this session, Calhoun, upon one measure, rendered 
himself unpopular with his constituents. A bill was brought in, 
doing away with the old system of paying the members of Con- 
gress so much per day, and fixing their annual salary at fifteen 
hundred dollars a year. Calhoun supported and voted for it. 
The measure proved unpopular, particularly so in the Abbeville 
district of South Carolina. On his return, his friends denounced, 
in strong terms, his course: some, who still stood by him, urged 



636 JOHN C. CALHOUN. 

him not to run again for Congress, while others insisted that he 
should " apologize for his course." William Butler, availing him- 
self of the current of disfavor, presented himself as a candidate 
in opposition. Calhoun called on his old friends to give him, at 
least, a hearing, and chance to vindicate his course, and appointed 
days when he would meet and make them speeches. Large 
crowds convened, and he appeared before them as on former 
occasions, but not to apologize: He boldly defended his vote, and 
showed so clearly the merits of the Compensation Bill, as it was 
styled, that, instead of sinking, he rose higher than ever in popular 
favor. At the election he was returned by a triumphant vote. 

As proof of his independence, soon as Congress met, in 1816, 
a bill was reported repealing the compensation act of the previous 
session. Calhoun stood firmly by his previous course, and voted 
as he had done before. So anxious, however, were the majority 
to appease the indignation of their constituents, that it was passed, 
and the compensation act was repealed. 

Another source of accusations of inconsistency against Calhoun, 
was his course upon the subject of internal improvement ; and, 
indeed, under this head, with more reason than upon the tariff 
question. Calhoun, at this time, did believe that the power to 
"levy and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the 
debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare," 
embraced the construction of internal improvements. He, after- 
ward, changed his mind upon the subject. In regard to this, 
however, it may be said, that he was a comparatively young man, 
and not fully matured in his views upon all matters of legislation, 
— also, that there were then, in his judgment, more necessities 
for such appropriations than subsequently existed. Madison, too, 
in his message to Congress, after the close of the war, urged the 
exercise of "'all constitutional powers" in the construction of 
internal improvements : what those constitutional powers were, 
therefore, became a matter of serious inquiry among our states- 
men. The resolution introduced into Congress, recommending 
the application of the government money, and profits of the 
national bank, to internal improvement purposes, originated with 
Calhoun, and in December, 1816. The resolution passed, and a 
committee, of which its author was chairman, was appointed to 
inquire into its expediency. They reported a bill favorable to the 
jneasure, which passed the House with little discussion ; but not 



JOHN C. CALHOUN. 637 

meeting the views of the President, it was returned, and the 
appropriations were not made. 

With honor and distinction, Calhoun closed his labors in 
Congress, on the 17th of March, 1817, and was, the ensuing 
December, appointed a member of Monroe's cabinet, and began 
his duties as Secretary of War. His appointment was wholly 
unsolicited, and strongly opposed by his friends, who urged that 
Congress was his proper sphere of action. His talents, — the 
peculiar construction of his deep metaphysical mind, — eminently 
fitted him for the post, and thinking that he knew himself and 
his duties better than his friends, he accepted the appointment. 
Though the labors were new, he went to work with the firmness 
and judgment of a veteran. Thoroughly acquainting himself with 
the varied duties and responsibilities of his position, he determined 
upon remodeling the department. He organized and introduced 
the Bureau system, which, after encountering violent opposition^ 
was adopted, and has continued in operation, with few changes, 
ever since. Competent and efficient men of well-known business 
habits and unblemished characters, were placed at the head of each' 
bureau, with judiciously selected assistants. A wisely-designed 
and efficient code of rules, for the government of the department, 
was pvpnarpd principally by himself, and enforced. He entf^red 
the office when its affairs were in a miserable condition, over "forty 
miilious ui uoliiirs uf uuseLLled accounts, man_y of them of iuug 
standing, running back to the very origin of the government, he re- 
duced to less than three millions, which consisted, for the most part,, 
of losses and accounts that never can be settled. He prevented all 
current accumulation by a prompt and rigid enforcement of accounta- 
bility ; so much so, that he was enabled to report to Congress, in 
1823, that of the entire amount of money drawn from the treasury, 
in 1812, for military service, including pensions, amounting to 
$1,571,961,91, although it passed through the hands of two hundred 
and ninety one disbursing officers, there had not been a single defal- 
cation, nor the loss of a single cent to the government. He found 
the army proper, including the military academy, costing annually,, 
more than four hundred and fifty-one dollars per man, including 
officers, professors, and cadets, and he left the costless than two hun- 
dred and eighty-seven ; or to do more exact justice to his economy,, 
he diminished such parts of the cost per man as were susceptible 
of reduction by an efficient administration, excluding pay and such 
43 



638 JOHN C. CALHOUN. 

parts as were fixed in moneyed compensation by law, from two 
hundred and ninety-nine dollars, to one hundred and fifty. All 
this was efiected by wise reforms and not by parsimony (for he 
was liberal, as many supposed to a fault) in the quality and quantity 
of the supplies, and not by a fall of prices ; for in making the 
calculation, allowance is made for the fall or rise of prices on 
every article of supply. The gross saving of the army was one 
million three hundred thousand dollars annually, in an expenditure 
which reached four millions when he came into the department. 
This does not include the other branches of service, the ordnance, 
the engineer, the Indian bureaus, in all of which, a like rigid 
economy and accountability were introduced, with similar saving 
to the government." 

These were a part of the services rendered by Calhoun, accom- 
plished under untoward circumstances and in the face of active 
opposition. Able reports beside were made from time to time 
on Indian afiairs, and every subject pertaining to his department. 
The military academy he found in a bad condition, which he revived 
and left on a proper basis. The organization of the medical 
department received his solicitude and labors, which have been 
fraught with happiest results to the country. " In every branch 
of his duties as the presiding officer, Calhoun did the State good 
service ; and the influence of his clear mind, his precision, his 
love of order, his punctuality and integrity, were felt by all his 
subordinate officers and agents. The improvements which he 
introduced were not evanescent in their character, nor of tem- 
porary duration ; but they were designed to be permanent ; and 
the sequel proved them such in reality. His purgation of the 
Augsean stable was complete. Unsettled accounts were no longer 
left to accumulate, till the halls echoed and re-echoed with the 
clamors of the public creditor ; the re-organization of the army 
was as admirable in practice as in theory : the system of fortifi- 
cation which he proposed, maritime as well as frontier, afibrded all 
the protection needed or desired ; and the removal of the Indians 
beyond the Mississippi, which he warmly recommended, as ex- 
perience has demonstrated, was a boon and a blessing to the red- 
men of the forest. 

"The system of financial administration which he first established, 
is still in operation, — daily bearing witness to the practical talents 
that first originated it So perfect has it been found, that, not- 



JOHN C. CALHOUN. 639 

withstanding the immense amount of money disbursed by the 
department since he was at its head, exceeding two hundred 
millions of dollars, no losses of any importance have happened." 

During this time, Calhoun had little time to devote to the 
various political questions of the day, yet he was not an inatten- 
tive observer of them. He approved of Monroe's course in regard 
to the Missouri Compromise, but opposed the tariff of 1824, 
establishing regular rates of duty at thirty per cent. He also 
differed with President Monroe upon the internal improvement 
question, — his views having considerably changed on that subject 
since Madison sent his annual message to Congress, recommend- 
ing the exercise of all constitutional powers in the premises. 

With the close of Monroe's administration, Calhoun's labors as 
secretary of war, ceased. In the Presidential canvass of 1824, he 
supported Jackson, though his own name had been mentioned, in 
coimection with the office, in the most honorable terms. The 
result of the campaign was the election of John Quincy Adams 
to the Presidency, and himself to the Yice-Presidency. He 
entered upon the duties of his office as president of the Senate, 
on the 4th of March, 1825. 

He presided over the Senate with dignity and firmness, — was 
always first in his seat, and the last to leave it. Often the delicate 
duty of giving the casting vote devolved upon him, on which 
occasions he was never absent. His firmness in the performance 
of duty, is shown by his conduct in 1828. He was again a can- 
didate for Vice-President with Jackson. The tarifi" bill was 
before the House. His friends alleging, without grounds, that 
Adams' friends would contrive that he should give the casting 
vote upon the measure in the Senate, advised him to absent him- 
self for the time being. They urged him to the step, upon the 
presumption that the casting vote upon a bill of so much impor- 
tance, on which the friends of the two candidates were somewhat 
divided, would weaken the strength of the Republican ticket. 
This, he refused to do, saying he would never fail to perform such 
a duty, and would, if necessary, give the casting vote, defeat the 
bill, and then withdraw his name from the ticket. The bill passed, 
however, without a tie vote, making this duty unnecessary. 

It was in this session of Congress, that he took occasion to 
declare that the "Vice-President had no right to prevent a senator 
from expressing himself as he liked, though disorder grew out of 



640 JOHN C. CALHOUN". 

it ; it was, during the debates on the Panama question, and the 
bitter party feelings incident to the election of Adams, Randolph 
had indulged in one of those famous withering philippics against 
the administration and Henry Clay. The friends of Adams and 
Clay, aflRrmed that Calhoun, as presiding officer, should have 
called him to order. Calhoun took the erroneous position, that 
the Vice-President had no power to call a senator to order. This 
resulted in the passage of the act, elsewhere mentioned, confer- 
ring such directly on the presiding officer. A correspondence, 
through the press, between Adams, over the signature of " Patrick 
Henry," and Calhoun, over the signature of " Onslow," grew out 
of the affair, in which both parties evinced characteristic ability. 
Calhoun was, in the main, opposed to the measures of Adams' 
administration, and it was alleged by his opponents, that he was 
controlled by his prejudices in the discharge of his duties ; this, 
however, seems inconsistent with his bold independent character. 

Calhoun, during his term in the vice-presidential chair, studied 
with intense care, the principles of our government, and modified 
his views considerably. Every principle was thoroughly analyzed, 
and its collateral influences understood. He judged that a re- 
duction of duties to the revenue standard was necessary, and was 
led to consider what remedial asfencies could be resorted to. in the 
event of the opposite course being pursued. To be fully under- 
stood upon tbio and other subjects, ho wrote a long addrcoS to the 
people of his native State, in which his views were set forth 
clearly and distinctly. The reduction of duties, and the rights of 
the people of the several States, were contended for and elaborated 
upon. 

The issue of this document brings us to the most important 
period in the life of the great statesman, when Nullification was 
rife, and the battle between State and federal sovereignty was 
being fought. The tariff of 1828 established high protective 
dutie?!, more favorable to the manufacturing, than the producing 
Stat(s. This aroused the people of the South, and resulted, 
final:;.', in nullification, while Calhoun stood upon the broad 
arena of discussion, the idolized champion of his native State. 
The pession closed. Calhoun returned home; men of distinction 
visited him, making inquiries as to what was to be done. He 
seemed unwilling to hazard the re-election of Jackson by any 
premature movement, but felt that they should await the result. 



JOHN C. CALHOUN. g41 

and if no indications were visible, favorable to a reduction of 
duties, then nullification, was the only alternative. Forbearance 
was deemed the true policy ; though five thousand copies of a pam- 
phlet written by Calhoctn, entitled '' The South Carolina Exposition 
and Protest," on the subject of tariff, was circulated by the legis- 
lature of that State. Jackson entered upon his second ofiicial 
term, with Calhoun for Vice-President, with no sign of a reduc- 
tion of duties. Jackson, feeling that no satisfactory change in the 
tariif could then be effected, recommended the distribution of the 
surplus accruing among the several States, to be applied to inter- 
ned improvements within their respective limits. This, Calhoun 
affirmed, was but a preznium held out to the advocates of high 
duties, and denounced it in unmeasured terms. Calhoun, though 
looked upon by one section of his party as the candidate for the 
succession, would not sacrifice his principles, and, instead of 
endeavoring to avoid the impending rupture between Jackson 
and himself, precipitated it by his denunciation of the obnoxious 
tariff', and the remedy proposed by the President. The course he 
had pursued toward Jackson, during the prosecution of the Semi- 
nole war, was another barrier to amicable feelings between them. 
His casting vote against the nomination of Van Buren, who was 
also looked upon as a candidate for the succession by a portion of 
his party, hightened animosities against him. All harmony was 
now at an end. The Cabinet dissolved in 1831, and Calhoun 
was identified with the opposition. 

Subsequent to this, he wrote a lengthy letter to Governor Hamil- 
tion, dated Fort Hill, August 2Sth, 1832, in which his views are 
ixiven with force and clearness. It maintained "the right of a 
State to defend her reserved powers against the encroachments of 
the general government," with ability and power surpassed in few 
American State papers. Speaking of the subject, he says: 

" The government with, all its departments, is but the agent of 
the States, constituted to execute their joint will, as expressed in 
the Constitution. In using the term agent, I do not intend to 
derogate, in any degree, from its character as a government. It is 
as truly and properly a government, as are the State governments 
themselves. I have applied it, simply because it belongs strictly 
to the relation between the general government and the States, as, 
in fact, it does also to that between a State and its own govern- 
ment. Indeed, according to our theory, governments are, in their 



642 JOHN C. CALHOUN. 

nature, but trusts, and those appointed to administer, trustees or 
agents to execute the trust powers. The sovereignty resides else- 
where, — in the people, — not in the government ; and vt^ith us the 
people^ means the people of the several States^ originally formed 
into thirteen distinct and independent communities, and now into 
twenty-four. Politically speaking, in reference to our own system, 
there are no other people. The general government, as well as 
those of the States, is but the organ of their power ; the latter, 
that of their respective States, through which are exercised, sepa- 
rately, that portion of power not delegated by the Constitution, 
and in the exercise of wdiich, each State has a local and peculiar 
interest ; the former, the joint organ of all the States, confeder- 
ated into one general commvmity, and through which, they jointly 
delegated powers, in which all have a common interest. Thus 
viewed, the Constitution of the United States and concurring with 
the government it created, is truly and strictly the Constitution, — 
the Constitution of each State, as much so as its own particular 
Constitution and government, ratified by the same authority, in the 
same mode, and having, as far as its citizens are concerned, its 
powers and obligations from the same source, differing only in the 
aspect under which I am considering the subject in the plighted 
faith of the State to its co-States, and of which, as far as its citizens 
are considered, the State, in the last resort, is the exclusive judge. 
" Such, then, is the relation between the State and general 
government in whatever light we may consider the Constitution, 
whether as a compact between the States, or of the nature of the 
legislative enactment by the first and concurring authority of the 
States in their high sovereignty. In whatever light it may be 
viewed, I hold it as necessarily resulting, that in the case of a 
power disputed between them, the government as the agent, has 
no right to enforce its construction against the construction of the 
State as one of the sovereign parties to the Constitution, any more 
than the State government would have against the people of the 
State in their sovereign capacity, the relation being the same 
between them. That such would be the case between agent and 
principal in the ordinary transactions of life, no one will doubt, 
nor will it be possible to assign a reason why it is not as appli- 
cable to the case of government as to that of individuals. The 
principle, in fact, springs from the relation itself^ and is appli- 
cable to it in all its forms and characters.''^ 



JOHN C. CALHOUN. 643 

C<)iitinmng his letter at great leogtli, speaking of nullification 
an<l secession he further adds: "There are many who acknowl- 
edge the right of a State to secede, but deny its right to nullify ; 
and yet it seems impossible to admit the one without admitting 
the other. They both presuppose the same structure of the gov- 
ernment, that it is a union of the States as forming political com- 
munities, the same right on the part of the States as members of 
the Union, to determine for their citizens the extent of the powers 
delegated and those reserved, and, of course, to decide whether 
the Constitution has or has not been violated. The simple difier- 
ence then between those who admit secession and deny nullification, 
and those who admit both, is, that one acknowledges that the 
declaration of a State, pronouncing that the Constitution has been 
violated, and is therefore null and void, would be obligatory on her 
citizens, and would arrest all the acts of government within the limits 
of the State, while tliey deny that a similar declaration made by the 
same authority and in the same manner that an act of the govern- 
ment has transcended its powers, and that it is, therefore, null and 
void, would have any obligation, while the other acknowledges 
the obligation in both cases. The one admits that the declaration 
of a State assenting to the Constitution, bound her citizens, and 
tliat her declaration can unbind them ; but denies that a similar 
declaration as to the extent she has, in fact, bound them, has any 
obligatory force on them ; while the other gives equal force to the 
declaration in the several cases. The one denies the obligation, 
where the object is to ^preserve the Union in the only way it can 
he, by confining the government formed to execute the trust powers 
strictly within their limits and to the objects for which they were 
delegated, though they give J\dl force where the object is to 
destroy the Union itself ; while the other, in giving equal rights 
to hoi\\, prefers the one heoause it preserves, and rejects the other 
hecause it destroys j and yet the former is the union and the 
latter the disunion painty ! And all this strange distinction origi- 
nates, as far as I can judge, in attributing to nullification what 
exclusively belongs to secession, — the throwing oflf the authority 
of the Union itself. To nullify the Constitution, if I may be 
pardoned the solecism, would indeed, be tantamount to disunion, 
and as applicable to such an act it would be true that a State 
could not be in and out of the Union at the same time; but the 
act would be secession. But to apply it to nullification properly 



644 JOHN C. CALHOUN. 

UDderstood, the object of which, instead of resisting or diminish- 
ing the powers of the Union to preserve them as they are, neither 
increased nor diminished thereby the Union itself (for the Union 
may be as efiectually destroyed by increasing as by diminishing 
its powers, — by consolidation as by disunion itself), would be, I 
would say, had I not great respect for many who do thus apply it, 
egregious trifling with a very grave subject. 

"• I might here finish the task which your request imposed, hav- 
ing, I trust, demonstrated the power of refutation that a State has 
the right to defend her reserved powers against the encroachments 
of the ' general government,' and I may add, that the right is in 
its nature peaceable, consistent with the federal relations of the 
State, and perfectly efficient whether contested before the courts 
or attempted to be resisted by force." But, he adds : '' There is 
another aspect of the subject yet untouched," and proceeds to 
discuss at length, and with great force, the power which the States, 
as a confederate body, acquired over each other. His remarks 
upon this branch of the subject are very elaborate, evincing the 
skillful economist and the profound statesman. 

The federal Constitution, Calhoun looked upon as a compact 
between the States ; that it gave the general government merely the 
power of agency to execute trusts, the powers of which, the States 
themselves were to be the judges; that the relation of the general, 
to the State government was as that of agent to principal among 
individuals, and that whenever the general government, as agent^ 
transcended the powers conferred by the States as jprincijpal^ the 
States had the right to declare all acts so encroaching upon them 
null and void. Not very dissimilar was his position from that 
involved by the famous Virginia and Kentucky resolutions of 
Jefferson and Madison, called forth by the Alien and Sedition 
acts. The Virginia resolutions, affirmed "the right of the States 
to interpose whenever their reserved powers were infringed upon, 
and to maintain within their respective limits the authorities, 
rights, and liberties appertaining to them." The Kentucky reso- 
lutions, drawn by the same hand that nerved itself to pen the 
Declaration, said, "that in all cases of an abuse of delegated 
powers, the members of the general government being chosen by 
the people, a change by the people would be the constitutional 
remedy ; but where powers are assumed which have not heen dele- 
gated^ a nullijiGation of the act is the rightful remedy that every 



-ju.wS C. CALHOUN. (J45 

State has a natural rii^dit in cases not in the compact {casus non 
foideris)^ to nullity of their own autiiority all asswivptions of 
poioer within their limits." 

iSuch were the grounds occupied by the originators of his party, 
and where Calhoun planted himself, regardless of consequences, 
to watch with a keen eye each encroachment made upon the 
rights of the States on the part of the general government. Cal- 
houn, it must be borne in mind, was, in the opinion of many, on 
the eve of receiving a nation's homage, by elevation to the highest 
office. "When we see him thus dashing such honors far and for- 
ever from him, we can but admire his boldness and devotion to 
his State. He loved his State, and stood armed and equipped, 
with the Constitution for his crescent, upon the watch-towers of 
her reserved rights, ready to beat back the encroaching strides of 
the Federal giant. Of this doctrine of States' rights he was the 
most renowned champion, and stands proudly in history as the 
representative man among those contending for it. 

Upon the subject of excessive duties, of which nullification was 
the legitimate offspring, he averred that they should be appropri- 
ated to the payment of debts and purposes of defense, — that they 
should be for revenue and not protection. To all the sophistries 
preached by politicians, that the constitutional clause of "general 
■welfare" granted the power to levy high protective duties, Cal- 
houn replied that revenue was the sole legitimate object of duties, 
and that an accumulated surplus was argument sufficient in favor 
of reduction. The signs of the times, in fact, began to indicate the 
plausibility of his position. The heavy surplus accumulating in 
the treasury under the operation of the tariff of 1828, convinced 
many of those opposed to him, that a reduction of duties was 
essential to the best interests of the country. 

In his annual message to Congress, in December, 1831, Jackson 
gave notice that the public debt would soon be liquidated, and 
advised a reduction of the tariff. Congress immediately went to 
work and passed the tarifl' of 1832. This measure received the 
sanction and commanding influence of Henry Clay, and was 
deemed a satisfactory settlement. Not so, however. Calhoun 
and his friends insisted that it was no more than a diminution of 
duties upon unprotected, and an increase upon protected articles, 
without present or prospective change favorable to the great 
principle for which they were contending. The cry of resistance 



(546 JOHN C. CALHOUN. 

was raised, — an address was issued to the people of South Caro- 
lina, declaring boldly, that nullification M'as the rightful remedy. 
The people of that State, save a fractional part calling themselves 
Unionists, headed by Manning, Drayton, Poinsett, and others, 
were unanimous in sustaining Calhodn, The struggle then, in 
South Carolina, was between the States' rights men and Unionists, 
— the former being largely in the majority. At the State elec- 
tions, the States' rights party elected a majority to both Houses. 
When the legislature met, in October, 1832, they appointed dele- 
gates to a general State convention, to be held at Columbia, on 
the 19th of the ensuing November. The convention met, and 
passed the ever-memorable Ordinance of Nullification, declaring 
null and void, acts of the Federal Government, passed 1828 and 
1832. This ordinance assumed the high ground, that no appeal 
could be had at the Supreme Court in regard to it ; disputed the 
power of the^government to collect duties within the State ; and 
that any attempt to enforce compliance by the powers of the 
general government, within the acts referred to, would result in 
the declaration of an independent government, on the part of 
South Carolina. Two addresses, in keeping with the spirit of the 
ordinance, were distributed over the State, after which, the Con- 
vention adjourned to meet the ensuing spring. The legislature 
then passed laws to enforce the ordinance, and placed the State 
in military preparation to prevent the threatened collection of 
revenue by force of arms. Thus, matters were verging to a crisis. 
Jackson now thundered forth his proclamation, avowing his de- 
termination to enforce the laws, if it had to be done, at the point 
of the bayonet, and warning the people of the refractory State 
against giving countenance to the ordinance. The excitement 
became intense throughout the Union. Various State legislatures 
appointed committees, whose reports, in the main, were denunci- 
atory of the proceedings of the Columbia convention, and subse- 
quent acts of the South Carolina State Legislature. In the mean- 
time, the election of Robert Y. Hayne, long a senator from South 
Carolina, as governor of that State, created a vacancy in the 
Senate. To fill this, all eyes were turned to Calhoun. In Decem- 
ber, IS 32, he was elected to that position. Apprehensions were 
entertained that he might be arrested when he departed for Wash- 
ington, as high treason had more than once been hissed upon his 
ear. Thinking that he was only doing his duty, — of iron will and 



JOHN C. CALHOUN. 647 

sincere purpose, — the odious words moved him not. He entered 
the Senate, December, 1832, when it was composed of a body of 
men of which any nation might well be proud. Popularity he 
had flung away, and in a proud position of independent isolation, — 
his old friends occupying grounds against him, — threatened with 
arrest from the President, he could but be an object of universal 
interest in that august assemblage. He took the oath of oflSce, 
though some thought he would not, and calmly took his seat. 

Tiie great subject soon came up. Very early in the session, 
Calhoun arose in a dignified manner, and introduced a resolution, 
requiring that the South Carolina ordinance, and all documents 
pertaining thereto, be laid before the House. The President's 
special message upon the subject was first sent in. This breathed, 
in every line, bitter denunciation against South Carolina and her 
entire proceedings, and in the mind of Calhoun, demanded some 
notice in the shape of reply. He accordingly arose, and upon 
the spur of the occasion, delivered one of the most eloquent and 
efiective speeches ever uttered on the floor of the House, in defense 
of South Carolina, from what he conceived the aspersions of the 
President. The President's message was referred to the judiciary 
committee, — Felix Grundy, of Tennessee, chairman. In order to 
enforce the collection of revenue in South Carolina, the "Force 
Bill " was now introduced. It extended the revenue-collectins 
powers of the United States, and gave the President additional 
authority in the premises, Calhoun wished to defer the discus- 
sion of this bill for the purpose of full and proper investigation 
of the great principles for which he was contending, and to efiect 
this, brought in the following resolutions, covering the whole 
ground: 

''''Resolved^ That the people of the several States composing 
these United States, are united as parties to a constitutional com- 
pact, to which the people of each State acceded as a separate 
and sovereign community, each binding itself by its own peculiar 
ratification ; and that the union, of which the said compact is the 
bond, is a union hetween the States ratifying the same. 

" Resolved^ That the people of the several States, thus united 
by a constitutional compact in forming that instrument, in creating 
a general government to carry into efiect the object for which it 
was formed, delegated to that government for that purpose, certain 
definite powers to be exercised jointly, reserving, at the same 



648 JOHN C. CALHOUN. 

time, each State to itself, the residuaiy mass of powers to be 
exercised by its owu separate government ; and that, whenever the 
general government assumes the exercise of powers not delegated 
by the compact, its acts are unauthorized, void, and of no effect; 
and that the said government is not made the final judge of 
the powers delegated to it, since that would make its discretion, 
and not the Constitution, the measure of its powers ; but that, as 
in all cases of compact among sovereign parties without any 
common judge, each has an equal right to judge for itself, as 
well of the infraction, as of the mode and measure of redress. 

''^ Resolved^ That the assertion that the people of these United 
States, taken collectively as individuals, are now or ever have 
been united on the principle of the social compact, and as such, 
are now formed into one nation or people ; or that they have ever 
been so united in any one stage of their political existence ; or that 
the people of the several States comprising the Union have not, 
as members thereof, retained their sovereignty ; or that tlie 
allegiance of their citizens has been transferred to the general 
government; or that they have parted with the right of punishing 
treason through their respective State governments, or that they 
have not the right of judging in the last resort, as to the extent of 
the powers reserved, and of consequence, of those delegated, are 
not only without foundation in truth, but are contrary to the most 
certain and plain historical facts and the clearest deductions of 
reason ; and that all exercises of power, on the part of the general 
government, or any of its departments deriving authority from 
such erroneous assumptions, must, of necessity, be unconsti- 
tutional; must tend directly, and inevitably, to subvert tlie 
sovereignty of the States, to destroy the federal character of the 
Union, and to rear on its ruins a consolidated government with- 
out constitutional check or limitation, and which must necessarily 
terminate in the loss of liberty itself." 

Calhoun was defeated in his intentions. The course of South 
Carolina had exasperated the friends of the tariff and the adminis- 
tration. These resolutions, after considerable discussion, were 
laid upon the table, and the " Force Bill " was urged upon the 
House. Against this bill, Calhoun made one of the most elabor- 
ate S})eeches of his life, or ever delivered in the Senate of the 
United States. Very truly, during the speech, did he remark : 
"As to myself, I clearly foresaw what has since followed. The 



JOHN C. CALHOUN. (549 

road of ambition lay open before me, — I had but to follow the 
corrupt tendency of the times, — but I chose to tread the rugged 
path of duty." Again he said, in reply to some remarks of 
Grundy, — that it (the Force Bill), was a pacific measure. 

"It has been said, by the senator from Tennessee, to be a 
measure of peace ! Yes, such peace as the wolf gives to the himb, 
— the kite to the dove. Such peace as Russia gives to Poland, or 
death to its victim. A peace by extinguishing the political exis- 
tence of the State, by forcing her into an abandonment of the 
exercise of every power which constitutes her a sovereign com- 
muuity. It is to South Carolina a question of self preservation ; 
and I proclaim it, that should this bill pass, and an attempt be 
made to enforce it, it will be resisted at every hazard, — even that 
of death itself. Death is not the greatest calamity; there are 
other still more terrible to the free and brave, — among them may 
be phiced the loss of liberty and honor. There are thousands of 
her brave sons, who, if need be, are prepared cheerfully to lay 
down their lives in defense of the State and the great principle of 
constitutional liberty for which she is contending. God forbid that 
this should become necessary ! It never can be, unless the govern- 
ment is resolved to bring the question to extremity, when her gallant 
sons will stand r)repared to perform the last duty. — to die nobly." 

Such were the burning words he uttered in the ears of a listening 

C • ■' "■ - •'" I ■ ' ' ■" 1 1 1 ."'-■, 't - . '^ - -■ "' fP 1. ''-'-, 

Ov3Uct.l.C, ILL UClCUbU yjL ilLO UtJluVeU. tluU VIIllIUUO lOtdLU. Xttl^.O bllib 

great speech throughout, and in purity of diction, soundness of logic, 
dignity and eloquence, it will favorably compare with Burke's great 
speech on " Conciliation with America." This speech is an honor 
to the archives of America, as is its author to her statesmen. 
Calhoun spoke on the 15th of February, after which the discussion 
became general, — Webster and others actively participating. He 
was followed by Webster, who entered ably into a review of the 
principles embodied in Calhoun's resolutions just quoted. Cal- 
houn replied, on the 26th, in a speech, analytical and argumen- 
tative, still maintaining and defending his original ground, — that 
the Union was a compact, and quoting largely from former 
speeches of Webster in support of it. On this occasion, each 
was worthy of his foenian. Seldom have two such men met in 
debate upon a question so all-important. It is related of the sar- 
castic John Randolph, who witnessed it, that he took a seat near 
Calhoun, when he commenced his reply, where he could both 



650 JOHN C. CALHOUN. 

hear Calhoun and see Webster : there M-as a hat on a desk im- 
mediately between him and the latter senator, — Randolph said to 
some one near : " Take away that hat ; I want to see Webster die 
muscle by muscle." 

The Force Bill passed the 28th of February, 1833. The excite- 
ment in South Carolina had somewhat abated ; the States' rights 
men resolving to await the adjournment of Congress before 
enforcing the ordinance, though it was to have gone into effect the 
first of February. This resolution was opportunely taken by the 
convention of States' rights men, held at Charleston during the 
pendency of the Force Bill, to prevent collisions between the 
Federal and State governments. 

Henry Clay now elaborated the adjustment compromise tariff 
of 1833, establishing the diminishing scale of duties. This oper- 
ated as a salvo. Being generally acquiesced in, by both parties, 
it passed the two Houses, and early in March, received the signa- 
ture of the President, and became tiie law of the land. All parties 
were now satisfied. Congress adjourned, and Calhoun hastened, 
by the most rapid modes of conveyance, to Columbia, which he 
reached in time to meet the convention, whose sitting was soon to 
commence. Some were dissatisfied with the compromise tariff, 
and denounced it as a temporizing mean of restoring quiet only 
for the time. Calhoun, however, insisted that it was the best 
that could be hoped for, favorable to the interests of the people 
generally, and ui-ged its acceptance without further agitation. 
They finally acceded to his counsel, and became reconciled to the 
compromise tariff. Thus ended South Carolina nullification. 

The tariff question and nullification being now settled, poli- 
ticians looked, with interest, upon Calhoun, to see what course he 
would pursue, and w^hether he would identify himself with a 
political party. He was a Republican, but had opposed the 
administration, — would he now identify himself with the adminis- 
tration party, and labor with his former political friends? This 
question was soon answered. The vote on the re-charter of the 
United States Bank, and removal of the deposits by Jackson, 
elicited the resolutions of censure, presented by Clay, in Decem- 
ber, 1833. So far from falling into the support of Jackson, Cal- 
houn, though no friend to the Bank, joined himself with Clay in 
trying to effect the passage of these resolutions. The animosity 
between Jackson and Calhoun was, therefore, no nigher healed, 



JOHN C. CALHOUN. (351 

than during the contests on nullification. They were, perhaps, in 
many respects, too much alike to agree. Calhoun did not look 
upon the removal of the deposits as necessarily involving the 
question of bank or no bank, — he opposed the step as a high- 
handed exercise of executive power, assumed for the purpose of 
controlling the surplus revenue. Having opposed the adminis- 
tration in this, he next arrayed himself against the reception of 
Jackson's protest, — that famous manifesto that caused such excite- 
ment everywhere. 

Calhoun, at this time, disavowed connection with either of the 
political parties, — stating explicitly, that he was a States' rights 
man, — "wanted to be nothing more and would be nothing less." 
He, most generally, however, voted against the measures of the 
administration, unless he conceived his principles demanded an 
opposite course. He now devoted himself to the curtailment of 
executive power and patronage, and moved the appointment of a 
committee to consider its expediency. The committee was ap- 
pointed ; he was chosen its chairman. The President, at this time, 
was recommending the application of the surplus revenue to 
public works and military defenses, which Calhoun earnestly 
opposed. He sustained and voted for the "Deposit Bill," passed 
June, 1836, regulating the deposits and distributing the surplus 
among the several States. 

Calhoun's first senatorial term expired in March, 1835, but he 
was almost unanimously cliosen by his native State for a second 
term. He was strongly opposed to the distribution of the pro- 
ceeds of the public lands among the States, and during the session 
of 1835-36, voted against Clay's measure designed for that pur- 
pose. During all the animosities prevalent in Congress, incident 
to the presentation of abolition petitions, Calhoun was identified 
with the opposition, and voted against their reception on all 
occasions, — he also spoke against it, on the floor, with marked 
ability and force. The Senate concurred in his views and tabled 
the motion to receive. 

Meanwhile, political changes were taking place. Martin Yan 
Bureu came to the presidency by popular election. Calhoun did 
not take part in the campaign. His State voted for neither of the 
candidates. Soon after the accession of the new President, the 
great financial crisis of 1837 began to exhibit its disastrous in- 
fluences in the prostration of credit, and destruction of business. 



652 JOHN C. CALHOUN. 

Congress was convened by proclamation, September 4th. The 
banks having suspended specie payments, Yan Buren recom- 
mended an entire separation from them by the government. 
Calhoun concurred with this measure, and came forward to main- 
tain the President's views. On the 3d of October, he made a 
speech favoring the separation, that evinced a sound judgment, 
great financial accuracy and acquaintance. 

The crisis of 1837 left us in a deplorable condition. All partie3 
began, not without cause, to seek a remedy. Early in September, 
Silas Wright brought in a bill favoring separation of government 
and banks. The bill was proposed to be amended by Calhoun, 
so as to prevent moneys due the government being paid in paper 
currenc}'. This amendment called forth his speech alluded to. 
Two other projects were formed, — the one to re-incorporate a 
national bank, the other recommending a system of special 
deposits among the various State banks, each of which failed, — - 
Calhoun voting against both. 

Calhoun's disposition to favor the separation of the government 
from the banks, drew upon him severe attacks from various 
sources. It led to a debate between himself and Clay, in which 
the latter did not win many additional laurels. Webster, also, 
threw down th<^ gnnntlet at the feet of the South Carolinian ; 
though he met with a little better success, he could have found a 
less woriny uutagonist. 

Calhoun had now attained a position in the United States 
Senate among the most eminent, and second to none. During the 
session of 1837-38, the slavery question arose. Calhoun, in a 
series of resolutions, introduced as definitive of the position of 
the Republican party, gave his views upon that subject. They 
are as follows : 

'■'' Resolved^ That in the adoption of the Federal Constitution, 
the States adopting the same, the States acted severally as free, 
independent and sovereign States ; and that each for itself and by 
its own voluntary assent, entered the Union with a view to its 
increased security against all dangers, domestic as well as foreign, 
and the more jierfect and secure enjoyment of its advantages, 
natural, political, and social. 

'•'•Resolved^ That in delegating a portion of her powers, to be 
exercised by the federal government, the States retained severally, 
the exclusive and sole right over their own domestic institutions 



JOHN C. CALHOUN. (553 

and police, and are alone responsible for them ; and that any 
intermeddling of one or more States or a combination of their 
citizens with the domestic institntions and police of the others, 
on any ground, or under any pretext, whatsoever, political, moral, 
or religious, with a view to their alteration or subversion, is an 
assumption of superiority not warranted by the Constitution, 
insulting to the States interfered with ; tending to disturb their 
domestic peace and tranquillity; subversive of the objects for 
which the Constitution was formed, and by necessary consequence, 
tending to weaken the Union itself. 

" Resolved^ That this government was instituted and adopted 
by the several States of this Union as a common agent, in order to 
carry into effect the powers which they had delegated by the 
Constitution for their mutual security and prosperity ; and that 
in fulfillment of this high and 'sacred trust, this government is 
bound so to exercise its powers as to give, as far as may be practi- 
cable, increased stability and security to the domestic institutions 
of the States that compose the Union ; and that it is the solemn 
duty of the government to resist all attempts by one portion of 
the Union to use it as an instrument to attack the domestic insti- 
tutions of another, or to weaken or destroy such institutions, 
instead of strengthening and upholding them, as it is in duty 
bound to do. 

" Resolved^ That domestic slavery as it exists in the southern 
and western States of this Union, composes an important part of 
their domestic institutions, inherited from their ancestors, and 
existing at the adoption of the Constitution, by which it is recog- 
nized as constituting an essential element in the distribution of 
its powers among the States ; and that no change of opinion or 
feeling, on the part of the other States of the Union, in relation 
to it, can justify them or their citizens in open and systematic 
attacks thereon, with a view to its overthrow ; and that all such 
attacks are in manifest violation of the mutual and solemn pledge- 
to protect and defend each other, given by the States respectively, 
on entering into the Constitutional compact which formed the 
Union, and as such, is a manifest breach of faith and a violation, 
of the most solemn obligations, moral, and religious. 

" Resolved, That the intermeddling of any State or States, or 
their citizens, to abolish slavery in this District or any of the terri- 
tories on the ground or under the pretext that it is immoral or 
44 



654 JOHN C. CALHOUN. 

sinful, or the passage of any act or measure of Congress with that 
view, would be a direct and dangerous attack on the institutions 
of all the slave-holding States. 

" Resolved^ That the union of these States rests on an equality 
of rights and advantages among its members ; and that whatever 
destroys that equality tends to destroy the Union itself; and that 
it is the solemn duty of all, and more especially of this body, 
which represents the States in their corporate capacity, to resist all 
attempts to discriminate between the States in extending the 
benefits of the government to the several portions of the Union ; 
and that to refuse to extend to the southern and western States any 
advantage which would tend to strengthen or render them more 
secure, or increase their limits or population by the annexation of 
new territory or States, on the assumption, or under the pretext 
that the institution of slavery as it exists among them, is immoral, 
or sinful, or otherwise obnoxious, would be contrary to that 
equality of rights and advantages which the Constitution was 
intended to secure alike to all the members of the Union, and 
would, in efiect, disfranchise the slave-holding States, withholding 
them from the advantages, while it subjected them to the burdens 
of the government." 

Such were his views upon this vexed question, which were 
maintained in a general, though desultory debate at the time of 
their introduction. The resolutions passed, except the last one, — • 
the speedy admission of Florida, and the contemplated acquisition 
of Texas, it was said, prevented the reception of the last, — it hav- 
ing direct bearing upon these territories. Calhoun was emphati- 
cally a pro-slavery man, opposed to interference with the insti- 
tution by national legislation in any shape or form. He expressed 
it as his opinion, that "in no other condition, or in any age, had 
the negro race ever attained so high an elevation in morals, 
intelligence, or civilization." 

"Slavery," he was accustomed to say, " existed in some form or 
other in all countries ; and he was disposed to doubt the assertion 
in the Declaration, that ' all men are born free and equal.'" He 
considered the colored population as " constituting an inferior race, 
and that slavery was not a degradation, but had the direct tendency 
to improve their moral, social, and intellectual condition. The 
situation of the slaves was an enviable one in comparison with 
that of free negroes at the north, or with that of the operatives in 



JOHN C. CALHOUN. 655 

the manufactories of Great Britain." "Of what value," he asked, 
" except relatively, were political rights, where he saw thousands of 
voters in the northern States in the service of powerful monopolies, 
or employed on public works, fairly driven to the polls with 
ballots in their hands. The negro slave," he contended, " felt his 
inferiority, and regarded his position as a proper aud natural one. 
The two races in the southern States were almost equal in number, 
they could not live on terms of equality. It may, in truth, be 
assumed as a maxim," he said, " that two races diflering so greatly, 
aud in so mauy respects, can not possibly exist together in the 
same country' where their numbers are so nearly equal, without 
one being subject to the other. Experience has proved that the 
existing relation in which the one is subjected to the other in the 
slave-holding States, is consistent with the peace and safety of 
both, with great improvement to the inferior; while the same 
experience proves that the abolition of slavery would, if it did 
not destroy the inferior by conflicts to which it would lead, reduce 
it to the extremes of vice and wretchedness. In this view of 
the subject, it may be asserted, that what is called slavery, is in 
reality, a political institution essential to the peace, safety, aud 
prosperity of those of the Union in which it exists." With these 
views honestly entertained, he could have no political aflSnities 
with those w^ho decried the institution as a violation of the laws 
of God aud man, — directly contrary to the spirit of the Declar- 
ation and the Constitution. 

During the session of 1839— iO, he was an active member, and 
never failed to participate influentially in all the important dis- 
cussions of the day. He opposed the assumption of the State 
debts, the leading features of the bankrupt bill, and in a speech 
of great vigor and eloquence, called forth by the seizure of 
the Enterprize, in the spring of 1840, — maintained that ships 
engaged in a lawful trade or traffic, " were under the exclusive 
jurisdiction of the country to which her flag belonged."* 

Meantime, a political revolution was taking place. Another 
presidential election was approaching. lu 1840, Calhoun warmly 
supported Van Bureu. Harrison and Tyler, however, were elec- 
ted, and b}^ immense popular majorities. The death of Harrison, 
immediately after his inauguration, changed the political com- 

* Jenkins. 



656 JOtlNC. CALHOUN. 

plexion of thiof^s materially. Congress convened at the remark- 
able called session of May, 1841, — Calhoun again appearing as 
Senator from his native State, having been re-elected for another 
term. The Whig party leaders went into the Twenty-seventh 
Congress with hopes of carrying their favorite measures, — the 
distribution of the proceeds of the sale of the public lands, — a 
national bank, and a high protective tariff. Of these measures 
this is not the proper place to speak, — Clay was the "stirrer of 
the storm," and to our sketch of that great leader, the reader is re- 
ferred. Calhoun opposed these measures. The bill, incorporating 
a national bank passed, he voting negatively, — it was vetoed by 
Tyler, as was another bill of the same import, though brought for- 
ward in a different shape. The Bankrupt bill was again agitated 
Calhoun again opposing it. Tyler was abused for an alleged 
unwarrantable exercise of the veto power. His cabinet was 
broken up and Congress adjourned. 

The regular session of 1811-42, opened with a bitter party 
spirit directed chiefly against Tyler, — it was one of universal 
excitement. The attacks upon the President, by Clay, were able, 
vehement, and relentless. Calhoun took up the gauntlet in de- 
fense of the administration and his executive privilege, — the veto. 
His speech, on this occasion, was pronounced by the adminis- 
tration men as a triumphant vindication of Tyler from the charges 
of his assailants. The most important act of this session was the 
passage of the tariff of 1842, — establishing average duties at near 
forty per cent. It barely escaped defeat, receiving only one vote 
majority in each House. Calhoun made an able speech against 
this tariff, denouncing it as "a bill of abominations, etc." 

In the spring of 1843, Calhoun resigned his seat in the Senate 
and returned to his home, where he remained until February, 
1844. Polk, in the meantime, had been elected President, and 
the annexation of Texas was the leading feature in national poli- 
tics, — a measure to which Calhoun was a warm friend. On the 
2Sth of February, 1844, Upshur, Secretary of State, was killed 
by the melancholy accident on the Princeton. Tyler's term was 
just expiring, and Calhoun was tendered the position of the State 
department. After some hesitation he accepted, and entered upon 
its duties. Polk came to the Presidency, March 4th, 1845, the 
avowed fi'iend of annexation, — his views according with those of 
Calhoun upon the subject. As Secretary of State, the latter, 



JOHN C. CALHOUN. (357 

* 

early the eHSning April, had the pleasure of signing an annexation 

treaty. Soon after the accession of Polk, Calhoun was tendered 

the mission to England, which, in view of the Oregon boundary 

difficulties was then one of importance. Opposiug any and all 

steps, tending to produce a rupture between the two countries, he 

averred that Washington was the place where peace was to be 

preserved, and declined acceptance. 

Huger, who succeeded him in the Senate, now resigned his seat, 
and Calhoun, by the unanimous will of the people of his State, 
was elected to fill his unexpired term. He again took his seat in 
that body, his frame a little worn and infirm, but his intellect 
clear and unclouded. 

In 1845, he attended as a delegate from South Carolina, a 
south-western convention at Memphis, and was chosen president. 
The object of the meeting was to devise the best means of bringing 
out the full resources of the West and South-West. A memorial 
was prepared, which he presented to Congress in the summer of 
1846. On the subject of internal improvements, he thought that 
the powers of Congress were restricted by the clause in the Con- 
stitution, — " to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among 
the several States," and discarded the more latitudinous construc- 
tion given to powers conferred by the much talked of clause, — 
"common defense and general welfare." He cordially, therefore, 
approved of the course of President Polk in his veto of the River and 
Harbor bill of 1846. The re-establishment of the independent 
treasury of the same session, also met his warm approval. 

The Oregon question had been settled. The tariff of 1846 
passed, and other important measures in which he had taken part, 
and Calhoun would have gladly laid aside his senatorial robe 
and returned to Fort Hill. But the war with Mexico, in the 
estimation of his friends, made his stay at the capital almost 
imperative. He was again elected senator in 1846. The acqui- 
sition of territory, incident to the treaty of peace with Mexico, 
involved the nation in a delirium of political excitement never 
before witnessed. The wisest statesmen, — Calhoun among the 
number, — had foreseen that the subject of slavery, in all its aspects, 
would be involved by the adjustment of territorial governments, 
and application for admission into the Union. He voted for rati- 
fication of the treaty, and nerved himself for the coming struggle. 
When the contest for the balance of power opened, and North 



658 JOHN C. CALHOUN. 

and South became fairly arrayed, Calhoun was found where he 
always was, resisting to the death every effort to rule slavery from 
the newly-acquired territory. During the stormy period prior to 
the compromise of 1850, he labored with the zeal and enthusiasm 
of youth, favoring the interests of his beloved South, 

Taylor succeeded to the Presidency in 18-19, at a critical juncture. 
Naturally of an apprehensive temperament, Calhoun looked upon 
the pending storm with gloomy foreboding. He was now sixty- 
eight years of age, the greater part of which, he had spent in 
active political life. He was failing in strength, yet day after 
day, would go to that scene of excitement, — the Senate chamber. 
Feeling, at length, that his remaining time was brief, and wishing 
to raise once more a warning voice against infringement of the 
constitutional rights of the south, he went to his room and prepared 
his last great speech. Though unable to deliver it himself, it was 
read to eager listeners by his colleague. Judge Butler, March 4th, 
1850. It is long, elaborate, and among the ablest productions 
emanating from the American mind. He warns his country 
against the danger of undue slavery agitation, and paints, in 
fearful colors, the results, if the warning be unheeded. From 
this time he grew more feeble, and life's lamp began to flicker and 
grow dim. Like Adams, he died at his post. On the 13th of 
March, 1850, he appeared, for the last time, in the Hall he had so 
long graced with the brightest ornaments that adorn the brow of 
manhood. Slavery was the all-absorbing topic, — agitation the 
order of the day. His positions had been assailed by several 
Senators. His eye immediately flashed with all its former fire, 
and he arose to speak, for the last time, a second Chatham, iu 
an assemblage more august than the English House of Lords. The 
effort overcame him. He was compelled to leave the Hall, — he 
went to his room, — went there to die. Notwithstanding his 
physical organism was fast sinking, his mind was undimmed, and 
he could not be kept from writing, thinking, and conversing. His 
life thus ebbed gently away. His son. Dr. John B, Calhoun, was 
with him, and watched his decline with filial fondness. On the 
30th of March, speedy dissolution became clearly apparent. Stimu- 
lants were administered, and he continued to talk upon the 
slavery question until the evening, Near midnight his respiration 
became difficult. Soon after, he faintly called his son, saying : 
"John come to me," He then told him to feel his pulse, which 



JOHN C. CALHOUN. (559 

was almost gone. About five in the morning of the 31st, his son 
asked him if he was comfortable, — " I am peefeotly comfortable," 
was the reply. These were the last words of John C. Calhoun. 
He grew weaker till a little after six, when the pulseless arm, 
moveless eye, and marble brow, showed the great statesman was 
no more. 

He has been described as the "cast-iron man, who looked as 
though he had never been born." "In person, he was tall and 
slender, and his frame appeared to become more and more atten- 
uated till he died. His features were harsh and angular in their out- 
lines, presenting a combination of the Greek and the Roman. A 
serene and almost stony calm pervaded them when in repose, but 
when enlivened in conversation or debate, their play was remark- 
able, — the lights were brought out into bolder relief, and the 
shadow thrown into deeper shade. His countenance, when at rest, 
indicated abstraction, or a pre-occupied air, and a stranger on 
approaching him, could scarcely avoid an emotion of fear ; yet, 
he could not utter a word, before the fire of genius flashed from 
his eye and illumed his expressive features. His individuality 
was stamped upon his acute and intelligent face, and the lines 
of character and thought were strongly and clearly defined. His 
forehead was broad, tolerably high and compact, denoting the 
mass of brain behind it. Until he had passed the grand climac- 
teric, he wore his hair short and brushed back, so that it stood 
erect on the top of his head, like bristles on the angry boar, oi 
'quills upon the fretful porcupine,' but toward the close of his 
life he sufiered it to grow long, and fall over his temples. But 
his eyes were his most striking feature, they were dark-blue, 
large, and brilliant ; in repose, glowing with a steady light ; in 
action, fairly emitting flashes of fire." 

Of his mental attributes, it is needless to speak. The death of 
one so justly honored, created a profound sensation through the 
country. Henry Clay is said to have approached the cofiin, and 
after contemplating for some time, said : " I was his senior in 
years, — but in nothing else." 

His funeral took place on the 2d of April, at the capitol, 
when his remains were conveyed to Charleston. They were 
deposited in the St. Philip's Church cemetery, Charleston, whence 
they were designed for final interment at Columbia, the State 
capital. 



OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 



Oliver Hazard Perry, the son of Raymond and Sarah Perry, 
was born in Newport, R. I,, on the 20th of August, 1785. He was 
early destined for the naval service, — his ancestors having been 
for several generations, more or less engaged in the perils of a 
seafaring life. His father's relatives were originally from Devon- 
shire, England, having emigrated to America at an early period 
of its settlement ; his mother was of Irish birth, though of Scotch 
extraction. 

Young Perry, in his childhood, gave no signs of future dis- 
tinction. Though he was kept at school in various places, his 
early education amounted to but little. In the summer of 1798, 
his father received a naval captaincy on one of the vessels destined 
for service against the French. In 1799, Captain Perry received 
the command of the General Greene, a thirty-two gun frigate, and 
sailed for the West Indies. On this voyage young Perry accom- 
panied his father, having already determined to devote his life to 
naval pursuits. He attained the rank of midshipman in April, 
1799. The General Greene was directed to sail for Havana, but 
the yellow fever breaking out soon after, she was forced to return 
to Newport, which she reached in July. Her captain was next 
engaged in circumnavigating the Island of St. Domingo, against 
the piratical crafts of the notorious Rigaud. Several of these 
were discovered under the protection of some batteries, and sharp 
cannonading was immediately opened by Captain Perry, which 
would have resulted in the capture of the crafts, had not a French 
vessel of heavy caliber arrived just in time to compel him to lift 
(660; 




OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 



OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. CGI 

his anchor. After participating in the capture of Jaquemel, 
the General Greene was given to the command of Commodore 
Talbot, and was soon again at anchorage at Newport. 

Peace succeeding soon after, Captain Perry was dismissed from 
the service, and the General Greene laid up at Washington. 
Oliver retained his midshipman's warrant, and was continued 
in the service. He was now left with little to do but prosecute 
his studies, which he did with enthusiasm until the year 1802, 
"when he was appointed to the Adams, a twenty-eight gun ship, 
commanded by Captain Campbell, destined for the Mediterranean 
service, and which sailed from Newport, June 10th, 1802. She 
joined the Chesapeake in the middle of the ensuing month at 
Gibraltar, whence she was sent to Malaga with an American 
convoy. Returning to Gibraltar, she passed the winter there, 
watching the Tripolines. During this time, cruising among the 
straits, often under perilous circumstances, excellent opportunities 
were afforded young Perky for studying the principles of navi- 
gation, and qualifying himself for the scenes that were to open 
before his ambitious eye. To show how he had won the esteem 
of his commander, he was, on his seventeenth birth-day, promoted 
to the post, and intrusted with the duties of acting lieutenant ; an 
instance of rare occurrence in the history of the navy. Soon 
after, the Adams was again sent on an expedition of convoy. 
Being compelled to pass many spots intimately associated with 
naval history, Lieutenant Perry was careful to avail himself of 
every opportunity to acquire solid and useful information. After 
a brief appearance with other vessels before Tripoli, the Adams, 
in the spring of 1803, again sailed for Gibraltar. Several of the 
vessels now returned home, and in the ensuing November, Perry 
found himself again in his native land. He had been cruising 
DOW for eighteen months, during which time he had seen much, 
and added greatly to his qualifications as an officer and a seaman. 
For the period of nearly a year, he was now again inactive, and 
consequently did not participate in the Tripoline war. He bent 
himself, however with, intense application, to maritime studies, 
anxious, when opportunity offered, to reflect credit upon his pro- 
fession. In the summer of 1804, he received orders to join the 
Constellation, under his old commander, Captain Campbell. She 
sailed for Tripoli, and arrived there just as operations were being 
brought to a close. The death of Somers making vacant the 



662 OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 

first lieutenancy on board the schooner Kautilus, Perry was 
transferred to that position. In his twenty-first year, and with 
six years' naval experience, he now found himself in a position 
that would test his capacities of seamanship. He is said to have 
exercised his commission on board the Nautilus with credit to him- 
self and the discretion of one far beyond his years. He remained in 
this position until the fall of 1805, when he was transferred, as 
lieutenant, to the Constitution, Commodore Rodgers. The next year 
he went in the same capacity on board the Essex, in which he 
returned home in October, 1806. He had now completly mastered 
his profession, and was justly regarded among the rising men of 
the navy. After being for some time engaged in the unpleasant, 
and trifling business of preparing gun-boats for the service, he 
was, in April, 1809, placed in command of the Revenge, a 
schooner of fourteen guns. This M-as the first command he ever 
had, and his selection to it without consideration of seniority, 
was no ordinary compliment to his capacities and fitness. He 
was engaged, for some time, cruising along the coast, to protect 
American merchant vessels ; after which, he put in at Washington 
for repairs. Tlience he sailed southward, and soon after, had the 
good fortune to seize an American vessel which had been put 
under English colors and detained in Spanish waters near Amelia 
Island. Notwithstanding the presence, in the vicinity, of two 
English cruisers. Perky took possession of the vessel, which he 
bore off* in safety. On his way to sea, he was met by an English 
sloop of war, tiie captain of M'hich, requested him to stop and 
come on board. Perry replied by giving orders to his men to 
prepare for battle, and refused to quit his vessel. The British 
captain, however, did not press his demand, and avoided an 
action. In 1810, the Revenge returned to Newport, and was, 
shortly after, wrecked on "Watch Hill Reef, though most of her 
valuables were saved through the exertions of her brave com- 
mander. Perry was now temporarily deprived of first command. 

In May, 1811, he was married to Elizabeth Mason, of Rhode 
Island, to wdiom he had been warmly attached for a number of 
years. Soon after this event, he was appointed commander, and 
took charge of a number of gun-boats at Newport, when war with 
England w^as declared in 1812. 

Always disliking the gun-boat service, and anxious to be 
actively engaged during the coming naval struggle, he asked 



OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 6g3 

permission to be transferred to the Lake service. This was 
granted, and he made immediate preparations to depart for the 
theater of his fame. His lirst destination, under Commodore 
Clianncey, was Sackett's Harbor, which he reached with his 
commander on the 3d of March, 1813. On the 27th of the same 
month, Perry was dispatched to Lake Erie, to the port of Presque 
Isle or Erie, with instructions to have a good force upon its waters. 
He entered upon duties of an extended range with ahicrity 
and the highest hopes of success. Bj great diligence he over- 
came the difficulties incident to the preparation and equipment 
of suitable vessels. Scarcely were these services accomplished, 
when he learned that the British designed a descent upon Fort 
George. Knowing that the utmost diligence was requisite, our 
3'oung commander, on receiving the intelligence, jumped into 
a small oar-boat, and made the passage from Erie to Buffalo, 
during a dark night, in the brief time of twenty-four hours. He 
then descended the Niagara, running the risk of being fired upon 
by the enemy's batteries, and reached the American ship Madison 
in safety. Commodore Chauncey received him with great cordi- 
ality, and preparations were immediately made for descending the 
river. The descent was made, the troops landed, and overcame 
the enemy, who attempted to oppose them, and the command of 
the Niagara was secured. To these results none more largely 
contributed than Perry, nor exhibited more coolness and hardi- 
hood. His next duty was to get some vessels lying at Black 
Rock up the river, beyond the enemy's positions, preparatory to 
concentrating all their force on Lake Erie at a single point. 
These duties were successfully performed. Having accomplished 
this, about the middle of June he sailed from Buffalo for Erie. 
By great exertions and skillful maneuvering, he succeeded in 
collecting all the vessels together, which enabled him better to 
dispute the asserted supremacy of the enemy on the Lake. To 
maintain authority on the Lake was a matter of primary and vital 
importance with both parties to the contest. The activity of Perry 
in bringing together, almost creating, in fact, sufficient forces to 
effect this, can not receive too high meed of commendation. 
Perry was so situated that in putting out to the Lake, it was 
necessary to pass the enemy under command of Captain Barclay, 
and cross a bar, near by, which presented dangers equally formi- 
dable. In the midst of this perplexity, the enemy temporarily 



6G4 OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 

left their positiou. Perry immediately went to work, and after 
immense labor, passed the bar in time to prevent annoyance 
from the enemy, who returned just as the last vessel made the 
passage over. Being now on the Lake, and soon after reinforced 
by Elliott and some seamen from the lower squadron, he was 
anxious to bring on an engagement, and immediately set sail in 
search of the British. He came to anchorage at Put-In bay, 
near Maiden, a favorable point for watching the enemy. Here, a 
violent sickness broke out among the crew, and Perry, with three 
medical officers of the squadron were among the most severely 
afflicted. By September, however, he had recovered sufficiently 
to maneuver for an action. His efforts proving abortive, he 
returned to Put-In bay, where he arrived on the 6th of September. 
He supposed the British would aim to push their vessels past Long 
Point, and resolved in such case to give battle. On the 9tli, a 
consultation of his officers was held, in which it was resolved, the 
ensuing day, to attack the enemy at their anchorage, in case of 
failure on their part to offer battle. Perry's force consisted of 
nine vessels and fifty-four guns. Of these vessels Perry com- 
manded the Lawrence in person, and Elliott the Niagara. 

The British armament consisted of seven vessels and sixty-three 
guns ; of these, Barclay was, in person, in command of the 
Detroit. On the morning of the 10th of September, though the 
wind was iiufavorable, Perry determined to give battle, and made 
preparations accordingly. Wishing to engage, in person, the 
British commander, he changed his original plan of action, and 
so arranged his vessels as to bring the Lawrence immediately 
alongside the Detroit. This is another instance of his high chivalric 
spirit. His commands were promptly obeyed, and he soon found 
himself in battle trim. The enemy stood out in gallant stylo, 
awaiting the approach of the American vessels. Perry immedi- 
ately brought the Lawrence in position to bear upon the Detroit, — 
the Niagara and Caledonia coming forward at the same time. 
"When more than a mile distant, a twenty-four pound shot came 
whizzing over the water from the Detroit, and announced readi- 
ness for the contest. Perry hoisted his signal for the different 
commanders to engage as soon as possible, according to previous 
orders. His last order to his other vessels was now issued, — for 
them to close upon and engage the enemy with all possible dis- 
patch. As they approached, a preconcerted, though rather ineffec- 



OLIVER HAZARD PERRY 065 

tive fire opened from the enemy, which was returned from the 
long guns of the Americans. About twelve o'clock, M., the 
action became general. The Lawrence not being so heavy a craft 
as the Detroit, began to suffer considerably from the fire of the 
latter, and Perry edged away a little. The Niagara, Caledonia, 
Scorpion, and Ariel, now closing in, opened upon the enemy the 
fire from their long guns, telling with good effect, and much to the 
relief of the Lawrence, which being ahead, had hitherto been the 
main object of the British fire. Ferry's order of battle was, that 
the fire of each of his vessels should be directed against a certain 
vessel of the enemy. This showed his sagacity in naval engage- 
ments ; for not being able to mingle with his men in the various 
vessels as generals can with land armies, each subordinate officer 
knew, beforehand, precisely what he had to do. In accordance 
with these orders, the Niagara engaged the Queen Charlotte, and 
the Caledonia the Hunter, — the Lawrence, Ariel, and Scorpion, 
engaged the Detroit, Chippewa, and the other vessels astern of 
the British line. The guns of the British were superior and of 
heavier caliber than those of the Americans, — this circumstance, 
and the fact of the Lawrence having got so far ahead of her sup- 
porters, accounts for the suffering of that vessel in the early part 
of the action. The bursting of one of the Ariel's guns, rendered 
the disparity still more apparent. The carronades of the Law- 
rence were useless until she was close to the foe, while, it will be 
remembered, that Barclay hurled a twenty-four pound shot at her 
from his vessel when over a mile off. The greater part of this dis- 
tance, therefore, had to be accomplished under the fire of the Detroit, 
without being able to return it with any telling effect. That the 
Lawrence should suffer materially under such circumstances was 
inevitable. The wind calmed down, leaving the Lawrence, for a 
time, nearly motionless, and exposed to the long guns of her 
adversary. Had the wind permitted the Lawrence to bear im- 
mediately upon her antagonist, and the other vessels thus enabled 
to keep their assigned positions, this suffering of his vessel would 
unquestionably have been avoided, and the victory made more 
easy. Just as the Niagara was engaging, with effect, the Queen 
Charlotte, the latter vessel shifted her position, and falling leeward 
of the Detroit, opened her fire also upon the Lawrence. If this 
strange maneuver increased the perplexity of the Lawrence, it also 
did that of the Detroit, leaving the Niagara free to engage 



G60 OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 

her. The Detroit, Queen Charlotte, and Hnnter, at this move- 
ment, directed their fires against the Lawrence, which was literally 
enveloped in smoke and quivering under the effects of the combined 
attack. It seems, indeed, that it was the determination of the 
British commander to destroy the Lawrence, regardless of the 
presence of the other vessels. The smaller American crafts, gun- 
boats, came astern of the enemy and opened fire upon them. The 
Niagara, contrary to battle order, though the movement seemed 
necessary, passed the Caledonia and hastened to the protection of 
the Lawrence, which, by this time, was so riddled with shot, as to 
render her almost useless in the action. As she approached suffi- 
ciently near, her guns opened upon the enemy efiectually. At 
the same time the Caledonia, according to instructions, was engag- 
ing the Hunter, while the gun-boats astern were giving a sweeping 
fire that did good execution. 

These movements took up considerable time, and by the time 
they were completed, the Lawrence was little more than a wreck, — 
she was nearly dismantled, her guns were silenced and her decks 
strewn with dead and wounded. The wind arose at this juncture, 
and several important changes in position took place on both 
sides. It was evidently Barclay's aim to bring his vessels round 
to bear a broadside on the Americans, but the Detroit had also 
suffered severely during the action and was not easily managed. 
The Niagara now passed the Lawrence, making ahead of the 
enemy's line, while the Caledonia passed inside still nearer. At 
this moment, finding his own vessel no longer fit for use. Perry 
took his flag, and with a young brother leaped into a boat and pulled 
for the Niagara, by this time some distance ahead, which he reached 
when a few hundred yards windward of the enemy. Taking com- 
mand of the Niagara, Perry directed Elliott to go in the boat and 
bring the gun-boats forward. Perry now prepared for close action, 
and after having waited a few moments for the other vessels to get in 
readiness, he bore directly upon the enemy. Barclay, still intent on 
getting so arranged as to pour broadsides into his adversary, en- 
deavored to wear, as the Niagara passed him. His ships were in 
too bad plight, and in the attempt he was run foul of by the Queen 
Charlotte. The Niagara now came up and sent a close and des- 
tructive fire into the two vessels while they were entangled and 
obstructing each other's movements. Elliott coming up opposite 
with the gun-boats, and the Caledonia engaging, at the same time, 



OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 667 

the raking cross-fire was tremendous ; and unable to stand such 
a storm of shot, the British vessels soon struck their colors. The 
Detroit, Queen Charlotte, Lady Prevost, and Hunter, hauled 
down their colors about the same time, while the Little Belt and 
Chippewa, not being so exposed, hoisted sail and tried to escape. 
The Trippe and Scorpion gave chase, and coming up with them 
in a short time, thev were also forced to surrender. The only 
vessel belonging to Pekky that struck her colors was the Lawrence, 
which occurred soon after he quitted her for the Niagara. The 
victory was complete, and with it departed, forever, the last ves- 
tige of naval supremacy that lingered on the flag of England as 
it floated over the Lakes. Peeey well understood what was at 
stake, and though confident of victory, to provide against mis- 
fortune or accident, all his public letters and documents were 
thrown overboard, previous to engaging in action, and his private 
letters, — billets of aflection from his wife, — were read and torn to 
pieces. He truthfully remarked before the battle began, that 
it was the most important day of his life. Throughout the action, 
Peery gave evidences of the highest moral courage, heroism, and 
fortitude. During all the slaughter on board the Lawrence, he 
showed no signs of fear or discouragement. For the engagement, 
all the circumstances taken into account, both parties were about 
equally matched. Tiie heavier guns and better health of the British 
being, perhaps, the main advantage. Peeey, making the attack, 
perhaps, threw the chances somewhat in favor of the enemy. 

"With this victory, he identified himself with the heroes of the 
country, and his name, from comparative obscurity, became at 
once a synonym of merit the world over. It was a day long to be 
remembered, and its annual return is yet celebrated atPut-Li bay, 
with every demonstration of pride and joy. Not satisfied, how- 
ever, in his laudable thirst for fame, soon after this victory, he 
assisted in the capture of Detroit City, when he joined the land 
army of Harrison, and fought with spirit, at Moravian Town. 
After the surrender of the British, in conjunction with Harrison, 
he issued a proclamation to the people of Canada, specifying 
terms of submission and release, — the first time, it is said, a naval 
oflttcer had ever performed similar duty.* 

He now gave up his command and returned to more familiar 



* Cooper's Naval Biography. 

4:5 



GC8 OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 

parts of the country. He was everywhere received with laudatory 
demoustrations, and became the object of observatiou and regard. 
He was liberally rewarded by Congress for his gallant achievement 
on the Lake. After spending some time at Newport, he was, in 
August, 1814, placed in command of the Java, a forty -four gun 
ship built at Baltimore. This vessel was unable to put to sea, 
beiug too closely watched by the enemy in the bay, and Perey 
SQems not to have been again engaged in active service until peace 
was concluded. 

In the spring of 1815, he was again attached to the Java, in 
which he sailed for the Mediterranean the ensuing winter. We 
next find him, in conjunction with Commodore Shaw, preparing 
to operate against the piratical Algerines ; but a speedy settlement 
of these difficulties prevented opportunities of further distinction. 
While on this cruise, Pekry became irritated at one of his subordi- 
nate officers, whom he struck in his own cabin. Sensible, afterward, 
of his wrong, he made an apology, which not being accepted, un- 
pleasant controversies grew out of the matter, which resulted in 
both parties being subjected to a reprimand. Nor did it end 
here, — a hostile meeting resulted. Perry met the marine, whose 
wounded honor dictated his course, with the determination, expres- 
sed in a letter to Decatur not to fire. " I can not," says he, " return 
his fire, as the meeting on my part, wall be entirely an atonement 
for the violated rules of service." 

This was immediately followed by another difficulty of an equally 
unpleasant nature. At the battle of Lake Erie, Perry, in his 
official report, had highly eulogized the conduct of Captain Elliott. 
Afterward, a controversy arose among the officers engaged in the 
battle ; Perry was charged with striking the colors of the Law- 
rence and going on board the Niagara in a state of utter des- 
pondency, while Elliott was charged with unofficer-like conduct at 
the commencement of the action. A court of inquiry was subse- 
quently instituted by the English upon the conduct of Barclay 
on the occasion. An English newspaper commenting upon the 
proceedings, made some remarks, highly disparaging to Captain 
Elliott, giving them color, by intimating that Perry would corrobo- 
rate the charges. Elliott immediately wrote Perry, demanding 
explanations of certain certificates reflecting upon him. The latter 
replied in terms of bitter asperity, preferring the same charges 
from which Elliott wished to exonerate himself. Elliott now 



OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. QQg 

raged beyond measure, sent Perry a cliallenge, which the latter 
declined, assigning as his reasons, that he intended bringing for- 
mal charges against the latter that would preclude the possibility 
of an honorable meeting. Here the matter ended, — awaiting the 
action of the proper trib*inals. Perry was now in a bad position. 
He had eulogized the conduct of Elliott in strong terms, — then 
preferred charges against him equally strong. His only excuse, — 
and a very poor one, — was, that at the time he praised him, he 
was ignorant of the many existent causes of censure. Perry, in 
this matter, appeared to have acted from personal pique, — his pride 
was wounded at the idea of losing his own ship and taking com- 
mand of his subordinate's, the Niagara, and no doubt, feared 
that too much credit for the victory would be attached to the latter. 
Not exempt from the infirmities incident to ambition and human 
nature, he seems to have acted wholly from personal motives. 
Well deserved as his laurels were on that eventful day, they gained 
no additional freshness by his course in this matter. It forms a 
leaf in his gallant history we read with regret, and would be glad 
to omit altogether. 

It was July, 1819, before he was again in active service. He 
had built a residence and settled his family in Newport, when 
in July of that year, in the capacity of commodore (a title 
which he had only borne through courtesy since the battle on 
Lake Erie), he took command of the John Adams and sailed for 
Barbadoes, the object of his services being the protection of the 
equatorial trade. Proceeding to the mouth of Orinoco Piver, he 
took command of the schooner Nonesuch, and sent the Adams to 
Trinidad. He then proceeded to Angostura, where he anchored on 
the 26th. His business with the Venezuelans was partly diplo- 
matic, — which he consummated and took his departure. The 
yellow fever had made its appearance in the meantime, crippled 
his crew for service, and carried off several seamen. By the 17th 
of August, a large portion of the crew were suffering with the 
malady, about one-fourth of those who became afflicted, dj-ing. 
On the morning of that day. Perry took his gun, and in a boat 
went along the margin of the river in search of game. In the 
evening a damp, disagreeable wind arose, and the schooner was 
forced to anchor on a bar at the mouth of the river. Perry arose 
next morning cold and benumbed, the water, owing to the high 
wind, having wet him with spray during his sleep. His chilly 



G70 OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 

sensations were of short continuance, and succeeded by lancinat- 
ing pains in the head and a burning skin. The hero of Lake 
Erie loas a victim of yellow fever. He was bled until he fainted 
from the effect of the depletion. Ilis skin cooled, and breathing 
became easier, — but the worst symptoms .soon returned. He now 
knew there was no hope of recovery, and except a desire to see 
his family, bore up under the disease with great fortitude. Before 
he reached his vessel, the John Adams, at Trinidad, he gave 
signs of the vomit, — infallible precursor of death. He now sank 
rapidly. A boat from the Adams approached the schooner, of 
whom. Perry inquired the condition of his crew. He then pre- 
pared to make his will, but his strength was too far gone. He 
suffered intensely until toward evening, when his spirit fled for 
other spheres. Thus died Commodore Oliver Hazard Perry, on 
the 23d of August, 1S19, in the thirty-fifth year of his age. His 
remains were deposited at Trinidad with suitable naval and mili- 
tary honors, but were subsequently removed to Newport, where 
they were finally deposited to rest in peace among the friends of 
his earlier years. Lake Erie will remain the chart of his deeds, 
till the pennant of commerce and industry shall cease to float on 
her bosom. 




S. S. PEENTISS. 



S. S. PRENTISS. 



If eloquence consists in the power of moving men's souls, — then 
the subject now to be considered was most truly eloquent. On all 
occasions, when circumstances required him to address an audi- 
ence, he came glowing up to his theme, "in sublime, godlike 
action " and literally 

" Wreaked himself in expression." 

The idea of the great poet : 

"- Where fancy weary grew in other men. 



His, fresh as morning rose, — " 

in reference to his oratory, may well be applied to Seargent S. 
Prentiss. He was the son of William Prentiss, a respectable 
shipmaster, and was born on the 30th of September, 1S08, in Port- 
land, Maine. His father was a true representative of the early 
New Englanders ; the family emigrating from England to Massa- 
chusetts in 1614. A few years after the birth of Seargent, the 
prostration of commerce, incident to the Embargo policy, drove 
his father to Gorhara, where he engaged in farming. Prentiss, 
in his youth, was very lame, and confined, for the most part, to 
the house. He listened with delight to stories of adventures re- 
lated by his father and a Captain Lewis, both of whom had passed 
through scenes of thrilling interest. These narratives made a 
vivid impression on his mind. He also drank in the instructions 
of his excellent mother, whom he loved almost to idolatry with 
afiectionate eagerness. The book, it seems, with which he first 
became fascinated, was that inimitable allegory, — Bunyan's Pil 

(671) 



(572 S. S. PEENTISS. 

griiu's Progress. It is related of him, that he knew by heart, 
every "step Christian traveled from the City of Destruction to the 
Celestial City." 

Prentiss, at this age, was remarkable for his personal beauty, 
sprightliness, and affectionate disposition. As he grew older, hia 
health improved and he became less lame. At the age of ten 
years, he commenced going to school in the vicinity of Gorham — 
being drawn to and from the school-house by his brother in a 
small vehicle provided for the purpose. Thus, for some time, the 
future orator might have been seen pulled along an obscure 
country road with his cane and crutch, in a baby-wagon, to the 
spot where his mind was commencing its wonderful development. 
A little time after, with the aid of a single cane, he employed his 
leisure time shooting squirrels in the forest, or catching fish 
from " Jordon's brook." For these sports, his fondness amounted 
to a perfect passion. He did not seem to relish manual labor, and 
though the other boys were accustomed to work on the farm, he 
had no notion of trying his skill in that direction. His lameness 
had caused him to be the subject of indulgent solicitude, and had 
already induced, in his parents, different plans for him than that 
of working on a farm. He early determined upon going to col- 
lege, and, notwithstanding his aversion to labor, told his parents 
that if no other way presented, he would "learn the shoemaker's 
trade," and work his way through by that means. 

He continued at the academy for some time, preparing for a 
higher institution. While there, he greatly increased his acquaint- 
ance with books, and became very fond of general literature. He 
conceived a high passion for Lempriere's Classical Dictionary, 
which he read and re-read with great interest. During this pre- 
paratory course, he was quick, perceptive, and studious. He was 
a great favorite with the other boys, — though, in his intercourse 
with them, he would often indulge in some sarcastic witticism, the 
effect of which would soon be healed by a lively, good-humored 
remark. It was customary for the boys to give weekly declam- 
ations. Prentiss was very averse to this exercise, and generally 
managed to avoid it. His teacher resolving to forbear with him 
no longer, would take no further excuse. Prentiss arose, but 
instead of reciting the usual declamation, delivered an original 
burlesque that convulsed the school with laughter, — the teacher 
being the most appreciative participant. 



S. S. PRENTISS. 073 

In 182-i, he passed examination, and entered the junior class 
of Bowdoin College. lie seemed partly indifferent as to the 
position he occupied in his classes, but did a vast amount of 
general reading and study,. His manners were graceful, easy, 
and scholar-like. In his intercourse with friends, all were 
charmed and delighted. In 1826, he lost his father, and seemed 
to rouse himself to preparation for the future. At college, he 
joined a party of six students, whose object was to meet in each 
other's rooms for extemporaneous discussion. In this way, his 
oratorical powers were first developed. In metaphysical studies, 
he excelled, and mastered difficulties by an ordinary reading, that 
would require, with most persons, the time and patience of a 
mathematical problem. An investigation, of his speeches, indeed, 
would do away with the erroneous idea entertained by some, that 
he was no more than a fascinating declaimer of gorgeous imagery 
dealing in trope and figure. Many of his speeches are solid, pro- 
found, and logical. So rapidly did he read and comj^vehend^ that 
it was a common remark among his friends, that "Pkentiss read 
two pages at the same time, — the one with his right eye and the 
other with his left." 

After graduating, he commenced reading law under the tuition 
of Hon. Josiah Pierce, of Gorham. His miscellaneous reading 
was also quite extensive at this time, — the writings of "Walter 
Scott he admired particularly, and committed large portions of his 
poetry to memory. 

Having prepared himself for the law, like many young men 
of that day, he resolved upon going "West, to try his fortunes' 
among the people of the new and growing States. He left home 
in August, 1827. He passed through New York, lingered awhile 
at Niagara, went through Buffalo, Cincinnati, Louisville, and 
finally reached Natchez, Mississippi, in November, 1827. He 
soon procured a situation as a private instructor in one of the 
most respectable families of the State. It was the famil}^ of 
Widow Shields, a lady of true Christian piety living some twelve 
miles from the city. This situation was very agreeable, and 
afforded good opportunities for pursuing his course of law read- 
ing, — she having an excellent law library, formerly belonging to 
her husband, who had been judge of the Supreme Court. His 
letters to his relations and friends, at this time, breathed the sin- 
cerest devotion and most exalted moral tone. He remained in 



(574 S. S. PRENTISS. ' 

Natchez and its vicinity, until 1S31, when he resolved to go to 
Yicksburg and engage in his profession. During his stay in and 
around the city, he had studied well, both law and general read- 
ing, he had also made many friends, and formed some of the 
strongest attachments of his life. 

There was something in the appearance of the limping young 
lawyer, that drew men toward him on his first appearance in 
Vicksburg, whose curiosity soon gave way to unbounded admir- 
ation. Prentiss was now thrown into a society, in many respects, 
different from that existing anywhere else, — composed of settlers 
in quest of fortune, each of whom had to stand or fall on his own 
merits. Dueling, profanity, gambling, and drinking, prevailed 
all over the country. With a nature, ardent, impetuous, and 
generous, to a fault, it is not strange that Prentiss should, to some 
extent, participate in the scenes around him, particularly when he 
was far from those whose love would have raised a warning voice. 

In 1833, he became involved in a difficulty with General Henry 
S. Foote, of Mississippi, which resulted in a duel. The meeting 
took place on the 5th of October. Prentiss did not wish to shoot 
his antagonist, but as he raised his pistol, the ball took efiect in 
his shoulder, leaving a slight flesh wound, — he escaped himself 
without harm. A subsequent meeting took place, when Foote 
was again wounded, leaving Prentiss unhurt. These were his 
only duels, — the parties afterward became warm friends. The 
melancholy consequences upon him, of such a state of society as 
then prevailed in Mississippi need not be told. By 1834, Pren- 
tiss was in the full tide of success, — literally immersed in business. 
His name went abroad over the States, his praises were everywhere 
heard, and circles of admiring friends gathered around him. For- 
tune showered her favors upon him, and his star was rapidly taking 
its place among the first in the legal constellation. His pj-actice 
extended from the city to the far interior of the State, — often 
requiring long horseback rides. Many pleasing reminiscences 
have been preserved by his brethern of the bar, of these.rides, and 
the talk, wit, humor, and jokes, incident to them. To some of 
these as related in his memoirs we will give place. 

As they rode leisurely along through the gorgeous scenery of the 
south, to attend distant courts, his soul would fire up with the 
poetic inspiration of his nature. Stanza after stanza of Byron 
and other favorite authors, would fall profusely from his lips. He 



S. S. PRENTISS. 675 

.could repeat poetry suited to his nature, in a way that perfectly 
fascinated all who listened to him, — then changing into a humor- 
ous strain, all in company would burst forth in hearty laughter. 
Sometimes too, though seldom, and only for a short time, he would 
sink into momentary fits of melancholy ; these alway passed, and 
left his face calm as day. Illustrative of his humor and wit, an 
anecdote is related that took place at one of the courts in his cir- 
cuits. " On one occasion," says the narrator, " he was opposed, 

before Judge Scott, by George C . In the course of the trial, 

an altercation took place which resulted in blows. The Judge 
immediately fined both of the combatants, and ordered them to be 

imprisoned twenty-four hours in the county jail. Mr. C , 

attempted by excuses, to get oflT, but Pkentiss (who, by the way, 
had been knocked down), arose quite alertly, and acknowledging 
to the court the justness of the sentence, added with significant 
drollery, that before it was carried into execution, he had one 
request to make. The court granted permission with twinkling 
eye and ill-concealed mirth. 

" ' May it please your honor,' said Prentiss, ' I have nothing to 
say against the sentence just pronounced. I have been guilty of 
unintentional disrespect to the court, as well as great want of self- 
respect. But, — but (and here he affected a degree of naivete 
and sincerity, that, for a moment, deceived every one), I Jiope 
your honor will not disgrace me by putting me in the same cell 

with George C ! ' The attorneys and bystanders were, of 

course, convulsed with laughter, and the Judge himself, could 
only restrain his risibles long enough to order the sherifi" to 
adjourn the court. Both were conducted to their respective cells. 
On that night, all the members of the bar and many citizens, re- 
paired to Prentiss' cell, where they spent the night in partaking 
of a sumptuous supper, and enjoying the exhaustless humor of 
their captive guest. On the next day, a multitude guarded him 
from prison to the court-house, and in the bold flights of the 
liberated eagle, every one soon forgot his temporary captivity." 

In 1834, the mournful intelligence of the death of Lafayette 
was received in this country. The different States joined in 
testimonials of grief and respect for the hero whose decease 
revived so many proud memories. Prentiss was selected to 
deliver an oration, which he did in August, at the State capital. 
It is one of the finest and most glowing tributes in the wholo 



676 S. S. PRENTISS. 

range of eulogy. It closed as follows : " He has departed from 
among ns, but he has again become the companion of Washington. 
He has but left the friends of his old age, to associate with the 
friends of his youth. Peace be to his ashes ; calm and quiet may 
they rest upon some vine-clad hill of his own beloved land ; and 
it shall be called the Mount Vernon of France. And let no cun- 
ning sculpture, no monumental marble deface with its mock 
dignity, the patriot's grave ; but rather let the unpruned vine and 
the wild-flower, and the free song of the uncaged bird, — all that 
speaks of freedom and peace be gathered round it. Lafayette 
needs no mausoleum. His fame is mingled with a nation's history. 
His epitaph is engraved on the hearts of men." 

He now took a brief trip home. He went by sea to New 
York, where being joined by his sister, he proceeded directly to 
Gorham, where he arrived in July, 1835. After an absence of 
eight years, he was at the home of his youth, where every scene 
was graven deeply on his heart. His visit was delightful, and, 
no doubt, the happiest episode in his life. Again he fished in the 
old brook, again shot squirrels in the forest, and seemed a boy. 
To his mother and sisters he was the same tender, afiectionate 
Seargent, he was nine years before. Much of his time was 
devoted to beautifying the old homestead, and much with old 
friends and neighbors; though, by far, his dearest hours were 
passed within the home circle. Business soon called him away, 
and September found him again in Vicksburg. This brings us to 
a new era in the great orator's life. Soon after his return, he was 
elected to the State Legislature, and began his political career. 
He had, until within a short time, paid little attention to politics ; 
but it was impossible for him to stand aloof from the political 
questions of the times. He conceived for Henry Clay the afiec- 
tion of a son, and a corresponding hatred to Jackson, against 
whom, he was particularly severe in his speeches and conver- 
sation. Many amusing incidents resulted from his conversations 
in regard to " Old Hickory." "We will give one to the point : 

"I just met Pkentiss," says the 'writer, "at a Circuit Court for 

County of , then a newly settled and border county. The 

accommodations at our log-cabin hotel were none of the best; 
and Prentiss was playfully and wittily discoursing of their char- 
acter to the lawyers who had gathered around him. Attracted, by 
peals of laughter, the host, — a man of giant proportions, and 



S. S. PEENTISS. (377 

herculean strength, — approached in the rear of Prentiss, and 
without his knowledge. He listened to the exquisite humor of 
Prentiss as long as he could bear it, — then suddenly and abruptly 
confronting him, — ' Mr. Prentiss,' he exclaimed with an oath, ' if 
you don't like my house, sir, jou. can leave it, — there is another 
tavern in town, sir.' ' That other tavern is just the place I don't 
care to go to,' quickly replied Prentiss, '^b?' it is worse than 
yours 'by far." The other tavern keeper was at daggers' points 
with our host, and this was the very best reply he could have 
made to avoid a knock down. This was proved by the event, for 
the grim and angry features of the giant Boniface soon relaxed 
with a forgiving and satisfied smile ; and Prentiss was always 
after this a great pet with him." 

"Soon afterward," continues the same writer, "I witnessed 
another display of his self-possession and readiness under trying 
circumstances. He was making one of his first stump speeches, — 
perhaps the very first in the then backwoods county of Holmes. 
It was a powerful invective against Jackson for his removal of the 
members of his first cabinet. While he was summing up the 
excuses the Democratic party alleged for the act, he was suddenly 
confronted by a fellow holding up a large flag, with the words: 
' Hurrah for Jackson,' inscribed with large letters. The man 
advanced slowly toward the speaker, whose eye no sooner caught 
the pennant than he exclaimed without the slightest perturbation : 
' In short, fellow citizens, j'Ou have now before you the sum and 
substance of all the arguments of the party, — ' Hurrah for Jack- 
son V The efiect was electrical, and the poor man slunk away 
trailing his banner after him." 

On the meeting of the Legislature, Prentiss was appointed 
chairman of the Judiciary Committee, — one of importance and 
delicacy. Few questions were discussed that presented an oppor- 
tunity for the display of his wonderful powers during the session. 
He spoke often, and with fluency and efiect ; he was also active 
and diligent as a legislator, always at his post, and watchful of 
the rights of his constituents. He delivered two speeches during 
the session, that are said to have been of marked force and 
eloquence, — they were upon the resolutions, allowing the New 
Orleans and Nashville Railroad Company to extend their charter 
through the State of Mississippi, urging also, the location of the 



678 S. S. PRENTISS. 

Road east of Pearl River, thereby making, as he said, " another 
Mississippi." 

His legislative duties were not congenial, as plainly seen in his 
letters at the time. After the adjournment of the first session, he 
thus wrote his youngest sister: " Of all the occupations I have 
ever tried, I am decidedly of opinion that making laws is the 
most obnoxious to comfort and happiness. I am sick of it ; and 
if the people would permit it, would resign forthwith: but as my 
constituents seem perfectly satisfied with my services, I suppose I 
shall have to hold on another year, — ^the term for which I was 
elected," etc. 

During the summer of 1836, he took a trip to Kentucky, and 
was delighted with the exhibitions of hospitality for which that 
State is so proverbial. He visited Ashland, and deepened the 
already existent attachment between Clay and himself. 

He now enjoyed a universally conceded high reputation, and 
a very extensive acquaintance. His numerous and long horse- 
back rides through the country, attending the courts, introduced 
him to the sturdy yeomeury of the south. While his rapid and 
frequent steamboat trips made his name familiar as that of the 
noble river along which he glided. The grand old river, the 
luxuriant foliage, suggestive of the glorious and beautiful, to 
Prentiss' glowing imagination, afibrded delightful sources for 
soul contemplation and poetic thought. 

Pkentiss, after his return from Kentucky, devoted himself to 
business and correspondence, until the Legislature met, January, 
1837. The session before, had established ten new counties, 
representatives from which, presented their credentials as entitled 
to seats. A resolution was immediately brought forward setting 
their claims aside, and declaring their election void. It came up 
for discussion. Prentiss opposed it with his usual animation and 
eloquence. After a hard struggle, however, the resolution passed. 
The speech of Ppentiss, on this occasion, was among the ablest he 
delivered in the Legislature ; being a rigid analysis of the States' 
Constitutional rights, and a bold dash at the usurpational powers 
that aimed to set them at naught. Soon after this, he resigned 
his seat, and was never again a member of the State Legis- 
lature. 

Prentiss was now (1837), in the prime of his manhood. His 
literary attainments were vast and varied, his scholarship ripe, and 



S. S. PEENTISS. 679 

his legal and political character fully matured. His conver- 
sational powers had ripened into ease, grace, and a charming- 
simplicity that won the hearts of all. In his conversations, his- 
tory, law, politics, his boyhood, human character, were all themes 
upon which he glowed with enthusiasm, and enchained eager 
listeners. Nothing could be more affectionate and artless than 
his correspondenee to his mother and sisters at this time : " Tell 
Anna" (his sister), says he, "that the first things I intend to buy 
when 1 get home, are a,pony and a, piano. My best love to all." 
Again he says: "Many a time since I have wandered forth into 
the world, have I been tired and sick with the cold selfishness of 
those around me, and ready in perfect contempt, to quit all further 
business with them ; but the thought of home and the loved ones 
there, has warmed my benumbed feelings and encouraged me to 
renewed efforts by the reflection that there were, though afar off, 
those whose happiness was, in some degree, at least, connected 
with mine," 

In the summer of 1S37, he again went North, reaching Portland 
about the first of July. During this visit, and while engaged in 
the sportive vocation of his boyhood, — catching trout from " Jor- 
don's brook," he received notice from Mississippi, that he was 
nominated as a candidate for Congress. This induced his speedy 
return. Before returning, however, he delivered, by request, a 
Fourth of July oration, before a Whig gathering, that abounded 
with all the eloquence of the gifted orator, and sparkled with 
gems of the inspired poet. 

The middle of August found him again in Vicksburg, He 
immediately entered upon the canvass for Congress, with ardor 
and enthusiasm. The main features of the day were the unex- 
ampled financial distress, and the National Bank question, Pken- 
Tiss issued an address to the people of his district, in which he 
gave his views on the bank question, as follows : "If I am elected 
as your representative, I shall vote for the immediate establish- 
ment of a National Bank : 

" 1st, For the purpose of furnishing the government with a com^- 
potent fiscal agent ; 2d, Because it will furnish a currency of' 
equal and uniform value throughout the Union ; 3d, Because it; 
will restore the exchanges of the country, and redeem the com- 
munity from the immense sacrifices which are now made in the^ 
transmission of funds from one State to another ; 4th, Because it 



gSO S. S. PRENTISS. 

will keep iu check the State banks, repress undue, and inordinate 
issues of local paper, and by that means, iu all likelihood, prevent 
a recurrence to the desperate remedy of a suspension of specie 
payments." He further adds: "I never heard an objection to the 
old United States Bank, that can not be obviated in chartering a 
new one, except the constitutional objection. I know that as 
honest politicians as are in the country, have denied the constitu- 
tional power of Congress upon this subject. I have myself, how- 
ever, always entertained a different opinion, and believe Congress 
has, under the present Constitution, power to charter a bank, I 
would, however, out of respect for those who difier from me, be 
glad to see the Constitution so amended as to leave no doubt on 
the point." 

Such were his views upon the leading feature of national poli- 
tics, and the one that entered most immediately and largely into 
the canvass. With these views, he commenced stumping the 
district, — among a people of heterogeneous political doctrines, 
derived from the States whence they had emigrated, Clay Whigs, 
Jackson Democrats, Calhoun and Webster men. 

He opened the canvass at Natchez, — the first theater of his 
fame, — where bloomed his first southern laurels. His speech was 
characteristically eloquent, — a withering rebuke of the party in 
power, and a fearful portraiture of the difficulties into which the 
country had been brought. Other speeches of equal ability and 
force followed during the canvass, which was throughout, one of 
the most active ever made in the State. The returns showed the 
election of Prentiss by a large majority. He reached Washing- 
ton,— to use his own quotation,— "the city of magnificent distances," 
in December, 1837. Among the members of that Congress, were 
the venerable John Quincy Adams, the patriotic Fillmore, the 
eloquent Corwin, the rising Polk, the energetic and talented 
Wise, — men endowed with varied and profound abilities, — and 
justly renowned in the annals of the country. The seats of Pken- 
Tiss and his colleague. Word, were contested in the House, and a 
resolution introduced, rejecting their credentials. The facts 
in regard to the matter were these : Van Buren had called a 
special session of Congress. Governor Lynch, of Mississippi, 
had called a special election in July, for the election of members 
to fill the delegation till the regular election in November. At 
this July election, Claiborne and Gholson were elected, and got 



S. S. PRENTISS. 681 

their credentials. At the regular November election, Prentiss 
and Word were elected and got theirs. When they arrived at 
Washington, the seats of the latter were contested by Claiborne 
and Gholson, by virtue of the prior July election. Prentiss and 
Word were Whigs, the other gentlemen Democrats, — and parties 
being very nicely balanced in the House at the time, the contest 
was very exciting, and created unusual interest. 

Prentiss entered upon the defense of his own and colleague's 
seats, upon constitutional grounds, in a three days' speech. His 
fame, as an orator, was not unknown in Washington, and the hall 
and lobbies of the house were filled to overflowing with intensely 
interested spectators. Grave senators, indeed, from the other wing 
of the Capitol, crowded to hear him. The speech was considered 
one of the most masterly displays of rhetoric and reasoning, ever 
exhibited in the House. Webster laconically remarked, — " no- 
body could equal it." Clay listened with delight, and Fillmore 
and others bestowed upon it their highest encomiums. That single 
speech made for him a reputation at Washington, as a speaker 
and parliamentarian, attained by few, in years of political life. 

Aller the arguments had been made on both sides, the final 
resolntiou came up: 

'-'■ Besolved^ That S. S. Prentiss and Thomas J. Word, arc not 
entitled to a seat in the Twenty-fifth Congress." A scene of con- 
fusion, and cries of '' order! order 1 " ensued. It resulted in a tie 
vote, — one hundred and seventeen for the resolution, and one 
hundred and seventeen against it. It devolved on the speaker,- 
James K. Polk, to give the casting vote. He voted in the affir- 
mative, and thus the contest was ended. Prentiss and Word 
were defeated, and had nothing to do but to return home. A 
resolution passed, soon after, allowing Prentiss and his colleague 
their mileage, — they would not accept it, however. So admirable 
was the impression made by Prentiss, upon his political friends, 
during his brief stay at the capital, that they extended to him the 
honor of a public dinner before his departure, at which, Webster 
made a powerful and effective Union speech. 

On his return to Mississippi, he issued a circular to the people 
of the State, denouncing the action of Congress, in depriving 
their delegates, in Congress, of seats, and appealing to them ',o 
vindicaie their rights. 

At several points, on his route home, public dinners wer.- ten- 
46 



082 S. S. PRENTISS. 

dereJ him, which he was compelled to decline. He was received 
at Yicksburg amid the boom of cannon, the peal of bells, and 
escorted to his home by an enthusiastic torch-light procession. 
Never was man more idolized among his home people than 
Prentiss. 

For the next Congress, Prentiss and Word were again enthusi- 
astically put forward as candidates. The canvass opened, on the 
part of Prentiss, in gallant style, at Vicksburg and Natchez. At 
the latter place, his speech was one of the most powerful in the 
annals of stump oratory. Crowds of all classes gathered around 
him. The speech had the happiest effect. One old Jackson 
Democrat went into ecstasies, — ripped his coat open behind, threw 
it at his feet, and cried out: " Well, they may call me a turn-coat 
if they please, — but I won't be that, — I shall just back out of my 
coat, and vote for S. S. Prentiss and T. J. Word. 

The result of the canvass was his election by a good majority. 
He left Vicksburg for Washington city in May. When he reached 
the Capitol, and the oath of office was about being administered, 
he said to the speaker, Mr. Polk, that: "Candor compelled him 
to inform the House, on behalf of himself and colleague, that 
they did not claim their seats by virtue of the recent election, 
that they looked upon the recent election as unconstitutional, and 
wholly invalid." He further said, that "his colleague and him- 
self could not conscientiously take the oath under any other elec- 
tion than that of November, and that upon their consciences, 
they should take their oaths and seats by virtue of that election 
alone. A high sense of duty, both to himself and the House, 
called upon him for this avowal, that if any wished to make 
objection they might have the opportunity for so doing." 

No objection was made, — they were sworn in, and took their 
seats by virtue of the same credentials that had been rejected but 
a short time previous. In regard to his congressional honors, he 
was wholly indifferent, — "Here I am, at last," he writes his sister, 
"a member of Congress, and no man, I imagine, ever labored as 
hard for the poor privilege of having M. C, at one end of his 
name, and Hon. at the other. The bauble seems scarcely worth 
the wearing, notwithstanding, I fought so fiercely for it." 

For a time, he took little part in congressional proceedings. 
The main feature of discussion was the sub-treasury bill, against 
which, the Whigs were arrayed. In this scheme, after a long 



S. S. PRENTISS. G83 

contest, the aclaiiuistratiou suffered defeat. The speech of Pren- 
tiss, in oppositiou, was considered among the ablest of the session. 

Before adjournment, a bill was brought forward, making the 
executive the custodian of the public funds, and prohibiting "the 
reception of notes under the denomination of twenty dollars, or 
those of any bank which issued notes of a denomination less than 
five." Prentiss opposed this in a sarcastic impromptu speech, 
that was full of pith, and created general laughter. 

In 1838, he again visited his friends in Portland, — there he met 
warm solicitations to attend the "Webster festival about to be given 
at old Faueuil Hall. The dinner came off, — glorious occasion ! 
In that old Mecca of human libert}'^, hallowed by the mightiest 
memories that ever roused a nation, great men met to honor 
the "Defender of the Constitution;" Webster, Everett, Lawrence, 
Ellsworth, and Lincoln, were there. After several orators of 
veteran fame had spoken, the following toast called the southern 
eagle to the stand : 

" Mississippi.; and her distinguisTied representative in Con- 
gress : we welcome him most cordially to this Hall, consecrated 
to the cause of our country and independence. He has fought a 
good fight and deserves and will receive the gratitude and admi- 
ration of his country." 

Prentiss arose and responded in a speech of eloquence and 
patriotism. The spirit of the place seemed hovering over him, 
and imbuing into his soul the holiest inspiration. Speaking of 
the country and its Constitution, he said: "And let it never be 
forgotten that these institutions are ours in trust ; we hold them 
for a thousand generations yet to emerge from the stream of time. 
They are sacred heir-looms confided to our keeping by those who 
are to come after us, — and if we allow them to be impaired or 
sullied while passing through our hands, we are guilty of a double 
crime; we are traitors alike to our fathers and our posterity. 
* * * "WTq are one body, and where one member sufiers all 
the rest must sufier with it ; or one member prospers all the rest 
rejoice with it ; and I hold it a high duty of those citizens who 
come from distant parts of our wide Union, to assure their fellow- 
citizens of the perfect sympathy and unanimity of feeling which 
pervades the entire people of this Confederacy ; — ^}^es, we are one 
people for weal or for woe. "When I can not come from Missis • 
sippi and call the men of Boston my fellow-citizens, my kindred 



684 S.S. PRENTISS. 

my brethren, I desire no longer to be myself a citizen of the 
Republic ; — ^yes (amid enthusiastic cheers) we are all embarked 
on one bottom ; and whether we sink or swim, we will swim or 
we will sink together ! " As he reached this point, handker- 
chiefs waved, hands clapped, and shouts rang through the hall. 
Amid cries of "go on! go on! don't stop," etc., Prentiss gave 
the following toast, and closed his remarks, — the house literally 
trembling with thunders of applause : 

" The CoTYimomoealth of IfassacJiusetts^ — Foremost among 
the States in the formation of this Republic, — second to none in 
the ability, integrity, and patriotism, which she has always con- 
tributed to sustain it." This speech, though Prentiss was not 
satisfied with it, received the highest eulogiums. Everett asked 
Webster if he had ever heard any thing like it : " Never," re]3lied 
the statesman, " except from Prentiss himself." 

He was now beset on all sides to accept public dinners and 
deliver addresses. In New York, the people were pressing in 
their invitations, begging him to accept the hospitalities of the 
city, and address the people. This, and similar requests, he 
declined. In New York, an incident occurred, illustrative of 
Pbentiss' nature to an eminent degree. Walking down Broad- 
way with a friend, he was thus addressed: "Prentiss, this is a 
long and lofty stride you have taken. Don't you feel a little giddy 
at your sudden elevation ?*' '• iNo," lie answered, '• I have known 
for years what I know now, — that I could accomplish what I have 
accomplished. I could not for the opportunity, but was content to 
live and die unheard ; but opportunity came and I seized it. As 
to having my head turned by this excess of praise, I am really 
sickened by it; and to avoid it, intend to proceed from this point 
to Mississippi by sea." " Were you composed and self-possessed 
when you rose to your feet, for the first time, in Congress ?" he 
was asked. " Entirely so, — as much so as if I had been beginning 

a speech before old Squire , of Yicksburg." " Your style is 

more figurative than it used to be," continued his friend, " and 
some say you do not reason now as well as you declaim." " They 
are mistaken, I think. The truth is, the natural bent of my mind 
is to dry and pure ratiocination ; but finding early that mankind, 
from a petit jury to the highest deliberative assembly, are more 
influenced by illustration than by argument, I have cultivated 
my imagination in aid of my understanding." This, it was 



S. S. PRENTISS. (385 

affirmed by Ins friend, was the longest conversation he ever knew 
Prentiss to engage in concerning himself. 

The intention of going to New Orleans by water was carried out. 
The curiosity to see him everywhere, and the flocking of people 
around him at all points, made a trip by land annoying in the 
extreme. It is said, at that time, the first questions asked an 
individual returning from Washington was, had he seen S. S 
Peentiss, — had he heard him speak, etc. 

On his arrival at New Orleans, he was received with every 
manifestation of public regard, Eemaining there but a brief 
period, he hastened on to Vicksburg, where he was warmly 
welcomed. 

The assembling of Congress, December, 1838, found Pkentiss 
at his post. Among his first labore, was the delivery of his speech 
on Defalcations. The speech abounds with beautiful figure and apt 
illustration, but was not regarded, in depth and profundity, equal to 
many of his efibrts. He was very bitter against Jackson, and the 
whole administration party. After pointing to the defalcations, 
and suggesting remedies to put a stop to them, he exclaimed : 
"Sir, I have given you but two or three instances of defalcation; 
would time permit, I could give you a hundred. Like the fair 
Sultana of the oriental legends, I could go on for a thousand and 
one nights ; and even as in those Eastern stories, so in the 
chronicles of the ofiace-holders, the tale would ever be of heaps 
of gold, massive nuggets, uncounted riches. Why, sir, Aladdin's 
lamp was nothing to it, — they seem to possess the identical cap 
of Fortunatus ; some wish for fifty thousand dollars, some for one 
hundred thousand, and some for a million; and behold, it lies in 
glittering heaps before them. Not even 

"The gorgeous East, with richest liand, 
Showers on her kings barbaric, pearl and gold" 

in such lavish abundance, as does this administration upon its 
followers. Pizarro held not forth more dazzling lures to his robber 
band, when he led them to the conquest of the Children of the 
Sun." 

Again, he said : " Give us the right sort of a committee, — one 
that will go throught the department as Van Tromp swept through 
the British channel, with a broom at the mast head, and some- 
thing, perhaps, may be done." 

Again: "This administration was conceived in sin, and 



(586 S. S. PRENTISS. 

brought forth in iniqiiitj ; it has not belied its parentage. It 
is essentially and radically corrupt. In the language of an 
English historian, describing the reign of Henry the Vlllth, it 
has attained as near to jperfect depravity as the intirmities of 
human nature would permit. Just before an election, it will 
talk of reform, and deprecate with holy horror, the consequences 
of its own misdeeds ; but no sooner is its object accomplished, 
than it returns to its policy like a dog to his vomit. I have no 
hope of reform in the party in power; my only hope is, that the 
people, convinced of their hypocrisy and wickedness, will hurl 
them from the high places they have so long disgraced. That a 
consummation so devoutly to be wished for may be obtained, let 
us unite in exhibiting to the country their true principles; let us 
fasten upon them the responsibilities of their actions. In this 
patriotic work, I ti'ust I shall find with me ray honorable friend 
from South Carolina, who sits near me (Mr. Pickens) ; often has 
lie led the fierce assault against these very corruptions. ' Has his 
hand waxed weak or his heart waxed cold, that his war-cry has 
yet not tingled in our ears ? Surely the horn of Koland will 
sound again ; surely in this his favorite battle he will strike one more 
blow for Christendom, before he renounces the cross and assumes 
the turban.' Sir, I see by his flashing eye, his soul is with us ; 
the spirit of the past is rising before him ; he recollects that many 
moons have not waxed nor waned since this very party who now 
claim him as an ally, crouched and howled like an exorcised 
demon, beneath the magic of his burning words. Let him come 
out from among them, — he and his friends, — for they are not of 
them ; eagles mate not with kites and carrion crows." 

With a withering anathema against the President, he closed as 
follows : " Let the present executive be re-elected, — let him con- 
tinue to be guided by the counsels of Mephistophiles and Asmo- 
deus, the two familiars who are ever at his elbow, — those lords, the 
one of letters^ the other of lies^ — and it will not be long that this 
mighty Hall will echo to the voice of an American representa- 
tive. This Capitol will have no other uses than to attract the 
curiosity of the passing traveler, who in melancholy idleness will 
stop to inscribe upon one of these massive pillars : ' Here was a 
Kepublic' 

This was followed by an ofi'-hand speech upon the navy, that 
struck all who heard it as being exceedingly brilliant and perti- 



S. S. PRENTISS. 687 

nent. Several pronounced him "the most naturally gifted orator 
they had ever heard." 

It was, during this session of Congress, that his fatal habits 
fastened themselves upon him with relentless hold. Generous 
and good-natured, courted by the most refined and the most reck- 
less, and without the remotest conception of the value of money, 
he fell into habits of gaming and drinking. These causes, no 
doubt, operated to give him a distaste for politics. He went to 
Washington with the finest prospects ever open to the eye of 
aspiring genius. He left there with a reputation wide as the 
country. But reckless and indifierent of consequences, his private 
afiairs became embarrassed, and he gradually became disgusted 
with men and things around him, and began to exhibit evidences 
of care and disappointment. Another thing tended to produce 
this result, — his lameness. Keenly sensitive, and possessing for 
the opposite sex the highest appreciation, he seldom mingled in 
their society. Deprive man of the holy influences of female 
society, and you rob him at once of the noblest incentive to exalted 
virtue. Prentiss was prevailed on, by Mr. Wise, on one occasion, 
to receive an introduction to some ladies, and was urged to join 
in a dance ; his sensibility got the better of him and he retired 
almost abruptly, and was shortly after found in his room in a state 
of melancholy, bordering upon wretchedness. 

Wise has furnished several interesting reminiscences of Prentiss : 
" The first I knew of him," says he, was in the Mississippi con- 
tested election. Word, his colleague, was a modest, amiable, and 
very sensible man, who without reserve, acknowledged his superi- 
ority. When I spoke to Word about the need of study and 
preparation, on Prentiss' part, for the approaching debate, his 
eye twinkled with mirth. ' Let him alone ! Never do you mind ! 
Wait and hear him!' That was all the return I got for my 
apprehension. Well, I did wait to see ; it was all that I was 
allowed to do. The day, at length, arrived. Prentiss' turn came. 
He threw himself on the arena at a single bound ; but not in the 
least like a harlequin. He stepped no stranger on the boards of' 
high debate, — he raised the hand high to Heaven and trod a giant 
step ! Never did I see the qaudia certaininis so beam, and! 
shine, and glow from mortal face. I never shall forget the feel- 
ings he inspired and the triumph he won. But there's the speech, 
or, at least, a fragment of it surviving him. There 's the figure 



(588 S. S. PRENTISS. 

of the star and stripe ; go, read it, — read it, now that his eye is 
dim and his muscles cease to move the action to the word ; then 
imagine what it was as his tongue spoke, his eye looked it, his 
hand gesticulated its thought." 

The reference to the star and stripe, here made by the narrator, 
will be found at the close of his speech on the Mississippi con- 
tested election, which concluded as follows: 

" Sir, you may think it an easy and a trifling matter to deprive 
Mississippi of her elective franchise ; for she is young, and may 
not, perchance, have the power to resist ; but I am much mistaken 
in the character of her chivalrous citizens, if you do not find 
that she not only understands her rights, but has both the will and 
the power to vindicate them. You may yet find, to your sorrow, 
that you have grasped a scorpion, where you thought you were 
only crushing a worm. This House w^ould as soon put its head in 
a lion's mouth, as take the course which is threatened, toward the 
elder and more powerful States. And how happens it, that 
representatives of the States which have always been the readiest 
in the assertion of their own rights, should now be most zealous 
in trampling upon the rights of Mississippi ? What has she done, 
that she should be selected as a victim ? No State is or has ever 
been more ardently attached to the Union ; and if she is placed 
beyond its pale, it will be your fault, and not her own. Sir, if 
you consummate this usurpation, you degrade the State of Missis- 
sippi : and if she submits, never again can she wear the lofty look 
of conscious independence. Burning shame will set its seal upon 
her brow; and when her proud sons travel in other lands, they 
will blush at the history of her dishonor, as it falls from the sneer- 
ing lip of the stranger. Sir, place her not in that terrible and 
trying position, in which her love for this glorious Union will be 
found at war with her own honor, and the paramount obligation 
which binds her to transmit to the next generation, untarnished 
and undiminished, her portion of that rich legacy of the Revolu- 
tion, which was bought with blood, and which should never be 
parted with for a price less than what it cost. Is there a State in 
this Union that would part with it ; that would submit to have 
her representative chosen by this House, and forced upon her 
against her will ? Come ! what says the Bay State, — time-honored 
Massaclmsettsf From the cradle in which young Liberty was 
^rst rocked, even from old Faneuil Hall, comes forth her ready 



S. S. PRENTISS. G89 

answer, and, before it dies away, again it is repeated from Bunker 
Hill : ' It was for this very right of representation our fathers 
fought the battles of the Revolution, and ere we will surrender this 
dear-bought right, those battles shall again become dread realities.' 
Would Kentucky submit? Ask her, Mr, Speaker, and her 
mamTYiotli cavern will find a voice to thunder in your ear her 
stern response: 'No ; sooner than submit to such an outrage, our 
soil shall be re-baptized with a new claim to the proud but melan- 
choly title of dark and bloody ground.'' And what says Virginia, 
with her high device, — her '■sic semper tijrannis^ the loftiest 
motto that ever blazed upon a warrior's shield or a nation's arms ? 
How would she brook such usurpation ? What says the mother 
of States and State-right doctrine ; she who has placed instruction 
as a guardian over representation / what says she to the propo- 
sition that this House can make representatives, and force them 
upon a State in violation of its choice and will ? And there is 
South Carolina, the Harry Percy of the Union ? On which side, 
in this great controversy, does she couch her lance and draw her 
blade? I trust, upon the side of her sister State; upon the side, 
too, of the constitutional rights of all the States ; and let her lend 
the full strength of her good right arm to the blow, when she 
strikes in so righteous a quarrel. 

" Upon all the Stales I do most solemnly call, for that justice to 
another, which they would expect for themselves. Let this cup 
pass from Mississippi. Compel her not to drink its bitter ingredi- 
ents, lest, some day, even-handed justice should ' commend the 
poisoned chalice 'to your lips. Rescind that resolution, which 
presses like a foul incubus upon the Constitutiou. You sit here, 
twenty-five sovereign States, in judgment upon the most sacred 
right of a sister State ; and which is to a State what chastity is to 
a woman, or honor to a man. Should you decide against her, you 
tear from her brow the richest jewel which sparkles there, and 
forever bow her head in shame and dishonor. But, if your 
determination is taken ; if the blow must fall ; if the violated 
Constitution must bleed ; I have but one request, on her behalf, 
to make. When you decide that she can not choose her own 
representation, at that self-same moment blot from the spangled 
banner of this Union the bright star that glitters to the name 
of Mississippi., but leave the stripe behind, a fit emblem of her 
degradation." 



690 S. S. PRENTISS. 

We give place to another reminisceuce of Mr. Wise: "lie. 
Kichard n. Menefee and myself, were specially invited, after the 
adjoiirnnieut of Congress in the summer of 1838, to address a 
mass-meeting at Havre de Grace, Maryland. In steamers crowded, 
and with flags streaming, we left Baltimore and reached the stand 
in the morning. We waited hours and hours, and the cry was 
' still they come.' It was a gathering of the substantial population 
from far and near, — of fathers, sons, and daughters, — husbands 
and Yv'ives, and a fairer, more respectable, or a more patriotic 
assembly of the people I never witnessed. It was near the middle 
of July, and the day sultry to wilting. I was sick and overcome 
by the heat, — so relaxed, in fact, that I could not make a tolerable 
apology for not attempting a speech. Menefee followed, and was 
not himself either. Prentiss was shouted for, and came up, — as 
he always did, nothing aflecting Mm^ — like a courser in perfect 
keeping. ll\s _p7i7jsique was wonderful in that respect ; his diges- 
tion was good, his body sound, and he could bear every extreme 
variation of temperature and habit. He was never out of sorts, 
and at once lighted up this scene. Said he : 'Fellow-Citizens, — • 
by the Father of Waters, at Xew Orleans, I have said, Fellow- 
Citizens, — on the banks of the beautiful Ohio, I have said, Fellow- 
Citizens, — here I say, Fellow-Citizens, — and a thousand miles 
beyond this. North, thanks be to God ! I can still say, Felloio- 
Cltizens!'' Thus, in a single sentence, he saluted his audience, 
and drew every man, woman, and child, near to him, — made 
himself dear to them, and by a word, covered the continent, — by 
a line mapped the United States from the Gulf to the Lakes, — by 
a greeting warm from the heart, beaming from the countenance, 
depicted the whole country, its progress, development, grandeur, 
glory, and Union. Every hat was whirled in the air, every handker- 
chief was waved, the welkin rang with applause, — the multitude 
heaved up to the stand, — stood on tiptoe, and shouted, cheer after 
cheer, as if wild with joy and mad with excitement. Never for one 
moment did he relax his grasp upon that mass of human passions. 
He rose higher and 'higher, — went up and up, — on, on, far, far 
away, like the flight of the carrier-pigeon. It was the music of 
sweet sounds, and anon it was the roar of the elements. Figures 
bubbled up and poured themselves forth like springs in gushing 
fountains, which murmur and leap awhile amid mountain-rocks, 
then run smooth and clear through green and flowery valleys, 



S. S. PRENTISS. 091 

nntil, at length, swollen into mighty rivers, they roll onward to 
the ocean. The hnman reeds bowed and waved before the blast, 
or lifted their heads and basked in his sunshine." Such is the 
graphic description of the effect of his oratory upon popular 
assemblages. 

On his return south from the seat of government, he was 
detained in Kentucky as counsel for Judge Wilkinson, indicted 
for murder before the State tribunals. 

The trial, in pamphlet form, which lies before us, contains the 
entire proceedings, — to that the reader is referred. 

The spring of 1839 found him again in Yicksburg, with a 
determined purpose to have no more to do with politics. With 
spirits elastic, bounding, and free as an uncaged bird, he turned 
his back upon political strifes and turmoils, resolved to spend his 
life in legal and private pursuits. He was, soon after, however, 
solicited with almost unexampled unanimity by the Whigs of his 
State, to become a candidate for the Senate of the United States. 
This desire was not confined, indeed, to the State. John J. 
Crittenden and others, who knew his merit, and valuable accession 
to the Whig strength his election would give, wrote kind and 
urgent letters, insisting upon his compliance with the wishes of 
the people. He conned the whole matter, and though contrary to 
his wishes, he yielded a reluctant assent, more because he felt it 
his duty, than through any ambitious desire. His acceptance was 
hailed w^ith enthusiastic joy, and he entered the canvass with 
characteristic energy, though " his heart was not in the work." 
He was everywhere treated with an admiration amounting to 
idolatry. His competitor was Robert J. Walker, a name long 
linked with the financial operations of the government. Pkentiss 
was beaten, — the popular vote was claimed to be in his favor, but 
Walker was elected by Democratic preponderance in the Legis- 
lature. Prentiss was not in the least mortified at the result. 
His profession required his time, — his private affairs, immediate 
and personal supervision. He entered the contest through a sense 
of duty, — he was beaten, but very indifferent about the matter. 

The campaign of ISiO opened under very favorable auspices to 
the Whig cause. Harrison, Tippecanoe, Log-Cabin, and Hard 
Cider, rang from one end of the Union to the other. Political 
speakers on each side were active and untiring in their labors to 
secure the success of their respective candidates. Prentiss, in 



692 S. S. PRENTISS. 

the summer of that year, made a tour through the northern States, 
and addressed large assemblies at various points His trip was a 
triumphal ovation, — crowds flocked to hear him, and invitations 
to speak poured upon him at every stopping-place. At Portland, 
ho made one of the happiest political eflbrts of his life. At 
various places, he met and electrified the people with his elo- 
quence and reasoning. 

Early in the fall he reached Yicksburg, and resumed his pro- 
fession, lie was married, March 3d, 1842, to Mary Jane 
Williams of Natchez; immediately after which, he went, in 
company with his wife and sister, to Washington city. 

After his return home, he was honored with an agreeable and 
highly interesting visit from Henry Clay, who was his guest for 
a short time, during his return from the south-west. A pleas- 
ing correspondence was afterward had between the two, — each 
feeling an affectionate interest in the other. 

During the years 1840 to '-IS, the Repudiation question raged 
with much intensit}' in Mississippi. The Union Bank of that 
State was established in 1837, with a capital of fifteen millions 
five hundred thousand dollars. To raise this sum, a large amount 
of State bonds were issued and signed by the governor, for the 
redemption of which, the faith of the State stood pledged. Not- 
withstanding this, however, strong eflbrts were made to get rid of 
the payment of these bonds, and a bill was forced through the 
Legislature to that eflect. It was defeated in the Senate, greatly 
to the joy of right thinking men. Their joy was of short duration. 
McNutt, Governor of the State, issued his proclamation, repudi- 
ating the bonds, declaring they would not, and could not be })aid 
by the State. Indignation and shame prevailed among all good 
citizens of the State. Prentiss, with his high sense of honor and 
deep State pride, went into the contest, arrayed against the position 
of the governor. An indignation meeting M^as held in Adams 
county. Pkextiss was present, and made a cutting speech against 
the governor and his proclamation. His speeches, on this subject, 
during the time it agitated the State and the country, evinced, 
it has been thought by his friends, more profound research and 
eloquence in their deliver}^, than any others of his life. This 
question was long one of interest before the country, and was 
discussed, on all occasions, b}" Pkentiss, with accustomed ability : 
it was not finally settled till the summer of 1853, when the High 



S. S. PRENTISS. G93 

Court of Errors and Appeals affirmed the decree of the Superior 
Court of Chancery, declaring that the State was morally and 
legally bound to redeem the Union Bank bonds 

Prentiss' marriage exerted most happy influences. His home 
was his souFs paradise, and the heart long sealed to happiness, 
bloomed with flowers of purest aflection. He devoted himself to 
his profession with unremitting diligence, — threw open the doors 
of his home, and entertained visitors and friends jn a manner 
most winning and agreeable. 

On the 22d of February, 1844, he addressed a Whig mass 
meeting at New Orleans, with so much power and beauty, that he 
was compelled, by the unanimous voice of those who heard him, 
to deliver a second address, which he did in the Arcade, to one 
of the largest assemblages ever enchained by the eloquence of 
man. Henry Clay was then in the city. The convention, en 
masse, proceeded to the St. Charles Hotel to pay him their homage. 
The crowd swelled till the streets were one dense mass of human 
beings. At an obscure window above, satPsENTiss, gazing on the 
scene. Loud shouts were raised for Clay. The veteran states- 
man appeared, and returned his thanks. Cries of " Peentiss ! 
Peentiss !" now rent the air. He appeared amid cries of" speech ! 
speech ! " He raised his hand, and lifting himself to full hight, 
exclaimed: "Fellow-Citizens, when the eagle is soaring in the 
sky, the owls and" the bats retire to their holes. -^ Shout after 
shout followed the remark, and before silence was restored, he 
escaped from the crowd. 

He soon again went North, and was the object of the same 
attention and enthusiastic welcome. He made, during his trip, 
many political and other addresses, which always drew large and 
delighted audiences. ^Vhen the presidential campaign of 18'44 
opened, Prentiss entered the contest with the greatest ardor and 
enthusiasm. Aside from political preferences, which were strong, 
and fortified by experience and investigation, he was endeared to 
Clay by the closest ties of personal friendship. He made many 
speeches, eloquent and able, — the s abject-matter of which, 
embraced a close and severe investigation of the political con- 
dition of the country, and the imperative demands of its interests, 
advocating Clay's elevation to the presidency. 

On his return to New Orleans, compliant to urgent solicitation, 
he delivered an address on the Fine Arts. The subject was con 



G94 S. S. PRENTISS. 

genial, — his audience large : he acquitted liimself of his task to the 
delight of all. Politics were now raging high. The Whigs were 
in fine hopes, — cheered by signs of victory from all sides. Con- 
ventions, barbecues, and club meetings, were being held all over 
the Union. Pkentiss was overwhelmed with invitations from all 
sections, to deliver addresses. He visited Nashville, Tennessee, 
and was received with unbounded cordiality; returning, he spoke 
to immense throngs at Jackson, Vicksburg, and Natchez. Few 
men made greater exertions, or through purer motives, to secure 
the election of Clay, than did Pkentiss ; nor was the wide-spread 
disappointment at his defeat to any one more agonizing. He was 
almost overwhelmed at the result, and like many others, felt less 
confidence in the judgment of the American people. 

In one of his speeches, he thus defined his views upon the 
tariff: " I assert," he says, " and trust, before I have finished, to 
be able to prove that a tariff, for the purpose of raising revenue, 
but carefully and skillfully discriminating in the articles upon 
which tiie duty is laid, and the amount of duty for the protection 
of American manufactures, while it is a cardinal Whig doctrine, 
is essential to the true policy of our great Union." His argument 
to sustain this idea, is elaborate and full of profound thought upon 
that feature of our national policy. 

This brings us to a melancholv era in tlie life of S. S. Pkentiss. 
He had invested his all in the Vicksburg commons, and spent the 
proceeds of his profession in decorating and beautifying the same. 
He had purchased the property years before, it being originally 
designed by Mr. Tick, fur the city site, and designated fur that 
purpose. After Pkentiss had improved it at enormous expense, 
Vick's heirs brought suit. The case reached the Supreme Court 
of the United States, and was finally decided against hiin. Thus 
his all was snatched from him, and he, to use his own expression, 
'^left floundering like a fish in a net," embarrassed with old debts. 

Yet, he was not cast down. Having faith that his profession 
would yield him a competency anywhere, and considering that 
New Orleans was a better theater for the display of his talents 
than Vicksburg, he resolved upon going to that city. Nothing 
could have pained the people of Mississippi more than this 
announcement. Public dinners were given him at various places 
previous to his departure, and every indication manifested of the 
resrret it occasioned. 



S. S. PRENTISS. 095 

On settling at Isew Orleans, he withdrew entirely from party 
politics, and gave himself np to business, which flowed rapidly in 
upon him. On the 22d of December, 1846, he delivered an 
address before the New England Society, that was stamped with 
the patent of his genius in every sentence. Ilis home memories 
crowded upon him, and seemed to breathe an inspiration into his 
soul. It closed thus; "Glorious New England! thou art still 
true to thy ancient fame, and worthy of thy ancestral honors. 
We, thy children, have assembled in this far-distant land to cele- 
brate thy birth-day. A thousand fond associations throng upon us, 
roused by the spirit of the hour. On thy pleasant valleys, rest like 
sweet dews of morning, the gentle recollections of our early life; 
around thy hills and mountains, cling like gathering mists, the 
mighty memories of the Revolution ; and far away, in the horizon 
of thy past, gleam like thine own Northern Lights, the awful 
virtues of our Pilgrim sires. But, while we devote this day to 
the remembrance of our native land, we forget not that in which 
our happy lot is cast. We exult in the reflection, that though we 
count by thousands, the miles which separate us from our birth- 
place, still our country is the same. We are no exiles, meeting 
upon the banks of a foreign river, to swell its waters with our home- 
sick tears. Here floats the same banner which rustled over our 
boyish heads, except that its mighty folds are wider and its glitter- 
ing stars increased in number. 

" The sons of New England are found in every State of the 
broad Republic. In the East and South, and the unbounded 
West, their blood mingles freely with every kindred current. We 
have but changed our chamber in the paternal mansion ; in all its 
rooms we are at home, and all who inhabit it are brothers. To 
us the Union has but one domestic hearth ; its household gods are 
all the same. Upon us, then, peculiarly devolves the duty of 
feeding the fires upon that kindly hearth ; of guarding with pious 
care, these sacred household gods. We can not do with less 
than the whole Union ; to us it admits of no division. In the 
veins of our children flows Northern and Southern blood ; how 
shall it be separated ; who shall put asunder the best aflections of 
the human heart, — the noblest instincts of our nature ? We love 
the land of our adoption, so do we that of our birth ; let us ever be 
true to both, and always exert ourselves in maintaining the unity 
of our country, the integrity of the Republic. 



696 S. S. PRENTISS. 

"Accursed, then, be the hand put forth to sever the golden cord 
of Union ; thrice accursed the traitorous lips, whether of North- 
ern lanatic or Soutliern demagogue, which shall propose its sever- 
ance. But no! the Union can not be dissolved: its fortunes are 
too brilliant to be marred ; its destinies too powerful to bo resisted. 
Here will be their greatest triumph, — their most mighty develop- 
ment. And when a century hence, this Crescent City shall 
have filled her golden horns ; when within her broad-armed 
port, shall be gathered the products of the industry of a hundred 
millions of freemen ; when galleries of art and halls of learn- 
shall have made classic this mart of trade ; then may the sons of 
the Pilgrim, still wandering from the bleak hills of the North, 
stand upon the banks of the Great River and exclaim with 
mingled pride and wonder: Lo ! this is our country: when did 
the world ever witness so rich and magnificent a City, — 
so great and glorious a Republic!" Few extracts sparkle with 
richer gems than the above. His next public address was in 
behalf of the starving people of Ireland, delivered in 1847. 
Though delivered upon the spur of the occasion, and in a State of 
depressed spirits, caused by the momentary expectation of intelli- 
gence of his sister's death, — it is an outburst of eloquence and 
sympathy, rarely equaled: "Go home," said he to the assembly, 
"and look at your family, smiling in rosy health, and then think 
of the pale, famine-pinched cheeks of the poor children of Ireland ; 
and I know you will give according to your store, even as a boun- 
tiful Providence has given to you, — not grudgingly, but with an 
open hand, for the quality of benevolence, like that of mercy, 

' Is not stained, 



It droppeth as tlie gentle rain from Heaven, 
Upon the place beneath ; it is thrice blessed, 
Itblesseth him that gives and him that takes.'" 

It may here be remarked, that it was very difficult to report the 
speeches of Prentiss correctly, his illustrations were so easy and 
rapid, that it was difficult to follow him, and then, — as several 
expert reporters affirmed, they were, despite themselves, some- 
times, so carried away, as to lose sight of the mechanical opera- 
tion of reporting. He again delivered a public address to the 
volunteers of the Mexican war, as they returned through New 
Orleans. This speech was a fine specimen of popular oratory, 
and replete with patriotic sentiments. 



S. S. PRENTISS. (397 

An affair, by bo means pleasant to Prentiss, occurred in 1848. 
He became involved in a quarrel with Henry Clay Erwin, grand- 
sun to Henry Clay. In one of his cases at court, he used some 
very harsh terms toward Erwin's father, and added that he held 
himself responsible for what he said. The offensive remarks, 
finding their way into the public prints, met the eye of young 
Erwin, who was then in Kentucky. He hastene'd to New Orleans, 
and sent Prentiss a peremptory challenge, leaving no alternative 
but to fight or decline. His challenge was accepted. The matter 
was finally referred to friends of each party, who said that the 
objectionable reflections upon Erwin's father were beyond the range 
of Prentiss' case, and should be withdrawn. This was acceded 
to, on the part of Prentiss' friends, and there the matter ended. 
It was believed, that under other circumstances, Prentiss would 
have permitted no retraction, and that he would not fight a grand- 
son of Henry Clay if he could honorably avoid it. 

Notwithstanding his decided intention of standing aloof from 
politics, when the campaign of 1848 opened, Prentiss re-entered 
the arena of discussion. He addressed a vast meeting of the 
Whig party at New Orleans, assembled for the purpose of appoint- 
ing delegates to the national convention. Though Clay was his 
preference, as he was with a large portion of his countrymen for 
the presidency, he spoke in terms of high eulogy of Taylor, who 
had been much talked of in connection with the presidential office. 
He was appointed as one of the delegates, and Clay wrote him a 
friendly letter, urging his attendance. Business prevented him 
from going. When the convention met at Philadelphia, and 
nominated Taylor, he entered the canvass with the earnestness 
of former times, as the advocate of the ticket. His exertions, 
indeed, broke down his health, — prostrated him on a sick bed, 
and it was thought, hastened his death. The election of Taylor 
caused him much gratification, and he looked to the coming 
administration for great results. 

His efforts in the campaign closed, and forever, his connection 
with political matters. In fact, he was destined soon to cease 
participating in all earthly aftairs. During the prevalence of 
cholera in New Orleans, in 1848, he had a severe attack of a 
similar character, that came near proving fatal. In the summer 
of 1849, he made, with his family, his last visit North. They 
reached Newburyport in August. A great change had taken 
47 



698 S. S. PRENTISS. 

place in his personal appearance since he was last there. His 
face was marked with lines of care ; he was pale and somewhat 
emaciated, — the portals of the tomb were evidently not far 
distant. 

He visited Boston, — had the pleasure of meeting Henry Clay 
and Daniel Webster, from each of whom, he received the most 
kind greetings. He drove along the margin of, and fished in, the 
old Merrimac, and visited Martha's Yineyard, — all the scenery 
about him tended to awaken recollections of the past, and it was 
evident that he still cherished New England with filial fondness. 
He returned to New Orleans in October, in rather feeble health. 
By 1850, he was very much enfeebled. His "fiery soul" battled 
heroically with "the frail tenement" that was fast giving way. 
Never did he labor at his profession more assiduously than during 
that gloomy winter. Though sinking all the time, he worked 
diligently, and nursed the fond hope that returning spring would 
bring health,— spring came, but not health to the invalid. 

He delivered a warm and glowing eulogy on Calhoun, the news 
of whose death reached New Orleans about this time. He was 
also selected to deliver the annual address before the Story Law 
Association of Harvard College, which severe indisposition com- 
pelled him to decline. He now began to fail rapidly. His wife 
and children, contrary to the wishes of the former, repaired to 
Longwood, whither he was soon to follow and close his earthly 
pilgrimage. He still worked on in the office, and despite his 
friends' expostulations, averred that he would improve. Even 
then, when death was upon him, he prepared a highly important 
case, in a manner, not excelled by the ablest jurist and advocate. 
In June, 1850, he suddenly became worse, and was forced to take 
his bed. But suddenly exclaiming to his friends : ''''I must loorJc ; 
why, good sirs, a man can not lie in his bed and make his living." 
He was, soon after, in the Federal Court, where he made an argu- 
ment of some two hours' length. On its close, he fainted. He 
was taken to the hotel, where he soon fainted again. A short 
time after this, he appeared, for the last time, in court. It was 
on the occasion of Lopez's examination. His genius shone with 
its original luster, and bound listening hearers with the same tasci- 
nating spell. 

He continued to sink, and finally consented to give up all ideas 
of business, and manifested much anxiety to set out for home. He 



S. S. PEENTISS. 599 

reached Longwood about the 20th of June. Near the close of 
the month, lie became delirious, in which State he remained, 
except at intervals, until his death. He grew weaker until the 
1st of July, — when the pulse ceased, the breast heaved, and, — 
" Maey," quivered from the pale lips, — the orator was no more. 
He was buried the ensuing Thursday at Longwood, where he still 
sleeps beside the Father of Waters. It is needless to dwell on the 
causes that threw a melancholy tinge over bis declining years. 
Pkentiss was, by nature, eminently endowed with qualities to 
adorn the walks of public and private life. " Every trait of his 
noble nature was in excess ; his very virtues leaned to faults, and 
his faults themselves to virtue. The like of him I never shall 
see again, so compounded was he of all sorts of contradiction, 
without a single element in him to disgust, — without one charac- 
teristic which did not attract and charm. His public exhibitions 
were all splendid and glorious. He did any thing he attempted 
magnificently well ; and yet, as I knew him, he could hardly be 
called a man of business. He was a natural spendthrift, and yet 
despised debt and dependence. He was heedless of all conse- 
quences, and yet of the soundest judgment in council, and dis- 
cretion in movement. He was almost the only man I ever saw, 
whom I never heard utter a scandal, and he had the least 
charity of any man I ever saw for all kinds of baseness or 
meanness. He was continually, without ceasing, quoting classic 
lore and not the least of a pedant. He was brave to fool-hardiness, 
and wouldn 't hurt Uncle Toby's fly. His domestic affections were 
truly tender and beautiful. He almost adored his mother. All 
his knowledge of the Bible, especially, and all the good and grace 
that was developed in him, he attributed to the teachings at her 
knee. He was most eloquent when her morale was the subject of 
discourse. May I, my dear sir, inquire, as Joseph inquired of his 
brethren for his father, — is that lady ' still alive? ' He loved you 
all with exceeding love and devotion.*" 

* Extract from a letter of Henry A. Wise, to a brother of S. S. Prentiss. 



SILAS WRIGHT. 



Silas Wright was a statesman iii a true sense of the terra, — a 
profound thinker, a keen observer of events, energetic, firm, con- 
sistent, and thoronghly practical. His influence npon the political 
destinies of this country was not confined to the State in which he 
lived ; — among the prominent leaders of a powerful party, his 
sound judgment and unwavering fidelity, marked him as a national 
man. Throughout the country, he was regarded as such, and the 
choice of many for the presidenc}', a post which he was, perhaps, 
only prevented from reacliing by his lamented death. Like many 
of our great men, he sprang from humble, but respectable origin. 

His ancestors came from England and settled in Massachusetts, 
where Samuel Wright, the first of the stock, of whom mention is 
made, died in 1G65. From him descended Silas Wright, the 
elder. He was a tanner and shoemaker by trade, and never re- 
ceived an education. He was industrious, and possessed a strong 
practical mind. By close application to business and economj', 
he got a start in the world, married, and settled in the town of 
Amherst, Massachusetts, Here Silas Weight, — the future states- 
man was born, May 2-ith 1795. Soon after the birth of Silas, 
his father remove<l to Yermout and settled on a farm ; his youth, 
therefore, was passed amid the scenes of rural life. He worked 
with his father during the summer, and attended school during 
the winter months, until he was fourteen years old, when exhibit- 
ins: a desire for books, he was i)laced in the Acaderav of Middle- 
bury. He afterward entered college. His studentship was 
marked by a close application to his lessons, correct habits, and 
( 700 ) 




SILAS WEIGHT. 



SILAS WRIGHT. 701 

quickness of perception, — combining with these an excellent 
memory, he was sure to make good progress. To assist in defray- 
ing his college expenses, he resorted to teaching, which he prac- 
ticed successfully. 

While at college, the war of 1812 broke out, and party politics 
raged fiercely. He early adopted the principles of the Republi- 
can party, and more than once showed his zeal and earnestness in 
discussion with the other students upon the questions of the day. 

He graduated with honor, in 1815, and immediately commenced 
reading law with Henry C Martendale, in the State of New York. 
"With this gentleman and Mr. Skinner, he completed his legal 
studies. He was admitted to the Supreme Court of New York, 
in 1819, and at once opened a career of brilliancy and usefulness. 
His first duty was to seek out a location that promised fair for the 
exercise of industry and talent. He traveled on horseback, 
through a portion of western New York, and finally settled at Can- 
ton, St. Lawrence County, the county seat of which was Ogdens- 
burg. This place continued to be his home through life. Though 
but a small village, and the population of the county mostly 
farmers, he soon had plenty to do, and rose to professional respec- 
tability. One fact connected with the commencement of his career 
should deeply impress the mind of every young attorney, — he 
determined to live strictly a virtuous life, exert every energy, and 
be patient of results. From this determination he never departed. 
It was said of him also, that "his law was all common sense; " 
and he always gave plain sensible reasons for his opinions on any 
subject. Through indomitable perseverance, strict integrity, good 
sense, and fine manners, though without the aid of superior 
oratorical powers, in two years he reached the hight of his pro- 
fession, and was acknowledged the best lawyer in that part of the 
country. In his habits, which were every way unexceptionable, 
he was purely natural and unafiected. He mingled with the old 
and young with familiarity and ease, — engaged in the conversations 
of the former and the sports of the latter. His friendships were 
strong, ardent, and from the heart. 

He entered the field of politics, attached to the interest of Mr. 
Yan Buren ; — political parties in New York, were designated as 
Clintouians and Bncktails, — he belonging to the latter. This 
placed him with the minority in his county, where he maintained 
his views fearlessly and with zeal. In 1821, he received the ofiice 



702 SILAS WRIGHT. 

of Surrogate, and shortly after, that of Justice of the Peace. He 
was also chosen town Clerk and School Inspector, the same year, 
and afterward made Post-master. The duties of these stations 
were discharged with fidelity and promptness. He also figured 
in military matters, — being Captain of a company, Major of a 
regiment, and finally Brigadier-General. So bright, however, 
became his civic fame, that the application of either of the^e titles 
would sound oddly enough. The Clintonians, in 1821, by oppos- 
ing the crJl for a convention to revise the Constitution, placed the 
Bucktails in the majority. This resulted in the partial amalga- 
mation of the two factions ; they assembled in convention, and 
nominated Silas Wkigiit as candidate for the State Senate. He 
was elected over his competitor, Moore, by a large majority, and 
took his seat as senator, in ISS-l. The most important sub- 
ject then before the Legislature, was the electoral question. The 
opponents of Crawford, who was a candidate for the presidency, 
were endeavoring to procure the passage of a law, transferring the 
power of choosing electors from the State Legislature, and giving 
it directly to the people. As a friend of Crawford, though not 
opposed to the principle involved in the proposed change, Weight 
thought it unwise for New York to pursue that course, unless the 
other States wouH do likewise. The bill, after being modified so 
as to require a majority of votes, passed the Assembly, but was 
lost in the Senate, — Wright making himself conspicuous in the 
discussion. After much debate and wrangling, in which no defi- 
nite result was arrived at, motion was made that the whole ques- 
tion be postponed, whicii was done by a majority of seventeen, — 
Weight being one of the number. The "seventeen" were the 
recipient of much abuse, of which Wright came in for a large share. 
Governor Yates convened the Legislature, in extra session, Sep- 
tember 1824. The subject of choosing electors again came up. 
Wetoiit favored the plan of making choice by the people, but 
affirmed that the time for action had not arrived. This subject 
was finally settled by an act, passed in 1826, providing for the 
choice of electors by districts. As a partisan, Wright acquiesced 
in the decisions of his party to an eminent degree, when such 
submission exacted the sacrifice of no great principle. When 
candidates came to be nominated for governor, he favored the 
continuance of Yates, — his party diflered with him, and nominated 
Young, to whom he gave hearty and cordial support. Many 



SILAS WRIGHT. 7O3 

instances, illustrative of this trait in his character, could be given 
were it necessary. 

He established no ephemeral reputation in the Senate. So 
much prudence, wisdom, and sagacity, had he displayed, and so 
strongly had he endeared himself to the people, that they began 
to look to a wider sphere of usefulness for him. In 1826, he was 
nominated by the Eepublicans of St. Lawrence, Oswego, Jefferson, 
and Lewis Counties, as their candidate for Congress. The canvass 
was a vigorous one. Many obstacles were to be overcome ; — the 
prejudice against the old "seventeen," of which he was one, still 
existed. Notwithstanding all the efforts of the opposition, how- 
ever, he was elected by over five hundred majority. March the 
4th, 1829, he resigned his position in the State Senate, to enter 
upon his labors as a member of Congress. He had been made 
chairman of the committee on canals, and before his resignation, 
brought in an able report, whicli enlarged upon the financial policy 
of the State generally. As a financier, he possessed great ability. 
New canals were being projected, and he took the ground worthy 
the consideration of all legislators, that the State should incur no 
more indebtedness, till existent liabilities were liquidated. 

Though favoring the paper currency, if sustained by a legiti- 
mate specie basis, he was generally opposed to banks, and an 
indiscriminate banking system. 

In December, 1827, he took his seat in Congress, where he was 
warmly welcomed as a valuable accession to the strength of the 
Republican party, and placed on the committee on manufactures. 
The tariff was the question of most absorbing interest. It was a 
contest between the wool growers and hemp raisers ; — the manu- 
factures, and iron interests, — each insisting that the acts of 1825,, 
and 1826, favored the one at the expense of the other. A high 
protective tarifi* was, in many sections, loudly called for. Wright 
went to work to investigate, and act upon the subject. He moved 
that a committee be appointed to inquire into the profits of mann 
facturers. The motion prevailed. He took an active part in 
forming the tariff of 1828, to which he gave his support in several 
able speeches, and finally voted for it, when it became a law. He 
afterward, however admitted, that its requirements demanded' 
exorbitant rates of duty, and that he liad been guilty of " a great 
error." 

In 1828, he supported Jackson for the presidency, Van Buren> 



704 SILAS WRIGHT. 

for governor of New York, and was himself re-elected to 
Coiig-ress. While a member of the Twentieth Congress, resolu- 
tions were brought in, recommending the repeal of the tariif of 
1828, which he strongly opposed. Resolutions were also brought 
forward in regard to the propriety of abolishing slavery in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia. He voted for these. He was, no doubt, in 
favor of abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia, but 
opposed the attempts to the exercise of such power in the slave- 
holding States, contrary to the wishes of the people. 

While a member of Congress, he was elected Comptroller of the 
State of New York. He obtained leave of absence to attend to 
its duties, which he did with ability and faithfulness. He filled 
this office in a manner that reflected credit upon his State and 
himself. In 1832, he recommended a direct tax to supply the 
general fund deficiency. The Legislature differed with him on 
the subject, and found relief by negotiating short loans. Some 
years after, his views on this subject were carried out. He was 
again elected Comptroller in 1842. His election to the United 
States Senate, soon after, compelled him to resign this office. He 
was now at the goal of his ambition ; and worthy of being there. 
He took his seat in that body, the 14th of January, 1833. This 
was an important moment, — a crisis in the life of the rising states- 
man ; — it was an important time, too, in the history of the coun- 
try. He had been elevated to one of the most respectable stations 
allotted to man. High hopes were entertained of him, — great 
expectations created in regard to his course, — the former must not 
be blasted nor the latter disappointed. He was there, too, in a 
new field, to drive his lance and draw his blade with veterans of 
experience and ability. Among this array of talent and states- 
manship, however, he did not mean to dash like a Mameluke, nor 
flounder like a wounded steed, struck down in the charge. With 
steady nerve, firm will, cool and deliberative energy, he made 
sure approaches, and forced from all the admission that his was a 
mind of no " common might." When Nullification was raging in 
the South, and Calhoun argued, in words, each of which, to com- 
mon minds was a page, the principle of State sovereignty, 
Wright opposed it, and stood firmly by Jackson and the proclam- 
ation. He also sustained the Force Bill, against which, the ana,- 
lytical South Carolinian, poured such a torrent of invective. He, 
afterward, favored the compromise adjustment, by which the 



SILAS WRIGHT. 705 

excitement was allayed. Some features of these measures he 
regarded objectionable, but sacrificed, as all true men should, a 
portion of personal preference for public good, believing that the 
mandate of imperative necessity demanded immediate reconcili- 
ation of the conflicting interests. In September, 1833, Weight 
was married to Clarissa Moody, the daughter of one of his first 
acquaintances and friends in the County of St. Lawrence. This 
union resulted in no ofispring. 

When Congress convened, the subject of the removal of the 
deposits was agitating the legislative halls, and the country. 
AVright stood by the administration, sustaining Jackson, against 
Clay's resolutions of censure. Possessing the entire confidence 
of his party and great financial ability, and being on the committee 
of agi'iculture and finance, he was bold and efficient in the stand 
he took. He presented, in person, the New York resolutions 
sustaining the administration, and took the occasion to give his 
views upon the subject in a clear and forcible speech, of which, 
the following extract will give some idea : 

"But, Mr. President, while I highly approve of the open and 
manly ground taken by the senator from Massachusetts, I differ 
with him toto ccdo as to the remedy he proposes. There is no 
inducement which can prevail on me to vote for a re-charter of the 
Bank of the United States. I would oppose this bank upon the 
ground of its flagrant violations of the high trust confided to it ; 
but my objections are of a deeper and graver character. I go 
against this bank, and against any and every bank to be incorpor- 
ated by Congress, whether to be located at Philadelphia, or New 
York, or anywhere else within the twenty-four independent States 
which compose this confederacy, upon the broad ground which 
admits not of compromise, that Congress has not the power, by 
the Constitution, to incorporate such a bank. 

" I may be over-sanguine, Mr. President, but I do most firmly 
believe that, in addition to the valuable services already rendered 
to his country by the President of the United States, he is, under 
Providence, destined still to render her a greater than all, by 
being mainly instrumental in restoring the Constitution of the 
country to what it was intended to be by those who formed it, and 
to what it was understood to be by the people who adopted it ; in 
rslieving that sacred instrument from those constructive and im- 
plied additions, under which Congress have claimed the right to 



706 SILAS WRIGHT. 

place beyond the reach of the people, and without responsibility, 
a moneyed power, not merely dangerous to public liberty, but of 
a character so formidable as to set itself in open array against, and 
to attempt to overrule the government of the country. I believe 
the high destiny is yet in store for that venerable man, of disprov- 
ing the exalted compliment long since paid him by the great 
apostle of republicanism, ' that he had already filled the measure 
of his country's glory,' and that he is yet to accomplish, what 
neither Thomas Jefferson nor his illustrious successors could 
accomplish, by adding to the proof which he has so largely con- 
tributed to afibrd, that his country is invincible by arms, the con- 
solatory fact that there is, at least, one spot upon earth where 
written constitutions are rigidly regarded, I know sir, that this 
work, which the President has undertaken, and upon the success 
of which he has, with his usual moral courage, staked the hard- 
earned fruits of a glorious life, is full of difficulty. I know well 
that it will put the fortitude aud patriotism of his countrymen to 
the severest test ; but I am happy also to know that he has, in this 
instance, as heretofore, put himself upon the fortitude and patriot- 
ism of a people who have never yet failed him, or any man who 
was himself faithful to his country in hours of peril." * * * 

"I have thus responded, and I hope the senator from Massa- 
chusetts will allow, fully, to so much of his appeal. I will go on, 
sir, and cover the whole ground. He has asked, if you will 
neither re-charter the present bank nor establish a new one, what 
will you do ? As an individual, sir, and speaking for myself only, 
I say I will sustain the executive branch of the government, by 
all the legal means in my power, in the efibrls now making to 
substitute the State banks instead of the Bank of the United States, 
as the fiscal agent of the government. I believe they are fully 
competent to the object. I am wholly unmoved by the alarms 
which have been sounded, either as to their insecurity, or influ- 
ence, or any other danger to be apprehended from their employ- 
ment. I hope the steps so far taken in furtherance of this object, 
well warranted by the Constitution and laM^s of the land, and I 
believe that the honor and best interests of the country, imperi- 
ously require that they should be fully sustained by the people, 
and by their representatives here." 

On the 20th of March, 1834, leave was asked to introduce a 
resolution, re-chartering the United States Bank for a limited 



SILAS WRIGHT. 707 

period. Weight took grounds against it, in a speech, powerful 
and argumentative, — so much so, that Clay and Webster bestowed 
upon it the highest praises. Averring, in regard to Clay's reso- 
lutions of censure, that it was beyond the power of the Senate to 
" condemn the President unheard," he made a speech, from which 
the following is an extract : 

" But we are still called upon to vote for this resolution ; and 
who, Mr. President, is it upon whom the sentence of the Senate 
iiS thus to be passed without a trial? The officer, sir, is none other 
than the chief executive officer of the Government, — the President 
of the United States ; he whom the people elected to that high 
station, by their free suffi-ages, against the popularity and power 
of a competitor holding the office, and wielding its patronage, — a 
patronage now represented to be so immense and irresistible and 
dangerous ; — and wielding it too with the aid of skillful and ex- 
perienced advisers. It is no other than that President, who after 
four years of official trial before the'people, was re-elected against 
another competitor, selected from among the distinguished of his 
countrymen, for his superior hold upon the popular feeling of the 
country, too, by a vote more decisive than any which had ever 
before marked the result of a long and severe political contest. 
Such, Mr. President, is the officer, — I had like to have said, — upon 
his trial. No, sir, it is not so, — who is not to be alloAved a trial ; 
but who is about to receive the condemnatory sentence of the 
Senate unheard. 

''Who, sir, is the man, the citizen of our republic, upon w^hom 
we are about to pronounce our high censure ? Is it Andrew Jack- 
son ? Is it that Andrew Jackson, who, in his boyhood, was found 
in the blood-stained fields of the Revolution ? Who came out 
from that struggle the last living member of his family ? Who, 
when the sound to arms again called our citizens around the flair 
of our country, posted himself upon the defenseless frontiers of 
the South and West, and bared his own bosom to the tomahawks 
and scalping-knives, sharpened for the blood of unprotected women 
and children ? Who turned back from the city of the West, the 
confident advance of a ruthless, and until then, unsubdued enemy, 
and closed the second war against American liberty in a blaze of 
glory, which time will not extinguish? Who, when peace was 
restored to his beloved country, turned his spear into a pruning 
hook, and retired to his Hermitage, until the spontaneous voice of 



708 SILAS WRIGHT. 

his fellow-citizens called him forth to receive their highest honors, 
and to become guardian of their sacred trust? Is this the man 
who is to be condemned without a trial ? "Who is not entitled to 
the privilege allowed him by the Constitution of his country? 
Sir, this surely should not be so. For the very act which saved a 
city from pillage and destruction, and the soil of his country from 
the tread of an invading enemy, this individual was accused of a 
violation of the Constitution and laws of his country. For the 
very act which entitled him to the proud appellation of ' the 
great captain of the age,' he was convicted and condemned as a 
criminal. But, Mr. President, he was not then denied a trial. 
Then he was permitted to face his accusers, to hear the charges 
preferred against him, to offer his defense, and to be present at his 
sentence. In gratitude for these privileges of a freeman, he stayed 
back with his own arm the advancing wave of popular indignation, 
while he bowed his whited locks to the sentence of the law, and 
paid the penalty imposed upon him for having saved and honored 
his country. 

"Grant to him, I beseech you, Mr. President; I beseech the 
Senate, grant to that old man the privilege of a trial now. Con- 
demn him not unheard, and without the pretense of a consti- 
tutional accusation. His rivalships are ended. He asks no more 
of worldly honors. 'He has done the State some service.' Age 
has crept upon him now, and he approaches the grave. Let him 
enjoy, during the short remainder of his stay upon earth, the right 
secured to him by the Constitution he has so often and so gallantly 
defended, if indeed, he be criminal, let his conviction precede his 
sentence." 

Like the above, all his speeches, though they flashed with no 
brilliant sparks of oratory and flowery illustrations, evinced the 
soundest practical knowledge, deep research, and profound logic. 
During the session of 1834:-'35, he was kept on the most impor- 
tant senatorial committees, and was one of the most working men 
in that body. He supported Jackson on all questions of national 
policy, vindicating his course through the agitations with France, 
and opposing the distribution of the proceeds of the public lands, 
and defending his financial views with manly firmness. 

He attended the National Democratic Convention in the spring 
of 1835, that nominated Van Buren as the successor of Jackson. 
In the canvass, he gave him his warm support, — was gratified at 



SILAS WRIGHT. 709 

his election, and supported his administration with the same zeal 
and ability he had that of his great predecessor. Tlie suspension 
of specie payments by the banks, and the consequent financial 
depression of 1837, induced grave attention to methods of public 
relief. Wright recommended the independent treasury, and the 
reception of nothing for public dues, except constitutionally recog- 
nized currency. He also wrote some pointed and vigorous articles 
for the press, under the captions of "Probable continuance of the 
suspension of specie payments by the banks," and " the duties and 
responsibilities imposed upon the national government by the 
suspension of specie payments by the State banks." These articles 
created considerable sensation, and indicated pretty clearly the 
ultimate course of the new President. His style as a writer was 
bold, lucid, terse, and masculine. His views were well matured, 
and if in speaking or writing he condensed them into a convin- 
cing, clear shape, he paid little attention to the selection of words 
by which the result was attained. 

He was re-elected to the Senate in 1837, and at the extra Sep- 
tember session, reported the independent treasury bill. It failed 
in the lower House. At the regular session, he brought in another 
bill, embracing more fully the details than the former, and con- 
taining the specie clause. Of this, the following extract is a brief 
history : 

" The one previously introduced had constituted each officer a 
receiver ; but this proposed the appointment of persons to be 
charged with the special duty of keeping and paying out the 
public funds. This provision was intended to obviate the objec- 
tion which had been raised, that the administration was desirous 
of establishing an army of ofiice-holders, who would have the 
means of the government at their disposal. Severe penalties 
were also prescribed, for neglect of duty, or breach of trust ; and 
every precaution taken to provide against losses. The opponents 
of the measure were free to admit that, waiving the principle 
upon which the bill was founded, nothing could be better calcu- 
lated to carry into efiect the object had in view. Mr. Weight 
made several able speeches while this question was agitated ia 
Congress ; but that delivered on the 31st of January, 1838, prob- 
ably exceeded them all. In his speech on that occasion, he re- 
viewed the whole subject of the collection, keeping, and disburse- 
ments of the public revenue. He avowed it as his firm and 



710 SILAS WRIGHT. 

settled conviction, that the State banks could not be relied upon 
as the fiscal agents of the government; for the reason that as 
State institutions, Congress would be unable to exercise that con- 
trol over them which was absolutely requisite. He also declared 
that there could be no middle ground, — that a system based on 
the principles of the bill before the Senate must be established, or 
they would be compelled to resort to a national bank. The bill 
reported by Mr. Weight was discussed for a long time in the 
Senate, and on the 24th of March the specie clause was stricken 
out, — yeas thirty-one, nays fourteen. Several of the democratic 
senators voted for the motion, in obedience to the instructions of 
their State Legislatures. Mr. Wright, with Mr. Benton and Mr. 
Calhoun, resisted it to the end. On the 26th the bill passed the 
Senate by a vote of twenty-seven to twenty-five. Like its prede- 
cessor, this bill was laid upon the table in the House, — yeas one 
hundred and six, nays ninety-eight, — the Whigs and Conservatives 
voting for the motion. At the next session, in 1838-'39, Mr. 
Weight again brought forward the independent treasury project, 
without the specie clause, in the hope of securing a favorable vote, 
as some law on the subject was deemed necessary ; but it was a 
third time defeated. The elections for members of the Twenty- 
sixth Congress, however, terminated in the choice of a reliable 
majority for the administration, in the House of Representatives ; 
and soon after the commencement of its first session, Mr. Weight 
brought forward a bill establishing the system which he had so 
earnestly advocated since the extra session in 1837. The specie 
clause was added, with his vote, and in that shape it passed the 
Senate. On the 1st of July, 1840, a final vote was taken in the 
House, which resulted in its passage, — yeas one hundred and 
twenty-four, nays one hundred and seven. The law thus enacted 
was known, by its title, as 'An act to provide for the collection, 
safe-keeping, transfer and disbursement, of the public revenue.'."* 
Such was his course in regard to this subject, which, for a time, 
proved one of considerable importance. Upon the question of 
slavery, engendering at the time bitter animosities, in consequence 
of the abolition petitions pouring in upon Congress, he occupied 
about the same position that Clay did, — opposing all agitation, as 
dangerous to the harmonious union of the States, and the liberties 

Life of Silas Wright, p, 122. 



SILAS WRIGHT. 71X 

of the people. His personal preferences were favorable to the Wil- 
mot Proviso, preventing the extension of slavery in a territory where 
it did not exist, — but were equally opposed to agitation and inter- 
ference when it was recognized as a State institution. "If," said 
he in a patriotic oration delivered at Canton, N. Y., July 4:th, 1839, 
"■there be those among us who, misled by a mistaken sympathy 
or by sudden excitement upon any subject, are forgetting their 
obligations to the whole country, to the Constitution and the 
Union, let us use every effort of persuasion and example to 
awaken them to a sense of their dangerous error. If these, who, 
for the sake of private interest, personal ambition, or momentary 
political success, are willing to experiment upon the public 
passions, to treat lightly their constitutional obligations, to foster 
sectional jealousies, and raise up geographical distinctions with- 
in the Union ; let the absence of our countenance and support 
convince such, that the personal gratification of public services of 
any living man, are not objects of sufficient magnitude to be 
gained at the expense of harmony of the country, the peace of 
Union, or a single letter in the list of our constitutional duties." 

He continued, in the main, an ardent supporter of Van Buren's 
administration. His favor of specie currency, and opposition to 
compensation for French spoliation, marked him particularly in 
the Senate. One of his ablest speeches was made in 1838, upon 
the necessity of specie currency. He favored the recognition of 
the independence of Texas, but opposed the ratification of Cal- 
houn's treaty of Annexation, u]xm the ground, that no formal 
treaty had been made adjustive of the claims of Mexico, and of 
apprehended war with that power, in the event of its consum- 
mation. The election of Harrison, in 1840, placed him in oppo- 
sition to all administrative measures. Revenue distribution 
among the States, and the National Bank he opposed decidedly, 
and with ability. He supported the tariff of 184:2, though it did 
not conform in every particular to his views upon the subject. 

On the death of Harrison, and the accession of Tyler to the 
presidency, he stood somewhat aloof from party cliques at Wash- 
ington. The President's vetoes of the various bank measures, 
elaborated by Clay and his co-operators, met his sanction, though 
no did not wish to be understood as identified with the adminis- 
tration. In 1813, he was again elected to the Senate without 
opposition. In 1814, the National Convention again met to 
48 



712 SILAS WRIGHT. 

nominate presitiential candidates. At this meeting, Weight's 
disinterested devotion to his party shone most conspicuously. He 
went to the convention the warm friend ofVanBuren. That 
gentleman, like himself, opposed the speedy annexation of Texas, — 
preferring first amicable settlement of boundary with Mexico. 
Polk favoring the immediate measure, was nominated over Yan 
Buren. Wright then received the unanimous nomination for the 
vice-presidency. He would not, however, swerve from his prin- 
ciples for a kingdom, lie declined peremptorily, and Dallas 
was put on the ticket. Notwithstanding this, he gave active and 
efiicient support to his party, and saw it carried triumphantly into 
power, over the strongest opposition in the Union. 

In thcv fall of 1844, he was nominated by the State Democratic 
Convention as a candidate for governor of New York, The 
Whig candidate was Millard Fillmore, — one of the purest men, 
and most deservedly popular statesman, of which, this or any 
country can boast. The canvass was one of the most active and 
exciting ever made in the Empire State. It possessed additional 
interest in view of the presidential election, — it being pretty well 
understood that the votes of New York would decide the election 
of Henry Clay. No man but Silas Weight could have carried 
that State against Fillmore. He was elected by near ten thousand 
majority, — and by his powerful exertions and commanding influ- 
ence, in the opinion of many, secured the election of James K. 
Polk. 

On his accession to the executive chair, he found some counties 
in the eastern part of the State disturbed by the anti-rent excite- 
ment. In allaying this he was prompt and efficient. The Anti- 
renters, in several counties, disguised as Indians, perpetrated the 
grossest outragct:;. The military was ordered out, and many arrests 
made. Several were tried, convicted, and sentenced. In many 
instances the sentence was changed from death to life imprison- 
ment, — though he always refused to pardon such offenders against 
the majesty of law and the tranquillity of society. The people 
of New York were, at this time, split into factions, — Conserva- 
tives, Eadicals, and Anti-renters. Wright had not the political 
tact to reconcile them. The Radicals demanded a convention to 
incorporate the act of 18-42 into the Constitution as a part of the 
fundamental law. Wright, in his message, discountenanced the 
movement, which gave additional strength to the Conservative 



SILAS WRIGHT. 7I3 

party. The latter finally agreed to unite with the Radicals, favor- 
ing a convention, requiring submission of each amendment to the 
people. "Wright agreed with them thus far, — but persisting in 
occupying a middle or neutral ground upon these measures, 
he lost favor with both parties, and finally, by degrees, became 
identified with the Radicals. The subsequent act, doing away 
with the distress privilege of proprietor upon renter, measurably 
put a stop to anti-rent excitements, and left the parties afore- 
mentioned to contend between themselves. 

In the fall of 1846, he was nominated for re-election, against 
John Young. The course of his preceding administration, elici- 
ted the complaints of the Conservatives, while the old Anti- 
renters were loud in their denunciation, because he had refused to 
pardon ofienders of that class. He was beaten by a majority of 
over eleven thousand. This closed his political life. His fame, 
however, had gone abroad in the land, and he was regarded as 
one of the most reliable and able men of his party. In many 
States he was nominated for the presidency, — and Democratic 
journals placed his name at the head of editorial columns. He 
was not destined, however, for the post assigned him by his 
appreciative countrymen. 

On his return to his farm, he engaged in agricultural labors. 
These were principally clearing parts of his farm and harvesting. 
His exertions accelerated a heart disease to which he was predis- 
posed, of which he died on the 27th day of August, 1847, in the 
53d year of his age. 

" In person, Mr. Wright was large and muscular, hale and 
vigorous. His stature was about five feet and nine or ten inches. 
His complexion was florid ; his hair a light brown ; and his eyes- 
of a bluish gray. Constant exercise in early youth had developed 
his form, and rendered him hearty and robust. He was somewhat 
inclined to corpulency in latter years, but not by any means what 
could be called gross. He was aware of the plethoric tendency 
of his constitution, and for that reason, probably, devoted more of 
his leisure time to manual labor than he otherwise would have- 
done. He dressed quite plainly, and was simple in all his habits. 
He usually enjoyed excellent health ; except in the fall of 1831, he 
was never known to be seriously ill, until the fatal attack that 
terminated his existence. 

"In his domestic relations, he was every thing that could be 



714 SILAS WRIGHT, 

desired, — a tender and affectionate husband, — a faithful and 
devoted friend. He had no children. As has been beautifully 
said of Washington and Jackson, — ' Providence denied him these, 
that he might the better serve his country ;' or, as he himself 
expressed it, ' that he might be a father to the children of his 
friends.' His manners were affable, and his address pleasing and 
agreeable. He never forgot the dignity of his position or of his 
character ; but he always had a kind word and a cheerful smile to 
greet those who visited him. As a citizen, he was generous and 
public-spirited, and the influence of his example was upon the 
side of morality and good order. Says one who knew him inti- 
mately for many years : ' In his social intercourse, I never heard 
him utter an unchaste word, or an immoral sentiment. When- 
ever he returned from his public positions, to the place of his 
residence, he returned to the simple, frugal, and industrious 
habits of a New England farmer, and to the kind and neighborly 
oflSces which so eminently distinguished the early rural population 
of our pilgrim fathers." 




HENRY CLAY. 



HENRY CLAY. 



Had the rude follower of Brennus, who thought the Roman 
fathers a congregation of tlie gods, stepped into the American 
Senate, in 1849-'50, he would not have laid his robber hand upon 
the sage Nestor there ; — or had a valued gift, similar to the one 
sent to Greece, labeled to the wisest of her seven wise men, found 
its way to that august chamber, directed to the greatest of the 
body, with unanimous consent it would have been handed to the 
venerable Henry Clay. 

So much has been said and written about him, — so firm and 
lasting is the grasp he has taken upon the American heart, — so 
linked with the pages of our political history his name, — and so 
intimately connected with the progress of the country are his deeds, 
that his memory needs neither biography nor sculpture. Every 
department of the confederate building has received the polish 
of his genius, — on every hearthstone of the Union his name is 
familiar. 

It seems almost useless to say that he was born in Hanover 
County, Virginia, — equally so to say that the event took place on 
on the 12th of April, 1777, and that he was known as the 
'' MILL BOY OF THE Slashes." Well kuown, however, as are 
these facts, their repetition is necessary to the completeness of our 
sketch of the man. Of his ancestry but little information has 
been obtained ; — he descended from good old English stock, on 
both sides. His father was a clergyman, and a man of exemplary 
piety and firmness of will. His mother was an excellent woman, 
and took a lively and afiectionate interest in her children. 

(715) 



716 HENRY CLAY. 

His first schooling was under Peter Deacon, who taught " read- 
ing, writing, and arithmetic" in the Shishes, in a small cabin, 
built of unhewn logs, covered with clapboards held down by 
weight poles, with a dirt floor. Such was the place where the 
great expounder of national law learned to read, write, and cipher. 
Like most school-boys of poor parents, living in the country, 
Henry was occasionally sent to the mill. Thus, again, the future 
statesman, who like a giant controlled the reins of a great govern- 
ment, was frequently seen bestride a meal bag, guiding his horse 
by a rope-bridle to Mrs. Darricott's mill, — hence the " mill boy of 
the Slashes," the battle-cry of 1844. 

After the death of Henky's father, which happened when he 
was a small boy, his mother was married to Captain Henry 
Watkins. This gentleman proved a kind step-father, and felt 
particular interest in young Henry, in whom, no doubt, he had 
already detected sparks of genius. In his fifteenth year, Henry 
was placed in the drug-store of Richard Denny, where he re- 
mained for some time. Here the sagacious diplomatist, and 
unrivaled orator, who was 

" The applause of Senates to command. 
The threats of pain and ruin to despise, 
To scatter plenty o 'er a smiling land, 
And read his history in a nation's eyes, — " 

was engaged, mortar in hand, mixing physics and filling prescrip- 
tions. He did not stay long, however, at this business ; — through 
the agency of his step-lather, he procured a situation as desk 
clerk in the office of Peter Tinsley, clerk of the High Chancery 
Court. The duties of this position were varied and somewhat 
onerous, but met a faithful discharge at the hands of the young 
clerk. He had not been there long, when the quick eye of Chan- 
cellor "Wythe (a name that should be inscribed in diamond letters), 
saw in the youth the dawnings of intellect. The Chancellor was 
induced to take him to his office as copyist and amanuensis. He 
thus reaped the advantages of intercourse with that profound jurist 
for a period of four years. The Chancellor, being satisfied that 
his young scribe possessed a mind of no common mould, per- 
suaded him to study law, and offered his instruction and the use 
of his books. The ofier was eagerly accepted. In this way, writ- 
ing for his benefactor and reading during leisure hours, he pro- 
gressed rapidly, in both the theoretical and practical knowledge of 
the profession ; — it was, in fact, a position just suited to his mind 



HENRY CLAY. 717 

He was also thrown immediately into the best society, and familiar 
intercourse with the first men of Kichmond. Here commences, in 
reality, the rising fortunes of Henry Clay. Instructive indeed, 
it is, to watch his rise and progress from the dirt floor school-house 
in the Slashes, to the highest positions among the great. 

"First seedling, hid in the grass. 
Then twig, then sapling, and as century rolls 
Slow after century, then a giant bulk 
Of girth enormous. — " 

During this four years' connection with Chancellor Wythe, he 
had still, when required, attended to the duties of clerk for 
Tinsley, — these labors were now to cease. Still enjoying the coun- 
sel and intercourse of the Chancellor, he entered the office of 
Attorney-General Eobert Brooke, where he remained one year, 
intensely devoted to his studies. At the expiration of that time, 
he obtained a license, and was admitted to the bar. During this 
time, a debating society was formed in Richmond, composed of 
the most promising young men of the place. This was the first 
body of which he ever assumed the leadership, — a position he 
was destined to assume toward all bodies of men with which he 
became identified. 

In 1702, his mother and step-father removed to Kentucky, and 
settled in the County of Woodford, thirteen miles from Lexington, 
where they continued to reside until her death, which took place 
in 1827. Having obtained his license, and fixed upon himself 
correct habits and manners. Clay, in 1797, went to Lexington, 
Kentucky, for the purpose of practicing his profession. He left 
behind him an enviable reputation, and carried with him talent 
and a store of legal knowledge, which were to make him, forever, 
the pride of his adopted State. The impression he had made in 
Virginia was never effaced. At a fourth of July celebration in that 
State, in 1813, when the country was full of his praises, and his 
name on every lip, an aged companion of the statesman gave the 
following toast: " Henry Clay: — He and I were born close to the 
Slashes of old Hanover. He worked barefooted, and so did I; 
he went to the mill, and so did I; he was good to his mamma, 
and so was L I know him like a book, and love him like a 
brother."* This spontaneous gush of feeling, showed that half a 

» Colton. 



718 HENRY CLAY. 

century had not effaced the recollections of his boyhood in his 
native State. 

Clay, at this time, was in that delicate position incident to all 
young professional men without means. Every thing depended 
upon a correct start. He had selected a theater for his untried 
abilities, where veteran competition was to be encountered, and 
settled at a place, one of the most refined and aristocratic in the 
West. The Lexington bar presented an array of talent and in- 
fluence, rarely excelled, or even equaled. He had no meaiis 
with which to purchase favor, — no influential friends to rush him 
into public notice, no ancestral honors to lift his humble name. 
Nor did he need them. He was most happily constituted to win 
the favor of true-hearted Kentuckians. He had modest}^ and 
sensibility enough to prevent undue intrusions upon public notice, 
and nerve enough to rely upon the rewards of industry and merit. 
"When he first reached Lexington, therefore, he did not, with his 
slender stock of pecuniary ammunition, rent an office, and hang 
out his " shingle," blazoned with " Heney Clay, Counsellor and 
Attorney at Law," nor did he, as many do, seek to tack himself 
as partner to some influential lawyer, with a view of being touted 
into successful practice. He quietly resumed his books, read and 
re-read, until the fundamental principles of law were permanently 
fixed in his mind ; then taking up the statutes of the State, he 
thoroughly mastered them. By this course, and cultivating with 
ease and propriety, the acquaintance of the best citizens, he drew 
a high degree of popular attention, and established a studious and 
even character. Many a young lawyer has I'uined his prospects, 
by being too eager to push himself forward, — by trying to soar 
before his wings are fledged. Fair talents, proper habits, and 
strict application, with a little patience, will insure success, and 
place the legal candidate in a position where, instead of seeking 
opportunities, business will seek him. Clay well understood 
this. 

It is worthy of remark, that modesty has been an attribute of 
our greatest men in the outset of their career. The anecdote of 
Washington, that he was so overcome when the Llouse of Bur- 
gesses was bestowing a compliment upon him, that he could not 
speak a syllable is well known. So is that of Chief Justice 
Kenyon, who had made several forensic failures, and was about 
making another, till he seemed to feel his wife and children pull- 



HENRY CLAY. 719 

ing his coat-skirts asking bread, when he made a powerful speech, 
and rose at once to success. Other instances might be mentioned, 
but with these as ilhistrative of Clay's modesty, we have the 
widelj-knowD incident, attending his first appearance in debate at 
Lexington. He had been in the city some time, poring incessantly 
over his books, dreaming of decisions, judges and jury-boxes, 
without participating, to any extent, in what was going on about 
him. Doubtless, too, he had taken many a M^alk through the 
fine old forests around the place, where, thinking how to apply 
what he had read, he had more than once uttered to himself the 
exclamation : " Gentlemen of the jury !" Be this as it may, some 
time passed after he joined the debating society, before he ven- 
tured to take part. On one occasion, after the speakers had got 
through, and the decision was about to be called for, he was 
heard to say that he thought the question was not exhausted. The 
decision was withheld, and cries of Clay! Clay!" were raised 
from all parts of the room. He rose, — but so constant had his 
mind been kept upon his books, and so often had he thought on 
courts of justice, that as he rose, he became quite embarrassed ; the 
subject flitted from him, and instead of addressing himself to the 
chairman, he exclaimed: "Gentlemen oHhe jury !" This was rather 
an awkward start in his new sphere, and his confusion increased. 
Recovering, however, he ventured another attempt, — but the same 
^'■gentlemen of the jury" again fell upon the ears of the society. 
This was no improvement upon the first, and the case looked a 
little desperate. But suddenly rising in his native majesty, as he 
always did from depression, he straightened his commanding form 
to full hight, and with a majestic sweep of his hand, entered into 
the discussion with all the ease and dignity of a practiced orator. 
The society was struck with his clear voice, his grace, dignity, 
and command of words. He kept them spell-bound, while he dis- 
cussed the whole subject with fervor, eloquence, and power. Few 
thought when he closed the subject was not exhausted. He was 
now a made man. At one bound, he had stepped from his room 
and books upon the public arena, fully prepared to maintain his 
position. He was, too, among a people exactly suited to his 
nature, — a people ardent, generous, and easily stirred by the 
impetuous flow of his eloquence. The time, too, was propitious. 
The Alien and Sedition laws, elsewhere spoken of, were creating 
intense indignation. Nowhere was it more intense than in 



720 HENRY CLAY. 

Kentucky and Virginia. The resolutions of Jefferson and Madi- 
son, introduced into the Legishitures of those States, are well 
remembered. The speakers of Kentucky were called out by the 
people, — the citizens of Fayette County leading the van. A large 
meeting was called in the county, — Clay was present; to him the 
laws were peculiarly obnoxious. An experienced leader spoke to 
the assemblage, when loud and vehement calls were made for Clay. 
Divested of the timidity that had congealed the fountain of his 
soul, he responded. He poured a torrent of denunciation against 
the laws, such as had never before been heard. Unrestricted 
liberty, and the rights guaranteed by the Declaration, were im- 
pressed upon his hearers in a manner so forcible and impressive, 
that they were worked into a perfect frenzy. lie closed amid 
enthusiastic shouts and cheers. The influence of Clay and his 
friends were scarcely sufficient to procure a hearing for the 
speakers on the other side, who wished to address the people. 
They gave away to unl)ounded raptures, — pressed around the 
orator of the day, almost in a delirium of joy. The " great 
commoner" as they styled him, thenceforth knew no competition 
in the County of Fayette. 

Previous to this, it is perfectly clear that Clay was entirely 
unconscious of his own powers. He tells, in a speech made in 
1SJ:2, what his feelings were when he first presented himself in 
Lexington. " I remember," he says, " how comfortable I thought 
I should be if I couW make one hundred pounds, Virginia money, 
per year, and with what delight I received my first fifteen shillings' 
fee." He also mentioned the solicitude occasioned by fears of not 
being able to pay his "weekly board." But success came in full 
tide upon him, and he was soon overwhelmed with business. 
Men of influence, wealth, and standing, gathered around him, and 
gave him their confidence. He laid hold of the popular mind, too, 
which he ever controlled almost at will. Having thus established 
himself in a lucrative practice, he determined upon the enjoyments 
of domestic life. In the spring of 1799, then in his twenty-third 
year, he married Lucretia Hart, daughter of Colonel Hart, a 
gentleman of wealth, influence, and well known in that part of 
the State. The lady selected for his bosom companion through 
life, was of fine and happy temperament. The family cares devolv- 
ing upon her, were attended to with cheerfulness and devotion. 
Pevoted as a wife, patient as a mother, and kind to the domestics, 



HENRY CLAY. 721 

she did much to relieve the anxieties of her husband, through a long 
and active political life. Though a venerable woman, she still 
lives, esteemed and respected, at Ashland. Go there, and like a 
plain Kentucky lady, she will give you a kind reception, — show 
the books Clay used to read, point out his library, various portraits 
and interesting relics owned by the departed sage; and among others 
a glass goblet used by General Washington, allusion to which is 
made in one of Clay's speeches in the Senate. The issue of this 
union was eleven children, — six daughters and five sons. The 
daughters are all dead. Four of the sons survive and live in and 
around Lexington. Theodore, the eldest, is (it is said, in conse- 
quence of accidental injury, sustained in early boyhood), the 
inmate of an asylum. Thomas H. Clay is a prosperous and 
energetic farmer. Henry Clay, jr., graduated at West Point, — 
went to Mexico, and fell in the battle of Buena Yista. James B. 
Clay, practiced law for a time, and is now (1858) the representa- 
tive in Congress of the Ashland District. John M. Clay, occu- 
pies a portion of the Ashland farm, and devotes his time to 
agriculture. 

As the great statesman of whom we are speaking, occupied so 
wide a space in the public eye, and exerted such a powerful influ- 
ence in the national councils, it may be well to give here some 
idea of the man, and the means by which he attained this emi- 
nence. As a son, we have seen he reverenced his mother, — a 
name that thrice quivered on his lips in the dying hour, — and 
rendered her the homage of his heart. As a husband and parent, 
he showed the same devotion. His love for his children was 
unsurpassed. Receiving intelligence of the death of a lovely 
daughter, while at Washington, he fainted awa^-, and kept his 
room for several daj^s ; — " the strong man was cut down." When 
he resumed his public duties, he was so overcome with emotion, 
that he was forced to pause and give vent to his feelings. 

As a private citizen, he bound himself to the people with 
"bands of steel." His friendships were warm, pure, and lasting. 
He drew men toward him as by a charm. His affection for his 
friends amounted to fondness. At Ghent, he threw his arms 
around Lafayette, who was sad at the thought of parting, saying: 
"What is the matter my friend? you seem unhappy," and burst 
into tears. He once volunteered his services to defend a poor 



722 HENRY CLAY. 

Irishman, who had been lynched, — brought suit, and got a verdict 
with heavy damages, — imperiling himself for one who needed 
aid. With this generous, noble nature, when success crowned his 
labors, Ashland was the place of happy greetings, and social 
intercourse. In regard to his moral nature, he had a deep rever- 
ence for the Deity and all his works. In all the relations of life, 
he was guided by a high moral principle. For the sublime truths 
of Revelation, he had unbounded respect, and tried to shape his 
course by the golden rule. In a speech in Congress, favoring a 
resolution recommending a national fast, he said: "I am a mem- 
ber of no relio-ious sect. I reo;ret that I am not. I wish that I 
was, and I trust that I shall be. I have, and always have had a 
profound regard fur Christianity, — the religion of my fathers, and 
for its rights, its usages, and its observances," etc. On another 
occasion, he said : " I feel that it is our first duty to express our 
obligations to a kind and bountiful Providence, for copious refresh- 
ing showers with which he has blessed our land, of which it stood 
much in need. For one, I offer to him my humble and dutiful 
thanks." He always attended divine service, and took a lively 
interest in spreading religious views. Pointing to the Bible, just 
after his defeat in 1844, he said to some friends: "Gentlemen, I 
know nothing but that book, that can reconcile us to such events." 
Significant enougii of this moral tone pervading his nature, is the 
fact, that he M-as made a life member of Bible, Sabbath, and Mis- 
sionary Associations, in different parts of the country. 

In person, "• Clay was tall, being six feet one inch in hight ; not 
stout, lijut the opposite ; had long arms, and a small hand ; always 
erect in standing, walking, or talking; in debate, still more 
erect; had a well shaped head, and dauntless profile; and un- 
commonly largo moutii, upper lip commanding, nose prominent, 
spare visage, and bine eyes, — electrical when kindled ; forehead 
high, sloping backward in a curvilinear line that bespoke the 
man; hair naturally light, and slow to put on the frosts of age; 
withal, displaying a well formed person and imposing aspect, 
which, it is supposed, an amateur or connoisseur in human shape 
and countenance, would not be likely to find much fault with." 

He M-as of a strong, fiery, sanguine temperament; and had not 
sound judgment and a deep sense of moral obligations, arrested 
its exhibitions, he would have been a terror indeed. He several 
times gave way to it during his life. On one occasion, he attacked 



HENRY CLAY. 723 

his opponent for Congress, John Pope, in the streets of Lexing- 
ton, greatly to the annoyance of the citizens : on another, he 
gave his opposing counsel an indignant blow in the court-house, 
and was felled to the floor in return. These demonstrations, how- 
ever, always caused regret, soon as the occasions passed. 

As a public speaker, Clay possessed all the powers of controll- 
ing the souls of men. In an assembly, he towered more like an 
unmeasured and rugged mountain, than a symmetrical, polished 
column. His commanding form overawed, while the fasci- 
nation of his manner, ruled like a spell. He could express 
the various passions on his countenance to a greater extent than, 
perhaps, any man living. In speaking, when thoroughly aroused, 
with the persuasive potency of enchantment, he would draw men 
to him, — then suddenly and impressively erecting himself, he 
would hurl his thunderbolts among them with destructive eflect. 
Confident of the correctness of his opinions, and the means em- 
ployed to enforce them upon the minds of other men, he threw 
himself into debate without thinking of anght but victory. His 
very look would overcome most men, and when accompanied with 
word and gesture, none could withstand it. His powers of ridicule 
were great, but it was while vindicating himself or his opinions 
that he showed his power and superiority. When defending 
Charles WicklifTe, in Lexington, tried for killing Benning, the 
editor of the Gazette, his powers of ridicule were made eflective. 
John M'Calla had written some letters to the Gazette, over the 
signature of Dentatus, reflecting severely upon Wicklifie's father. 
Young Wicklifie went to the editor and demanded the author. 
Benning requested time to confer with Dentatus, which was 
granted. At the next interview, Benning was armed, and with- 
held the name of his anonymous correspondent. An altercation 
ensued, in which Wickliffe drew a pistol and shot Benning dead. 
On the day of trial, Clay was adverting to the subject, and finally 
came to the correspondent, who was present. After asking in an 
indescribably ludicrous manner several times, — " Who is Den- 
tatus?" he finally crouched himself down as dwarfish as that indi- 
vidual himself, and bringing his hands together, said in a con- 
temptuous whisper: " Why gentlemen, it is nobody hut little 
Johnny M'CaUa.'''' Little Johnny left the room as soon as pos- 
sible, to the infinite mirth of the spectators, and greatly to the 
relief of a young man who had written something disparaging to 



•J24, HENKY (JLAY. 

Wicldiffe''s father, aud who thouglit that, perhaps, "Who is Den- 
tatus," referred to himself. Clay gained his ease and secured 
Wickliffe's acquittal. Soon after he became a member of the 
Kentucky Legislature, the removal of the capitol from Frankfort 
was proposed, — Clay was in favor of it, and in his remarks upon 
the measure, compared Frankfort to an inverted hat, — and ^hen 
to Nature's penitentiary, pointing, as he said peuitentiarjr to a 
crowd of ragged loungers in the galleries as specimens of the con- 
victs, who, in their hurried scamper out to avoid the Dotir,e drawn 
toward them, cut a figure ludicrous enough. Some tirao after, in 
a speech made in that city, he turned the hat, and gave the place 
and its citizens a merited compliment. At another time, in the 
United States Senate, he was adverting to a disposition prevalent 
among the people of Texas. Senator Rusk took exceptions, and 
interrupting him in his speech, said the feeling alluded to only 
prevailed among office-seekers. "O ho! that's it, is it? I fear 
Texas is not the only State where a majority of the citizens are 
office seekers," rejoined Clay, and proceeded with his speech. 
But to convey an idea of the sublime character of the man, we 
must turn to those passages of his life where his opinions were 
assailed or his motives impugned. It was then he would rise in 
all his manhood and grandeur, and hurl defiance in the toeth of 
his '' calumniators" that sent them cowering into complete nothing- 
ness. On such occasions, he would throw himself back, and with 
uplifted hand and flashing eye, and that inimitable sweep of the 
arm, strike terror and dismay to the hearts of his foes, and fire 
his friends with a revenge that was almost madness. Then sud- 
denly the storm would subside, — the cloud pass from his brow, 
which would become calm as the evening sky, — his eye would 
beam with a soft genial light, — his muscles would relax, while with 
modulated voice and graceful ease, he would melt his hearers into 
tears, and cast a charm all about him ; — no mortal ever had such 
control over other men, for the time being. Passage after passage 
from his speeches might be culled, showing his various poM'ers. 
In Colton's works, an extract is furnished, illustrating iiis control 
over audiences. In 1840, he was assailed bitterly by political 
enemies, about Lexington. He published a notice that Ae would 
speak to his fellow-citizens on a certain day. Immense crowds 
flocked to hear him. He rose among his old friends in the public 
square, and thus began his speech : 



PIENRY CLAY. 725 

"Fellow-Citizens: I am now an old man^ — q_uite an old man," 
[here he leaned forward, showing that he mas an old man]. 
'But," [straightening himself erect again], "yet it will be found 
that I am not too old to mndicate ray jprinclples^ to stand by my 
FRIENDS, OR TO DEFEND MYSELF." The commanding form, 
piercing eye, and rising emphasis of his voice spoke the truth of 
his assertion. "It so happens," he continued, " that I have again 
located myself, in the practice of my profession, in an office within 
a few rods of the one which I occupied when, more than forty 
years ago, I first came among you an orphan and a stranger, and 
your fathers took me by the hand and made me what I am." 
[He here pointed first to his new office, then to his old, and as he 
said, " your father's took me by the hand and made me what I 
am," his hearers wept profusely, and felt ready to die for him]. 
" I feel like an old stag which has been long coursed by the 
hunters and the hounds, through brakes and briers, and over dis- 
tant plains, and has, at last, returned to his ancient lair to lay 
himself down and die. And yet the vile curs of party are bark- 
ing at my heels, and the bloodhounds of personal malignity are 
aiming at my throat. I scorn and defy tiiem as I ever did." 
Before he reached the last sentence, his audience was weeping 

tenv? of sv»ni'>Mthv hnf: ■u^hpn Vip liffprl 1-n'maolf fn full KirrVif onrJ 

swept his arm to the heavens, looking more like something super- 
naiLirai tuaii man, as iie saiu wicn nis ueep aenanc voice: "1 
SCORN AND defy tiiem AS I EVER DID," their tcars ceased. With 
compressed lips, and clenched fists, they would have fought to the 
death for the " old many Such was the effect produced by the 
mere exordium to a speech of some hours' length, in which he so^ 
clearly " vindicated his principles, and defended his friends and. 
himself," that the gentleman who was expected to reply, wisely 
concluded to retire. Numerous instances, where this indefinable 
majesty and control were exhibited, are at hand. He, at one- 
time, treated Aaron Burr with marked civilit}'^, and had consented 
to engage in his defense, when he was first arrested for trial at 
Frankfort, Kentucky. After Burr's final arrest and arraignment 
at Richmond, Clay was in New York, at a public dinner. He 
had every reason to suppose Burr had deceived him. Burr saw 
the statesman walking through the halls, and purposely throwing 
himself in his way, extended his hand. Clay suddenly drew 
liimself to full hight, put his hand under his vest, and bestowed 
49 



726 IJENRY CLAY. 

upon the ex-politician a withering look that sent him from his 
presence. 

At another time, in the Senate of the United States, the confir- 
mation of Edward Everett to an important post came up. It was 
o[)posed by some member from the South, upon the ground tiiat 
Everett was a Northern man. The member went on for some time, 
in a speech of sectional bitterness, and finally wound up by say- 
ing: "I tell you, sir, if this House persists in confirming these 
nominations, regardless of the claims of the South, the Union will be 
dissolved." Clay sprang to his feet. Discarding sectional strifes, 
and elevating his form and voice, he replied : " Sir, I tell you, if this 
House refuse to confirm the nomination for any such reasons as 
assigned by the honorable senator, — the Union is already dis- 
solved." The power and force conveyed by his manner, look, and 
posture, as he said "already dissolved," were indescribable. 
These were times when the powers of his mighty soul would 
swell like the ocean, — terrible, overwhelming, resistless. But 
there were times when, with all imaginable ease, he would in- 
dulge in every-day pleasantries, and render himself familiar, and 
his presence delightful to all. Quick at repartee, of ready wit, 
and an excellent judge of men, he knew exactly how to adapt 
himself to his company and the occasion. 

He once had a client who was not very good for his debts. The 
opposing counsel was questioning a witness on the stand in 
regard to the matter. The witness did not wish to injure a neigh- 
bor, and was forced to reply: "He is slow." He was farther 
pressed, but again answered, " he is slow, — 'and sure, ' " added 
Clay, to which the witness said, " Yes, sir." His point was thus 
established. Madame de Stael told him in Paris, after the treaty of 
peace, that the British talked, during the war, of sending the 
Duke of "Wellington to lead their forces in America. " I am very 
sorry, Madam, they did not send his Grace," said Clay. Much 
surprised, she asked: "And why, sir." "Because, Madam, if 
he had beaten us, we should have been in the condition of all 
Europe, without disgrace; but, if we had been so fortunate as to 
beat the Duke, we would have added greatly to the renown of 
our arms." 

On the delivery of his first speech in the Senate, upon internal 
improvements, an older senator took exceptions, and occasion to 
recommend to him modesty corresponding with his years. In his 



HENRY CLAY. 727 

reply, Clay applied, most happily, the following lines to his 
friend : 

"Thus, have I seen a magpie in the street, 
A chattering bird we often meet, 
Witli head awry, and cunning eye. 
Peep knowingly into a marrow-bone." 

The senator was so stuug by this retort, that he never repeated his 
advice. 

Of the expunging resolutions, he thus spoke: " It runs, whereas^ 
and^ whereas^ and^ whereas ^ and^ whereas^ and so forth, into 
a formidable array of nine several whereases. One who should 
have the courage to begin to read them, unaware of what was to 
be their termination, would think, that at the end of such a tre- 
mendous display he must find the devil. It is like a kite or a 
comet, except that the order of nature is inverted, and the tail, 
instead of being behind, is before the body to which it is appended." 
During the hostile feelings between him and Oallioun, the latter 
made rather an indelicate reference to the old bargain and corrup- 
tion charge of 1825, and remarked that he (Clay) was " flat on his 
back " by the compromise act. Clay arose and promptly rejoined : 
''The senator says I was 'flat on my back,' and that he was my 
master. Sir, I would not own him (pointing his finger directly at 
Calhoun) for my slave." 

Speaking at another time of the views of those favoring Cal- 
houn's land bill, he referred to the old adage, that charity 
should begin at home, and said that, "according to the doctrine 
of the opponents of distribution, it neither hegins nor ends at 
liome. Speaking again of Calhoun's system of free trade, he 
said: "He still clings to his free trade doctrine, though it has 
proved so ruinous to his own State, and to southern interests as 
well as to northern ; — to that free trade which has depressed the 
price of cotton to a point below what it has ever brought since the 
close of the last war. In spite of all the boastings of experience, 
as well in his own as in all other nations, still he deafens us 
with the cry of ''free traded Really, the case of the honorable 
gentleman is without any parallel that I know or even heard of, 
unless it be that which we find in the immortal work of Le Sage. 
Gil Bias was engaged in medical practice with the far-famed Dr. 
Sangrado ; and after having gone as far as his conscience and 
his feelings could at all endure, he came at last to the Doctor, and 
said to him : ' Sir, your system won't do ; I have been bleeding 



728 HENRY CLAY. 

and administering warm water, with unflinching resolution, and 
the consequence is, — and I must tell you frankly, all our patients, — 
nobles, gentlemen, bourgeois, men, women, and children, — all, 
all are dying! I propose to change the system.' 'What,' said 
the astonished Sangrado, 'change our system? Change our 
system? Why, sir, do you not know that I have written a book 
and that I must preserve my consistency? Yes; and sooner 
than change my system or write another book to prove it false, 
let nobles, gentlemen, bourgeois, men, women, and children, and 

ALL, go to . I will not say where.' The honorable senator 

seems to act on the self-same plan. Instead of recommending 
hot water and bleeding, he recommends J^ree trade ; and though 
he sees, from year to year, that his prescriptions are killing all his 
patients, he spurns the idea of changing his system, because he 
must preserve his consistency." 

Clay was once besieged in his office by a crowd of ladies, with 
scissors in hand, for locks of his hair. He submitted to the shav- 
ing with grace and dignity, and finally said: " Ladies, leave a 
little, or I shall be forced to get a wig^ 

His electioneering campaigns were replete with incident and 
anecdote. His course, in regard to the compensation bill,intro- 

(lnf>f>rl fViA nrpvimis Cmiorpsa. -rrrm nof pm^nvivprl bv snmp nf hia 

constituents. When he was soliciting their votes for re-election, 
tne suojeci irequentiy came up. iie uiei wiiii an uiu iiieiiu, a 
hunter, who took exceptions to his course. " Have you a good 
rifle, my friend," he asked. " Yes." " Did it ever flash ?" " It 
did, once." "And did you throw it away?" "No; I picked 
flint, tried it again, and it was true." " Have I ever flashed but 
this once you complain of?" "No." "And will you throw me 
away ?" " No, no," — seizing Clay's hand with great warmth, "I 
will pick the flint and try it again." As he proceeded, he met 
another old friend, who had his gun in hand. Clay asked for his 
vote. " Are you a good shot ?" asked the hunter. " Try me, and 
see," replied Clay. " Very well ; here 's Old Bess (the name of 
the gun), try her once." Clay was not accustomed to rifle shoot- 
ing, but he took " Old Bess," and accidently hit the mark. The 
hunter insisted upon his shooting again, — he declined, saying: 
"Beat that, and I will." No farther trial was made, and Clay 
secured his vote. 
When Van Buren received the presidential nomination, in 1835, 



HENRY CLAY. 729 

he said, in accepting, he was the " honored instrwnent^ selected 
by the friends of the administration," etc. " Honored instru- 
ment!^'' exclaimed Clay, ''that word, according to the most 
approved definition, means tool. He was then the honored tool 
of the friends of the administration." 

It IS well known that Clay and Calhoun labored together against 
Jackson's administration, and that they afterward separated. 
Speaking of this unity and opposition. Clay said: " We united, 
if indeed there were any alliance in the case, to restrain the enor- 
mous expansion of executive power, — to rebuke usurpation; to 
drive the Goths and Vandals from the capitol; to expel Breunus 
and his horde from Rome, who, when he threw his sword into the 
scale to augment the ransom demanded from the mistress of the 
world, showed his preference for gold., — that he was a hard money 
cldeftain. It was by the much more valuable metal, iron,, that 
he was driven from her gates. 

'•'•Tiie odious contest in which we were so long engaged, was 
about to terminate in a glorious victory. At tliis critical juncture 
the Senator left us. He left us for the very purpose of preventing 
the success of the common cause. He took up his musket, knap- 
sack, and shot-pouch, and joined the otiier party. He went horse, 
foot, and dragoon., and he himself composed the whole corps. 
He went as his puissant, most distinguished ally, commenced with 
his expunging resolution ''solitary and alone.'' " 

Clay, as a reasoner, was clear and convincing. The most 
intricate threatls of a knotty case were easily drawn out, and made 
electric wires for the conveyance of his thoughts, while his hearers 
were carried through the most abstruse subjects, without being 
wearied or manifesting the least impatience. His language was 
always plain cii\<\ powe if ul., — never too highly wrought nor degen- 
erating into commonplace expression. His voice was melodious, 
under perfect control, and of powerful compass and volume, — 
capable of embracing and rousing every passion. Wlien speaking, ' 
absorbed in his theme, he was unconscious of what was going 
on around him, and of his own positions, while he looked elo- 
quence, spoke it, and acted it. 

Reader: we have now endeavored to give you an introduction, 
so to speak, to Henry Clay, — one of the most remarkable men of 
his own or any age. Let it not be supposed, however, because 
we have been a little minute in giving his characteristics, that 



730 HENRY CLAY. 

all the great measures he originated or was connected with, can 
be explored in detail ; such an undertaking would, of itself, 
require the pages of an extended octavo. Hoping to give the 
most important events of his political life, we now resume. We 
left him practicing law in the city of Lexington. Of his pro- 
fession, as of every thing else he took hold of, he quickly rose to 
the first rank. His judgment of human nature, — quick insight 
into the springs of the human heart, — his force of character, and 
readiness in unraveling the most complicated case of law, and 
his resistless eloquence made him sought after in difficult cases, 
and gave him control of the practice. He once defended two 
individuals, in Kentucky, arraigned for murder, where the proof 
was incontestably clear against them ; yet he managed to procure 
a verdict of homicide, afterward an arrest of judgment, and finally 
acquittal. 

In a similar case, he contrived to produce a disagreement of the 
jur}'. At the succeeding trial, he put in the plea, that a man 
could not be tried twice for the same ofiense ; the court refused to 
entertain so singular a plea. Clay got up, took his books and 
papers, and left the court-house in a most majestic manner. The 
court was overawed, — could not stand an infiuence so ponderous 
against it, and sent for Clay to return, telling him he should have 
his own way ; — he did so, and gained the case. As a lawyer, in 
both civil and criminal practice, he had no superior in the country. 
It is said, that not one of all the men he defended upon criminal 
indictments was ever convicted. 

But, private life and pursuits were not to form his high destiny. 
His country early demanded him, and called him to her service. 
He was unexpectedly to himself, and without efibrts to that end, 
brought forward as a candidate for the State Legislature, and 
elected over weighty opposition, by a triumphant majority. He 
soon took a stand in that body, that showed his ability for leader- 
ship. His fascinating eloquence and influence swept down all 
competitors, and left him undisputed master. His career, up to 
this time, though brief, was brilliant, and of service to his con- 
stituents. He had exhibited capacities as a debater, and parlia- 
mentarian, that marked him for a higher sphere. In 1806, he was 
elected to the United States Senate, to fill the unexpired term of 
General Adair, resigned. He took his seat in that body, wholly 
unpracticed in its deliberations, among men of mature age and 



HENRY CLAY. 731 

distinction. Though not obtrusive, he was determined not to be 
idle. His first speech was made upon the construction of the 
Potomac Bridge, in which many of his ideas of internal improve- 
ment M'Cre, for the first time, heard in that hall. The speech was 
able, and fully vindicated the powers and reputation of the young 
senator. During his short term of service at this session, he 
made many friends, and created high expectations. When Con- 
gress adjourned, he returned to the State Legislature. When that 
body met, he was chosen speaker. In 1808, he was not urged to 
the speakership, his friends being determined to pit him against 
Humphrey Marshall. The discussions between them were bitter, 
and sometimes violent. As significant of Clay's views of home 
industry, he brought in a bill, requiring the members to dress 
themselves in domestic goods. This resulted in the affair with 
Humphrey Marshall, who made some severe remarks npon the 
bill. Clay sent him a challenge, which being accepted, the 
parties met, and after shooting at each other a few times, both 
were slightly wounded, when they were taken from the field by the 
interposition of friends. 

The deep-rooted prejudices and antipathy to England, existing 
at this time, were evinced clearly by the efl:brt made at this session 
of the Legislature, to suppress all reference by the State courts to 
English laws and decisions. This piece of intolerance roused the 
just indignation of Clay. Alone, he fought the movement at 
every turn, and finally succeeded in preventing its success. 

Clay was just lifting liimself to national gaze. He was now 
to leave the halls of State for those of national legislation. He 
was permanently^ to transfer his talents from Frankfort to Wash- 
ington City, where, for forty years, he was to be the magnet of 
traction, — the Richard Coeur de Lion of legislation. The follow- 
ing portraiture, drawn of him at the time he left the Legislature, 
will afford a good idea of the general impression he had made 
upon the public mind : 

" He appears," says the writer alluded to, " to have been the 
pervading spirit of the whole body. He never came to the de- 
bates without the knowledge necessary to the perfect elucidation 
of his subject, and he always had the power of making his knowl- 
edge so practical, and lighting it up so brightly with the fire of 
eloquence, and the living soul of intellect, that, without resorting 
to the arts of insidiousness, he could generally control the move- 



732 HENRY CLAY. 

ments of the Legislature at will. His miud was not an undue in- 
fluence ; it was simply ascendency of mind over mind. The bills, 
which originated with him, instead of being characterized by the 
eccentricities and ambitious innovations which are too often visible 
in the course of young men of genius, suddenly elevated to power 
and influence, were remarkable only for their plain common sense, 
and their tendency to advance the general interests of the 8tate. 
Though he carried his plans into efl'ect by the aid of the magical 
incantations of tlie orator, he always conceived them with the 
coolness and discretion of a philosopher. No subject was so great 
as to baftle his powers, — none so minute as to elude them. He 
could handle the telescope and the microscope with equal skill. 
In him, the haughty demagogues of the Legislature found an 
antagonist who never failed to foil them in their bold projects, 
and the intriguers of lower degree were baffled with equal 
certainty, whenever they attempted to get any petty measure 
through the House for their own personal gratification, or that of 
their friends. The people, therefore, justly regarded him as em- 
phatically their own." 

At the session of 1809-10, Clay was again sent to the United 
States Senate. He had been there but a short time, before it 
became apparent that his was one of the guiding minds that was 
to shape the policy of the nation. Ever the champion of home 
manufactures, he early took occasion to advocate his American 
system. A bill came up, requiring from American citizens 
preference for articles manufactured at home, to those imported 
from other markets. The speech of Clay was an utterance of his 
views upon the protective system, — a subject which he studied 
more profoundly, perhaps, than any other American statesman. 
The bill was introduced, more particularly, for the purpose of 
instructing the Secretary of the Navy to purchase cordage, sail- 
cloth, and hemp, of American product and preparation. An 
amendment was proposed in the bill, specifying directly these 
articles. Lloyd, of Massachusetts, proposed to strike out the 
amendment. Feeling that the subject of domestic manufactures 
was in the range of legitimate debate, and that the time had come 
for the people to rouse themselves to its investigation. Clay 
arose and gave his sentiments, — sentiments to which he adhered 
with marked faithfulness. The following extract will give an idea' 
of the speech : 



HENRY CLAY. 733 

" In including the advantages of domestic manufactures, it 
never entered the head, I presume, of any one, to change the 
habits of the nation from an agricultural to a manufacturing com- 
munity. No one, I am persuaded, ever thought of converting the 
plowshare and the' sickle into the spindle and the shuttle. And 
yet this is the delusive and erroneous view too often taken of the 
subject. The opponents of the manufacturing system transport 
themselves to the establishments of Manchester and Birmingham, 
and, dwelling on the indigence, vice, and wretchedness prevailing 
there, by pushing it to an extreme^ argue that its introduction into 
this country will necessarily be attended by the same mischievous 
and dreadful consequences. But what is the fact? That England 
is the manufacturer of a great part of the world ; and that even 
there the numbers thus employed bear an inconsiderable proportion 
to the whole mass of population. Were we to become the manu- 
facturertj of other nations, effects of the same kind might result. 
But if we liviit our efforts by our own wants, the evils appre- 
hended would be found to be chimerical. The invention and im- 
provement of machinery, for which the present age is so remark- 
able, dispensing, in a great degree, with manual labor; and the 
employment of those [x-tsuus, who, if we were engaged in the pur- 
suit of agriculture alone, would be either unproductive, or exposed 
to indolence and immorality ; wdll enable us to supply our wants 
without withdrawing our attention from agriculture, — the first and 
greatest source of national wealth and happiness. A judicious 
American farmer, in the household way, manufactures whatever 
is requisite for his family. He squanders but little in the gew- 
gaws of Europe. He presents in epitome, what the nation ought 
to be in extenso. Their manufactories should bear the same pro- 
portion, and effect the same object in relation to the whole com- 
munity, which parts of his household employed in domestic 
manufacturing, bear to the whole family. It is certainly desir- 
able, that the exports of the country should continue to be the 
surplus production of tillage, and not become those of manufac- 
turing establishments. But it is important to diminish our imports ; 
to furnish ourselves with clothing made by our own industry ; and 
to cease to be dependent for the very coats we wear, upon a for- 
eign and perhaps inimical country. The nation that imports its 
clothing from abroad, is but little less dependent than if it im- 
ported its bread. 



734: HENRY CLAY. 

" The fallacious course of reasoning urged against domestic 
manufactures, namely, the distress and servitude produced by 
those of England, would equally indicate the propriety of aban- 
doning agriculture itself. Were you to cast your eyes upon the 
miserable peasantry of Poland, and revert to the days of feudal vas- 
salage, you might thence draw numerous arguments, of the kind 
under consideration, against the pursuits of the husbandman ! 
What would become of commerce, the favorite theme of some 
gentlemen, if assailed with this sort of weapons ? The fraud, per- 
jury, cupidity and corruption, with which it is unhappily too often 
attended, would at once produce its overthrow. In short, sir, 
take the black side of the picture, and every human occupation 
will be found pregnant with fatal objections. 

"The opposition to manufacturing institutions, recalls to my recol- 
lection the case of a gentleman of whom 1 have heard. He had 
been in the habit of snp})lying his table from a neighboring cook 
and confectioner's sliop, and proposed to his wife a reform in this 
particular. She revolted at the idea. The sight of a scullion was 
dreadful, and her delicate nerves could not bear the clattering of 
kitchen furniture. The gentleman persisted in his design ; his 
table was thenceforth cheaper and better supplied, and his neigh- 
bor, the confectioner, lost one of his best customers. In like 
manner dame Commerce will oppose domestic manufactures. 
She is a flirting, flippant, noisy jade, and if we are governed by 
her fantasies, we will never put ofl' the muslins of India and the 
cloths of Europe. But I trust that the yeomenry of the country, 
the true and genuine landlords of this tenement called the United 
States, disregarding her freaks, will persevere in reform until the 
whole national family is furnished by itself with the clothing 
necessary for its own use. 

" It is a subject no less of curiosity than of interest, to trace the 
preju'lices in favor of foreign fabrics. In our colonial condition, 
we were in a complete state of dependence on the parent country, 
as it respected manufactures, as well as commerce. For many 
years after the war, such was the partiality for her productions, 
in this countr}', that a gentleman's head could not withstand the 
influence of solar heat, unless covered with a London hat; his 
feet could not bear the pebbles, or frost, unless protected by Lou- 
don siioes ; and the comfort or ornament of his person was only 
''.nnsulted when his coat was cut out by the shears of a tailor 'just 



HENRY CLAY. 735 

from London.' At length, however, the wonderful discovery 
has been made, that it is not absolutely beyond the reach of 
American skill and ingenuity to provide these articles, combining 
with equal elegance greater durability. And I entertain no doubt, 
that, in a short time, the no less important fact will be developed, 
that the domestic manufactories of the United States, fostered by 
government, and aided by household exertions, are fully compe- 
tent to supply us with, at least, every necessary article of clothing. 
I therefore, sir, for one (to use the fashionable cant of tlie day), 
am in favor of encouraging them, not to the extent to which they 
are carried in England, but to such an extent as will redeem us 
entirely from all dependence on foreign countries. There is a 
pleasure, — a pride (if I may be allowed the expression, and I 
pity those who can not feel the sentiment), in being clad in the pro- 
ductions of our own families. Others may prefer the cloths of 
Leeds and of London, but give me those of Humphrysville." 

The old charter of the United States Bank, established in 1791, 
would expire in 1811. The subject of its re-charter came up at 
the session of 1810-'ll. Clay then believed that its re-charter 
was beyond the powers of the Constitution, and made a powerful 
and logical speech in opposition. This speech caused no little 
sensation, particularly when, afterward. Clay stood prominently 
forward as the leading advocate of a re-charter. lie took occasion 
subsequently to say, that "During a long public life, the only 
great question on which I have ever changed my opinion, is that 
of the Bank of the United States. By the reasons assigned for the 
change of my opinion, I am ready to abide in the judgment of the 
present generation and of posterity." These reasons were given 
to the public in June 1816. The first was, " he was instructed to 
oppose the renewal of the old charter by the Legislature of the 
State." The second was, "he believed the corporation had, dur- 
ing a portion of the period of its existence, abused its powers, 
and sought to subserve the views of a political party. His third 
was, "that as the power to create a corporation, such as was pro- 
posed to be continued, was not specifically granted in the Consti- 
tution, and did not appear to him to be necessary to carry into 
effect any of the powers which were specifically granted. Con- 
gress was not authorized to continue the Bank." Acting under 
these convictions, he argued in opposition, at length, and with 
great force ; — his influence and vote contributed largely to defeat 



73G HENRY CLAY. 

the bill. In 1816, he \vas the avowed and most potent advocate 
of a re-charter, and said, in regard to his course in the Senate in 
1811: " I would then have voted for a renewal, had I foreseen 
what now exists." The power of his speech, in 1811, in opposi- 
tion, is shown by an incident that occurred in 1816. Clay made 
an elaborate speech in favor of renewal, and entered in detail 
upon the advantages accruing to the country by such a step. 
One of the ablest men of the opposition was pitted against him. 
He arose and read for his reply Clay's own speech of 1811, from 
beginning to end, and took his seat. Clay, however, beat him- 
self and carried his point. Speaking of this change of opinion, 
Clay says : 

''I never, but once, changed my opinion on any great measure 
of national policy, or any great principle of construction of the 
National Constitution. In early life, on deliberate consideration, 
I adopted the principles of interpreting the Federal Constitution, 
which had been so ably developed and enforced by Mr. Madison, 
in his memorable report to the Virginia Legislature, and to them, 
as I understood them, I have constantly adhered. Upon the ques- 
tion coming up in the Senate of the United States, to re-charter 
the first bank of the United States, thirty years ago, I opposed 
the re-charter, upon convictions which I honestl}^ entertained. 
The experience of the war which shortly followed, the condition 
into which the currency of the country was thrown without a 
bank, and, I may now add, later and more disastrous experience, 
convinced me I w^as wrong. I publicly stated to my constituents, 
in a speech in Lexington (that which I have made in the House of 
Representatives of the United States not having been reported), 
my reasons for that change, and they are preserved in the archives 
of the country. I appeal to that record ; and I am willing to be 
judged, now and hereafter, by their validity." 

Clay's senatorial term expired in 1811. On his return home, 
he was elected to the Congress of the United States. On his first 
entrance into tliat body, he was elected speaker, almost by acclam- 
ation, — an honor never before conferred on a member who 
appeared, for the first time, in the House. He was elected to 
the position, too, at a stormy period of Congressional deliberation. 
The war of 1812 was agitating the public mind. The causes 
which led to that event have already been alluded to. To rouse 
the conciliatory spirit of Madison to vigorous resistance to 



HENRY CLAY. 737 

aggressions of England, required the firmness and persuasive 
eloquence of Clay, and the potent arguments of Calhoun. Daring 
the spring of 1811, twenty-seven American vessels had been 
captured as prizes by the British, because they did not see fit to 
comply with the "orders in council," originated by the Berlin de- 
cree. Because at war with themselves, England, by her "orders," 
and France by her "decrees," thought proper to fetter American 
commerce, and prostrate our maritime trade. The depredations 
committed upon the seas, and against our seamen, roused the 
energies of Clay, who sounded the bugle-note of war. Oppo- 
sition to a resort to arms was strong in the House, and nothing 
contributed more than his stirring appeals to overcome it. In 
support of Madison's occupancy of the territory to the line of the 
Perdido, in the winter of 1810, he said : 

"Sir, is the time never to arrive, when we can manage our own 
afiairs without the fear of insulting his Britannic majesty ? Is the 
rod of British power to be forever suspended over our heads? 
Does Congress put an embargo to shelter our rightful commerce 
against the piratical depredations committed upon it on the ocean? 
We are immediately warned of the indignation of oftended Eng- 
land. Is a law of non-intercourse proposed? the whole navy of 

fViA lioiircV)f-\7 iri'Qfvnco nV iho ppfiq iff mfldo to fblindpr in onv pnvq_ 

Does the President refuse to continue a correspondence with their 
mi Ulster, wuo violates tue uecorum oeionging to iiis uipiomaiic 
character, hj giving and deliberately repeating an afii'ont to the 
whole nation ? We are instantly menaced with the chastisement 
which English pride will not fail to inflict. Whether we assert 
our rights by sea, or attempt their maintenance by land, — whither- 
soever we turn ourselves, this phantom pursues us. Already has 
it had too much influence on the councils of the nation. It con- 
tributed to the repeal of the Embargo, — that dishonorable repeal 
which has so much tarnished the character of our government. 
Mr. President, I have before said on this floor, and now take 
occasion to remark, that I most sincerely desire peace and amity 
with England ; that I even prefer an adjustment of all differences 
with her, before one with any other nation. But if she persists 
in a denial of justice to us, or if she avails herself of the occupa- 
tion of West Florida to commence war upon us, I trust and 
hope that all hearts will unite in a bold and vigorous vindication 
of our rio;hts." * 



738 ilENRY CLAY. 

In Deccniibor, 1811, a bill was introduced providing an additional 
force of twenty -five thousand men ; some were opposed to it, — ■ 
others wished to reduce it to fifteen thousand. Clay left the 
S})eaker's chair, and animated the House in a most eloquent 
appeal in favor of the bill without reduction: "The ditlerence 
between those who were for fifteen thousand and those who were 
for twenty-five thousand men, appeared to him to resolve itself in 
the question merely of a short, or a protracted war ; a war of 
vigor or a war of languor and imbecility. If a competent force 
be raised, the war on the continent will speedily be terminated." 
He was aware that it might still rage on the ocean. But where 
the nation could act with unquestionable success, he was in favor 
of a display of energy correspondent to the feeling and spirit of 
the country. * * * * Jjy begged gentlemen to consider 
the immense extent of the United States; our vast maritime 
frontier, vulnerable in almost all its parts to predatory incursions, 
and he was persuaded they would see that a regular force of 
twenty-five thousand men was not much too great, during a period 
of war, if all designs of invading the provinces of the enemy 
were abandoned." He had given his voice for war, and was in 
favor of its vigorous prosecution, by calling into action all reason- 
able resources. 

The army bill passed. Immediate measures were now taken to 
inci'ease the navy ; Clay came to the support of a bill for that 
purpose, with all his ardor, sincerity, and unbending firmness. 
It also passed. In all these movements preliminary to hostilities, 
he was the leading spirit. After war was finally declared, disas- 
ters attended the American arms, and afibrded the opponents of 
the war plausible pretexts for abusing Clay, who had acted so 
prominent a part in bringing it about. ''We are told," said he, 
in reply to those who alleged that the measure was premature, 
"by gentlemen in the opposition, that government has not done 
all that was incumbent on it to do, to avoid just complaint on the 
part of Great Britain ; that, in particular, the certificates of pro- 
tection, authorized by the act of 1796, are fraudulently used. Sir, 
government has done too much in granting those paper pro- 
tections. I can never think of them without being shocked. 
They resemble the passes which the master grants to his negro 
slave, — ' Let the bearer, Mungo, pass and re-pass without moles- 
tation.' What do they imply? That Great Britain has a right to 



HENRY CLAY. 739 

seize all who are not provided with them. From their very nature, 
they are liable to abuse on both sides. K Great Britain desires a 
mark by wiiich she can know her own subjects, let her give them 
an ear-mark. The colors that iioat from the mast-head should 
be the credentials of our seamen. There is no safety to us, and 
the gentlemen have shown it, but in the rule, that all who sail 
under the flag (not being enemies), should be protected by the flag. 
It is impossible that this country ever should abandon the gallant 
tars, who have won for us such splendid trophies. Let me suppose 
that the genius of Columbia should visit one of them in his 
oppressor's prison, and attempt to reconcile him to his forlorn and 
wretched condition. She would say to him in the language of 
the gentlemen on the other side : ' Great Britain intends you no 
harm ; she did not mean to impress you, but one of her own sub- 
jects ; having taken you by mistake, I will remonstrate and try to 
prevail upon her by peaceable means to release you; but I can not, 
my son, fight, for you.' If he did not consider this mere mockery, 
the poor tar would address her judgment, and say: 'You owe me 
my country's protection ; I owe you, in return, obedience. I am 
no British subject; I am a native of old Massachusetts, where 
lived my aged father, my wife, my children ; I have faithfully dis- 
charged my duty ; will you refuse to do yours ? Appealing to her 
passions, he would continue: 'I lost this eye in fighting under 
Truxton witii the Insurgent; I got this scar before Tripoli; I broke 
this leg on board the Constitution, when the Guerriere struck.' 
If she remained still unmoved, he would break out in the accents 
of mingled disti-ess and despair : 

' Hard, hard is my fate ! once I freedom enjoyed, 
Was as happy as happy could be ; 
Oh how hard is my fate, how galling these chains I ' 

I will not imagine the dreadful catastrophe to which he would be 
driven, by an abandonment of him to his oppressor. It will not 
be, it can not be, that his country will refuse him protection." 

Again he said, with vehemence, on another occasion : " An 
honorable peace is attainable only b}'^ an efficient war. My plan 
would be to call out the efficient resources of the country, — give 
them a judicious direction, — prosecute the war with the utmost 
vigor, — strike wherever we can reach the enemy, at sea or on land, 
and negotiate the terms of a peace at Quebec or at Halifax. We 
are'told that England is a proud and lofty nation, which, disdaining 



740 HENRY CLAY. 

to wait for danger, meets it half way. Haughty as she is, we 
once triumphed over her, and if we do not listen to the counsels 
of timidity and despair, we shall again prevail. In such a cause, 
with the aid of Providence, we must come out crowned with suc- 
cess ; but if we fail, let us fail like men, lash ourselves to our 
gallant tars, and expire together in one common struggle, fighting 
for free trade and sailoks' eights." Thus, throughout the whole 
struggle, did he infuse vigor and spirit into the Legislature and 
the people, by his burning words and dauntless energy. 

Junius defined "a clear, unblemished character, as compre- 
hending, nut only the integrity that will not offer, but the spirit 
that will not submit to, injury," and adds farther, that " whether 
it belongs to an individual or to a community, it is the foundation 
of peace, of independence, and of safety." Such a character had 
Henry Clay. Ever conciliatory and desirous of peace, his 
haughty soul spurned, with contempt and pride, submission to 
insult and injury, — individual or national. This very character 
was clearly exhibited through the whole contest. Exemplifying in 
his own language: "That patriotism that, catching its inspiration 
from the immortal God, and leaving at an immeasurable distance 
below all lesser groveling personal interests and feeling, animates 

f^jifl -r-ritTifo +r> rloodQ of coU'.co r-vi-fiVo of vnlor of rlAvotinn ntirl of 

death itself," as his idea of public virtue, — he felt the dignity of 
ins cuuncry uemauueu resistance lo lujuriua susiaineu uy vjiuuc 
Britain. Actuated by this feeling, he gave his voice for war, and 
with him there were no quaking terrors, no failing energies. The 
result was a triumphaut vindication of national dignity, — new 
lustre to our flag, and an honorable peace. 

When hostilities were about to cease. Clay was selected as one 
of the commissioners to negotiate a treaty of peace. "We have 
seen him as a citizen, as a lawyer, a legislator, a statesman, — now 
we are to see him as the diplomatist. In conjunction with Albert 
Gallatin, James A. Bayard, Jonathan Russell, and John Quincy 
Adams, Clay met the British ministers. Lord Gambler, Henry 
Goulbourn, and William Adams, at Ghent. Several nice points 
of adjustment presented themselves. Clay, as commissioner, 
evinced the rarest diplomatic skill and sagacity. After a confer- 
ence of several days a treaty was consummated. The British 
relincpiished the right of search and impressment, the navigation 
of the Mississippi, all jurisdiction over our Indian tribes, and 



HENRY CLAY. 741 

continued the privilege to us of the fisheries. Thus, every point 
for which we contended, and which met with such contemptuous 
consideration from Lord Custlereagh, before war was declared, had 
been procured. The peace of Ghent left America internally and 
externally, in a better condition that she had ever been. While 
at Ghent, Clay heard of the capture of Washington. Though 
wishing to go to England, his manly pride deterred him. Soon 
after the news of the victory of New Orleans was received, "Now," 
said he, " I can go to England without mortification." He was 
received in England with the respect and consideration due to his 
fame and merit. 

During his absence, which was protracted till 1815, he was 
re-elected to Congress with great enthusiasm. On his re-appear- 
ance there, he was again chosen speaker, and boldly announced 
his determination to defend the treaty of peace, which he did with 
ability and efiect. We had triumphed against the arms of a nation, 
exultant over the powers of subjugated Europe, raised our 
national honor, vindicated our flag, and procured an honorable 
peace. 

In this condition of our national afiairs abroad, Clat re-entered 
the House of Eepresentatives, at the session of 1815-'16. The 
war had drained our finances, and developed the necessity of a 
national bank. Madison, in his message, recommended that 
measure to Congress. The subject was referred to a committee,, 
of which Calhoun was chairman. On the 8th of January, they 
reported favourably. Unlike the far-famed Sangrado, Clay was- 
not so anxious to preserve his consistency as to overlook the wel- 
fare of the country. Notwithstanding his arguments against the 
Bank, in 1811, he now came forward with all his strength and 
influence in favor of it. Mature investigation, and the changes 
that had taken place, convinced him of its great necessity. He 
was therefore for it, regardless of the charges he knew would be 
brought against him. During the entire pendency of the question, 
he gave it hearty support. From the introduction of the report to 
the final charter of the Bank, in 1816, he was its conceded cham- 
pion. Significant of his weight and powers is the fact, that when, 
he was against the measure, in 1811, it was defeated, and that 
w^hen advocating it in 1816, it was carried through. It was 
immediately after this, he voted for the Compensation bill, which 
created such dissatisfaction, that he was forced to canvass his dis- 
50 



742 HENRY CLAY. 

trict to secure bis re-electiou. lie was returned, however, without 
difficuhy. 

At the next session, the subject of South American indepen- 
dence came up in the House. Clay, with all his patriotism, came 
forward in behalf of that people. His poM'erful appeals were per- 
fectly irresistible. They were published in other languages, and 
read amid the clash of arms at the head of republican patriots in 
distant climes, to cheer them on. Merited truly, was the eloquent 
tribute of Alexander McClung: "Wherever abroad freedom 
found a votary, — that votary met in him a champion. When 
Greece, the classic laud of Greece, — the fountain of refine- 
ment, — the birthplace of eloquence, and poetry, and liberty, — 
when Greece awoke from the long slumber of ages, and beat back 
the lading Crescent to its native East ; when Macedon at last called 
to mind the feats of her conquering bo}^, and the Spartan again 
struck in for the land which had bred him, in Henry Clay's voice, 
the words of cheering rolled over the blue waters from the far West, 
as the greeting of the New World to the Old. When Mexico and 
our sister republics from the extreme South, shook off the rotted 
yoke of the fallen Spaniard, and Freedom's face for one brief 
moment, gleamed under the pale light of the Southern Cross, it was 
he who spoke out again to cheer and to rouse its champions. The 
regenerated Greek, the dusky Mexican, the Peruvian moun- 
taineer, — all who would strike one blow for liberty, found in him 
a friend and an advocate. His words of cheering swept over the 
plains of Marathon, and came ringing back from the peaks of the 
Andes." The independence of the South American States, after 
protracted consideration of the subject, was finally recognized by 
our government. 

But strongly as he enlisted in their cause, at the first indication 
of a misdirected ambition on the part of Bolivar, he wrote him, 
deprecating it in terms as emphatic as he had formerly expressed 
in behalf of the patriot. 

Of all men, Clay most hated tyranny and self-ambition, — yet he 
was, in one sense, himself a tyrant, and eminently ambitious; — there 
was, however, nothing little in either. His ambition was of the 
highest cast. He wished the whole human race elevated, and his 
own country foremost. He wished to see America blessed with 
the best measures, and earnestly labored to be recognized as lead- 
ing the van in their origination and adoption. His tyranny was 



HENRY CLAY. 743 

not of the Nero or Domitian cast; he did not desire to hold the 
rod over au empire. His jurisdiction was the proud realm of 
mind, — there he reigned and ruled with the will of a despot. 

Clay had exhibited so many and varied capacities of diplomacy 
at the treaty of Ghent, that on his return to the United States, 
Madison offered him the post of Minister to Eussia. This he 
declined. He soon after advocated the appropriation of the bo- 
nus of the United States Bank to internal improvement purposes. 
A bill to that efiect passed the House, but was vetoed by Madison 
upon constitutional grounds the day before he went out of office. 
Monroe, his successor, it was known, would take the same grounds. 
Clay opposed the views of both, — believing that the clause in the 
Constitution, giving Congress the power to establish post roads, 
gave also that to construct^ and that the power was implied in 
several grants of the instrument ; he discussed the subject, at 
length, and with ability, March 13th, 1818. His speech was deliver- 
ed upon the pendency of a resolution, declaring Congress had the 
power to construct military and post roads, and canals, which passed 
by a majority of fifteen votes. From this session also, dates the 
political hostilities between himself and Jackson. When Calhoun 
introduced his resolutions, censuring Jackson for the occupancy 
of the Spanish posts, and the execution of Ambristed and 
Arbuthnot, Clay earnestly advocated their passage. "To you, 
Mr. Chairman," said he, "belongs the high privilege of trans- 
mitting, unimparied to posterity, the fair character and liberty 
of our country. Do you expect to execute this high trust, by 
trampling, or suffering to be ti'ampled down, law, justice, the 
Constitution, and the rights of the people? — by exhibiting exam- 
ples of inhumanity, and cruelty, and ambition? When the 
minions of despotism heard, in Europe, of the seizure of Pensa- 
cola, how they did chuckle, and chide the admirers of our insti- 
tutions, tauntingly pointing to the demonstration of a spirit of 
injustice and aggrandizement, made by our country in the midst 
of an amicable negotiation. Behold, said they, the conduct of 
those who are constantly reproaching kings. You saw how those 
admirers were astounded and hung their heads. You saw, too, 
when that illustrious man, who presides over us, adopted his pacific, 
moderate and just course, how they once more lifted up their 
heads, with exultation and delight beaming on their countenances. 
And you saw how those minions, themselves, were finally com- 



744 HENRY CLAY. 

pelled to unite in the general praises bestowed upon our govern- 
ment. Beware how yon forfeit this exalted character. Beware 
how you give a fatal sanction, in the infant period of our Republic, 
scarcely yet two score years old, to military insubordination. 
Remember that Greece had her Alexander, Rome her Csesar, 
England her Cromwell, France her Bonaparte, and that if we 
would escape the rock on which they split, we must avoid their 
errors." 

Jackson never forgave him for his course in regard to the 
matter. When he went to Washington, he refused all intercourse 
and correspondence with him. Their political enmity continued 
through life, sometimes with a warmth and intensity not fully 
justifiable by the facts in the case, and almost inconsistent with 
their great abilities and relations with the government. That they 
never could agree, is readily obvious, — they differed so essentially 
upon every principle to be carried out for the benefit of the nation, 
that no unity of action could possibly have been expected. But 
that they should have been personally hostile, endeavoring to 
prostrate each other and impugning the motives of each, is a 
source of regret. 

Clay now must be noticed as a pacificator. In 1818, the great 
question of slavery restriction, agitated by the application of 
Missouri for admission into the Union as a State, came up in Con- 
gress. The slavery question now became one of serious moment. 
As a part of the bill relating to Missouri, the following resolution 
was ofiered : 

" Resolved^ — That the further introduction of slavery or in- 
voluntary servitude be prohibited, except for the punishment of 
crimes, whereof the party shall have been fully convicted. And 
that all children born within the said State, after the admission 
thereof into the Union, shall be free at the age of twenty-five 
years." 

This was voted down. No farther action was had till the next 
session of Congress, when Missouri again knocked at the door. 
After several resolutions were brought forward, it was moved that 
a committee be appointed to report a bill prohibiting the farther 
introduction of slavery west of the Mississippi. After consider- 
able discussion caused by this resolution, the following was agreed 
upon, which operated to restore harmony: 

" Resolved^ — That all the territory ceded by France to the 



HENRY CLAY. 745 

United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of 
thirty-six degrees, thirty minutes, north latitude, not included 
within the limits contemplated by this act, slavery and involun- 
tary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes whereof 
the parties shall have been duly convicted, shall be hereby forever 
prohibited. Provided^ ahvays^ That any person escaping into 
the same, from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed, in any 
State or territory of the United States, such fugitive may be law- 
fully re-claimed and conveyed to the persons claiming his or her 
labor or service as aforesaid." 

This was followed by the adoption of a State constitution by 
Missouri, in 1820, specifying that measures should be taken, on 
the part of the general government, to prevent the settlement 
of free negroes in that State, By this time, the whole country 
was excited upon the subject of restriction. The Senate favored 
the constitution adopted by Missouri, containing the free negro 
clause, but the House did not. In their opinion, the rights of the 
non-resident citizen was infringed upon. The whole matter 
assumed a national aspect, and was regarded as a test of the 
strength and feelings of the anti and pro-slavery tendencies of 
the two sections of the Union. Missouri being a part of the ter- 
ritory ceded by Fi-auce, was not included in the settlement of the 
question, — slavery or no slavery, by the ordinance of 1787. Iler 
destiny, therefore, decided that of all the newly acquired territory; 
hence the great interest and national excitement engendered by 
the controversy. 

Clay, who had labored faithfully to adjust all difficulties, was, in 
the meantime, forced to return to Lexington, by the embarrassed 
condition of his private aflairs. In January, 1821, he resumed 
his legislative duties at Washington. The eyes of Congress were 
turned to him at once. Again he went heroically to work. 
Early in February, chiefly through his agency, a committee of 
thirteen was appointed with himself for chairman. Things were 
now in a more systematic condition. They brought forward the 
following I'esolution : 

" Resolved^ — That the State of Missouri be admitted into the 
Union, on an equal footing with the original States, in all respects 
whatever, upon i\\Q fundamental condition^ that the said State 
shall never pass any law preventing any description of persons 
from coming to and settling in said State, who now are, or may 



746 HENRY CLAY. 

hereafter become citizens of auy one of the States of this Union; 
and provided also^ that the Legislature of the said State, b}' a 
solemn act, shall declare the assent of the said State to the 
said fundamental condition, and shall transmit to the President 
of the United States, on or before the fourth Monday in Novem- 
ber next, an accurate copy of the said act, upon the receipt 
thereof, the President, by proclamation, shall announce the fact; 
whereupon, and without auy further proceedings on the part of 
Congress, the admission of said State into the Union, with the 
exercise of any right or power which can now be constitutionally 
exercised by any of the original States." 

Upon this resolution, Clay is said to have made some of the 
most remarkable speeches of his life. It is a source of regret they 
were not preserved. The resolution, however, was rejected. 
"While the excitement was increasing, caused by the discussion as 
to whether the Missouri vote should be considered in the election 
of President, Clay, not discouraged by the failure of the reso- 
lution, was devising means to settle the controversy. He finally 
presented another resolution, as follows : 

^ Resolved, — That a committee be appointed, on the part of the 
House, jointly with such committee as may be appointed, on the 
part of the Senate, to consider and report to the Senate and to the 
House respectively, whether it be expedient or not to make pro- 
vision for the admission of Missouri into the Union on the same 
footing as the original States ; and for the due execution of the 
laws within Missouri; and if not, whether any other and what 
provision adapted to her actual condition ought to be made by 
law." 

This was adopted. The committee consisted of twenty-three 
on the part of the House, Clay laboring indefatigably to secure the 
appointment of such as he knew were favorable to conciliation. 
On conference with a similar committee from the Senate, the 
whole matter was adjusted by the adoption of a report similar to 
the resolution drawn up by the committee of thirteen. It passed, 
ayes eighty-seven, nays eighty-one. Thus quiet was restored to 
the country, and Clay, from his active participancy in the measure, 
stood prominently forward as the great pacificator. 

In 1824, Clay, inopportunely doubtless, permitted his friends to 
bring his name before the nation as a candidate for the presidency. 
Jackson, Adams, and Crawford, were his competitors. N"o 



HENRY CLAY. 747 

election being made by the people, it went into the HoVise. The 
responsibility of clioosing between Jackson and Adams devolved 
upon Clay. He voted for Adams, and was immediately assailed 
with relentless virulence by his political opponents. The bargain 
and corruption charge was then aimed to be fastened upon him, 
with a view to blacken hjs high character. This charge origin- 
ated in the following card,, published in the Columbian Obser- 
ver: 

"Washington, January 25, 1825. 

" Deae Sir : I take up my pen to inform you of one of the 
most disgraceful transactions that ever covered with infamy the 
republican ranks. Would you believe, that men, professing 
democracy, could be found base enough, to lay the ax at the very 
root of the tree of liberty! Yet, strange as it is, it is not less 
true. To give you a full history of this transaction would far ex 
ceed the limits of a letter. I shall, therefore, at once proceed to 
give you a brief account of such a bargain, as can only be equal- 
led by the famous Burr conspiracy of 1501. For some time 
past, the friends of* Clay have hinted, that they, like the Swiss, 
would fight for those who pay best. Overtures were said to have 
been made, by the friends of Adams, to the friends of Clay, offer- 
ing him the appointment of Secretary of State, for his aid to elect 
Adams. And the friends of Clay gave the information to the 
friends of Jackson, and hinted, that if the friends of Jackson 
would offer the same price, they would close with them. But 
none of the friends of Jackson would descend to such mean barter 
and sale. It was not believed by any of the friends of Jackson, 
that this contract would be ratified by the members from the 
States which voted for Cla\\ I was of opinion, when I first heard 
of this transaction, that men, professing any honorable principles, 
could not, nor would not, be transferred, like the planter does his 
ncirro, or the farmer does his team of horses. No alarm was 
excited. We believed the Republic was safe. Tlie nation having 
delivered Jackson into the hands of Congress, backed by a large 
majority of their votes, there was on my mind no doubt, that Con- 
gress would respond to the will of the nation, by electing the indi- 
vidual they had declared to be their choice. Contrary to this 
expectation, it is now ascertained to a certainty, that Henry Clay 
has transferred his interest to John Quincy Adams, As a con- 



74:8 HENRY CLAY. 

sideration'for his abandonment of duty to his constituents, it is 
said and believed, should this unholy coalition prevail, Clay is to 
be appointed Secretary of State. I have no fear on my mind. I 
am clearly of opinion, we shall defeat every combination. The 
force of public opinion must prevail, or there is an end of 
liberty." 

This card, though purporting to be written by a member of 
Congress, appeared without the name of the author. The accept- 
ance of the post in Adams' Cabinet, as Secretary of State, gave, 
in the minds of the prejudiced, additional coloring to the charge. 
Clay's consenting to run for the presidency at all, in ISS^i, and 
his acceptance of the post of Secretary of State, under Adams, 
though no one can question his motives,' were evidenty two politi- 
cal blunders of his life. The Observer containing the card above, 
was handed to Clay while at the breakfast table. He immediately 
published the following indignant reply : 

A CARD. 

I have seen, without any other emotion than that of ineffable 
contempt, the abuse which has been poured upon me, by a scurri- 
lous paper issued in this city, and by other kindred prints and 
persons, in regard to the presidential election. The editor of one 
of these prints, ushered forth in Philadelphia, called the ' Colum- 
bian Ohserver^ for which I do not subscribe, and which I have 
never ordered, has had the impudence to transmit to me the vile 
paper of the 28th instant. In that number is inserted a letter, 
purporting to have been written from this city, on the 25th instant, 
by a member of the House of Representatives, belonging to the 
Pennsylvania delegation. I believe it to be a forgery ; but if it be 
genuine, I pronounce the njember, whoever he may be, a base 
and infamous calumniator, a dastard, and liar ; and if he dare 
unvail himself, and avow his name, I will hold him responsible, 
as I here admit myself to be, to all the laws which govern and 
regulate men of honor. H. Clay. 

31 st January, 1825. 

I 
I 

The above drew the following from George Kremer, avowing: 
the authorship of the charge : 



' IIENEY CLAY. 749 

"ANOTHER CARD." 
"George Kretner, of the House of Representatives, tenders 
his respects to the Honorable ''H. Clay,' and informs liim, that, 
by reference to tlie editor of the ' Columhian Ohserver^ lie may 
ascertain the name of the writer of a letter of the 25th ult., which, 
it seems, has afforded so much concern to 'H.Clay.' In the 
meantime, George Kremer holds himself ready to prove, to the 
satisfaction of unprejudiced minds, enough to satisty them of the 
accuracy of the statements, which are contained in that letter, to 
the extent that they concern the course and conduct of 'H, Clay.' 
Being a representative of the people, he will not fear to 'cry 
aloud and spare not,' when their rights and privileges are at 
stake." 

Notwithstanding the somewhat arrogant tone of this card, it is 
quite clear that Kremer was, after all, a dupe, — a tool in the 
hands of men banded together for the purpose of sullying Clay's 
fair fame. Messrs Brent, Little, and Digges, all testified to the 
fact, that Kremer said in emphatic terms, in their presence, that 
he never intended to charge Clay with corruption, — that he would 
be the last man to do so, — that his card had been differently con- 
strued from what it was designed, etc. 

On reading Kremer's avowal. Clay at once decided upon his 
course. Feeling that it would make him "ridiculous and con- 
temptible in the eyes of his constituents" to hold the author to 
personal accountability, he resolved to appeal to the House. 
With the dignity of true manhood and conscious innocence, he 
vacated the speaker's chair, and after adverting to the attempts 
against his character, said: "Standing in the relations of the 
House, which both the member from Pennsylvania and himself 
did, it appeared to him, that here was the proper place to institute 
the inquiry, in order that, if guilty, here the proper punishment 
might be applied ; and if innocent, here his character and con- 
duct might be vindicated. He anxiously hoped, therefore, that 
the House would be pleased to order an investigation to be made 
into the truth of the charges. Emanating from such a source as 
they did, this was the only notice which he could take of them. 
If the House should think proper to raise a committee, he trusted 
that some other than the ordinary mode pursued by the practice 
and rules of the House, would be adopted to appoint the committee." 



750 HEN 11 Y CLAY. 

On motiou, the matter was reterreJ to an investigating com- 
mittee. The matter now assumed a bad aspect for poor Kremer. 
He said, however, that: "If upon investigation being instituted, 
it should appear tiiat he had not sufficient reason to justify the 
statements he had made, he should receive the marked reprobation 
which had been suggested by the speaker. Let it fall where it 
might, he was willing to meet the inquiry and abide the result." 

The investigation was had, — he did receive the reprobation, — 
and the result did fall where it should. Clay received full 
acquittal at the bar of public opinion, and there is not now a sane 
man of honor in the broad land wdio would, or could believe a 
charge so gross and malicious against him. 

The committee to which Kremer's charge was referred, consisted 
of seven members, — each of whom was Clay's political opponent. 
They immediately called on Kremer. Instead of carrying out his 
promise "to cry aloud and spare not," various subterfuges, — "the 
jurisdiction of the House," — ''his duty to his constituents," — 
"the inequality of the speaker of the House, and a member, on 
the floor," etc, — were resorteil to. Instead of meeting the com- 
mittee fairly and squarely, a labored document was prepared and 
submitted to them, containing not the slightest substantiation, 
wliile Kremer remained in "profound silence," and still pro- 
founder insignificance. 

The entrance of Clay upon his duties as Secretary of State, 
gave fresh impulse for a time to the charges by his enemies, who 
fancied they could be urged with more plausibility. Speaking 
afterward of his acceptance of the post, Clay used the following 
language : 

"I will take this occasion," said he in his speech, upon his 
retirement to private life, "to say, that I am, and have been long 
satisfied, that it would have been wiser and more politic in me, to 
have declined accepting the office of Secretary of State, in 1825. 
Not that my motives were not as pure and patriotic, as ever car- 
ried any man into public office. Xot that the calumny, which 
was applied to the fact, was not as gross and unfounded as any 
that was ever propagated. Not that valued friends and highly 
esteemed opponents did not unite, in urging my acceptance of the 
office. Not that the administration of Mr. Adams will not, I 
sincerely believe, advantageously compare with that of any of ins 
[)redecessors, in economy, purity, prudence and wisdom. Not 



HE Nil Y CLAY. 751 

that Mr. Adams was himself wanting, in any of those high qualifi- 
cations, and upright patriotic intentions, which were suited to the 
ofiice. But my error, in accepting the office, arose out of my 
underrating the power of detraction and ignorance, and abid- 
ing, with too sure a confidence, in the conscious integrity and 
uprightness of my own motives." 

For years, the matter aflbrded fruitful source of bitter attack 
from his enemies. It was revived in 1844, and reiterated 
through the Union during that presidential campaign. Jackson 
himself affirmed, that the overture spoken of in Kremer's card was 
made, and asserts that, "Before he would reach the presidential 
chair by such means of bargain and corruption, he would see the 
earth open and swallow both Mr. Clay and himself with them." 
From all the evidences at hand, on both sides, it is safe to say 
that if any such an overture was made. Clay was ignorant of the 
fact, and that James Buchanan was the bearer of it. 

After agitating the public mind with high intensity, for some 
time, the excitement occasioned by the corruption charge some- 
what subsided. Another presidential election, however, began to 
approach, and Jackson being again a candidate, it was renewed 
with the same spirit of bitterness. The following anonymous 
letter, purporting to have been from Nashville, Tennessee, and 
fresh from the Hermitage, appeared in the Fayetteville Observer, 
South Carolina, in March, 1827: 

" Nashville, March 8th, 1827. 

" I have just returned from General Jackson's. I found a 
crowd of company with him. Seven Virginians were of the 
number. He gave me a good, friendly reception, and urged me 
to stay some days longer with him. He told me this morning, 
Tjpfore all Ms com/pany^ in reply to a question I put to him con- 
cerning the election of J. Q. Adams to the presidency, that Mr. 
Clay's friends made a proposition to his friends, that if they 
would promise for him [General Jackson] not to put Mr. Adams 
into the seat of Secretary of State, Mr. Clay and his friends would, 
in one houi\ make him [Jackson] the president. He [General 
Jackson] most indignantly rejected the proposition, and declared 
ho would not compromit himself; and unless most openly and 
fairly made the president by Congress, he would never receive it. 
He declared, that he said to them, he would see the whole earth 
sink under them, before he would bargain or intrigue for it." 



752 HENRY CLAY. 

The authorship of this letter was traced to Carter Beverly, who 
being thus brought prominently forward in the controversy, applied 
by letter to Jackson for substantiation, which the General in his 
reply did not fail to furnish, though he said the conversation was 
never designed for the " public journals." Speaking of this 
emanation from a circle of select friends gathered at the home of 
Jackson, Clay said : 

"During the dispensation of the hospitalities of the Hermitage, 
in the midst of a mixed company of individuals, from various 
States, he permits himself to make certain statements, respecting 
my friends and me, which, if true, would forever dishonor and 
degrade us. The words are hardly passed from his mouth, before 
they are committed to paper, by one of his guests, and transmitted, 
in form of a letter, to another State, when they are published in a 
newspaper, and thence circulated through the Union. And now 
he pretends that these statements were made, without any calcu- 
lation that they were to be thrown into the ' public journals.' Does 
he reprove the indiscretion of this guest, who had violated the 
sanctity of a conversation at the hospitable board ? Far from it. 
The public is incredulous. It can not be, General Jackson would 
be so wanting in delicacy and decorum. The guest appeals to him 
for the confirmation of the published statements, and the General 
promptly addresses him a letter, ' in which he unequivocally con- 
firms' (says Mr. Carter Beverly), 'all I have said, regarding the 
overture made to him, pending the last presidential election 
before Congress ; and he asserts a great deal more than lie ever 
told me.'' " 

The following letter from Carter Beverly, written in 1842, does 
justice to Clay, and is a virtual disavowal, on his part, of any 
belief of the charges against the statesman contained in his Fay- 
etteville correspondence, as detailed in conversation at the Hermi- 
tage : 

"Fredericksburg, Va., April 2d, 1842. 

"Dear Sir: — On my arrival here yesterday I received your 
reply to my letter of February last, from Middlesex, and feel glad 
to find tiiat the communication I then made to you was well re- 
ceived, and kindly acknowledged. 

"It is assuredly a matter of high satisfaction to me to believe, 
that I discharged the obligation which feeling and duty dictated, 
in doing the justice I designed, of effacing the indignity cast upon 



HENRY CLAY. 753 

you by the iinfortuuate, and to me unhappy Fayetteville letter, 
that was, and has been so mnch the subject of injury to you, in 
the public mind. It is now, I trust, put entirely to rest in the 
minds of all honorable and candid men, of whatever political per- 
suasion ; for surely none can, or will henceforward presume to 
countenance the miserable slander that went forth in that com- 
munication to the public against you. The entire revocation of 
it given by me ought to overwhelm the author of it with utter 
shame and mortification ; and if 1 had any right to say, were I in 
his situation, it would be my province, as it should be an incum- 
bent duty on me, to make every atonement possible for such an 
unfounded, unprovoked attack upon your integrity and public 
fame. 

" Believing that your letter to me, and this my reply, are calcu- 
lated to benefit you in the public mind, I have sent both to 'The 
Richmond Whig' and 'Independent' for publication. 

" I reiterate expressions of health and happiness to you, and 
remain yours, etc." 

Henry Clay lived to triumph over the wily machinations of 
his foes, and place himself above the reproaches of slander and 
detraction ; to see monuments to his memory erected along the 
waysides of the nation, — himself first of all his cotemporaries in 
the hearts of the people. The charge of corruption has long since 
been silenced, and henceforth let him who dare revive it, be 
branded as the calumniator of a mighty statesman, whose every 
motive, during his entire political life, was pure and patriotic. 

That Clay should have preferred voting for Adams or Crawford, 
to Jackson, under any and all circumstances, was quite natural, — 
and his elevation to a prominent place in the cabinet, in the event 
of the defeat of the Democratic candidate, was equally so. Clay, 
when he entered upon the discharge of his cabinet duties was 
anxious for the success of the Panama convention, noticed before, 
designed for the purpose of promoting international fraternity, 
and thought the time had come for its assemblage. The Presi- 
dent favored the project, and labored with him. John Randolph 
was opposed, and in reply to one of Clay's speeches, denounced 
him as a blackleg. This led to a duel between them, for par- 
ticulars of which, reference is made to the sketch of John Ran- 
dolph. 



754 HENRY CLAY. 

Wo now pass to other events. In 1824, when the bill recom- 
mending- a high protective tarifi' was introduced, Clay came for- 
ward as its sternest advocate. Thoroughly imbued with the idea 
of protection to home industry, and witli a full knowledge of all 
the branches of that great national topic, he was prepared to com- 
pete wdth the wormest of the opposition. The result of his labors 
and those of his competitors, was the passage of the tariff of 1824. 
It was followed by the rebellions exhibitions of South Carolina, 
and was the initiatory step to nullification on her part ; the issue of 
which, was the prompt interposition of Jackson, who prepared to 
enforce the laws, and who would, it was seriously apprehended, 
arrest Calhoun and Ilayne, and bombard Charleston. Again the 
country was rent by dissensions, and patriots made stirring 
appeals for conciliation. John Ilandolph, old and feeble, lifted 
in and out of his carriage, made speeches through the country : 
" Gentlemen," said he, on one occasion in impressive warning, 
" I am filled with the most gloomy apprehensions for the fate of 
the Union. I can not express to you how deeply I am penetrated 
with a sense of the danger which at tliis moment threatens its 
existence. If Madison filled the executive chair, he might be 
bullied into some compromise. If Monroe was in power, he might 
be coaxed into some adjustment of this difficulty. But Jackson 
is obstinate and fond of fight. I fear matters must come to an 
open rupture. If so, the Union is gone !" But after a long pause, 
he added : "There is one man, and one man only, who can save 
this Union ; that man is Henry Clay. I know he has the power. 
I believe he will be found to have the patriotism and firmness 
equal to the occasion." This prediction was verified. The tariflf 
of 1824, and the legislation on the subject of 1828, left everything 
unsettled. Clay retiring from the Cabinet, had returned to Ash- 
land. Not long inactive, the Legislature of Kentucky again sent 
him to the Senate. He reached the Capitol very opportunely, 
and in January 1831, oflTered the following resolution: 

" Resolved, That the existing duties upon articles imported 
from foreign countries, and not coming into competition with 
similar articles made or produced within the United States, ought 
to be forthwith abolished, except the duties upon wines and silks, 
and that those ought to be reduced ; and that the committee on 
finance be instructed to report a bill accordingly." 

The substance of this resolution was embodied in a bill adopted 



HENRY CLAY. 755 

in July followiug. • Soou at'ser, followed the before-meutioued 
excitements, in South Carolina, — her ordinance and inflammatory 
meetings. Verging to a civil war, Clay again stepped forward 
as pacificator, and elaborated the compromise tariff of 1833. 
During the discussion of this measure, Randolph, by request, was 
carried to the Senate. When Clay began his speech, he exclaimed: 
" Help me up ! help me up ! I came here to hear that voice." 

The compromise tariff embraced the following : 

" The first principle was, that there should be a fixed rate of 
ad valorem duty, and discriminations below it. 

"Second, that the excess of duty beyond twenty per centum, 
should, by a gradual process, commencing on the 31st of Decem- 
ber, 1833, be reduced, so that by the 30th of June, 1842, it should 
be brought down to twenty per centum. 

" Third, that after that day, such duties should he laid for the 
purpose of raising such revSnue as might be necessary for an 
economical administration of the government; consequently ex- 
cludiug all resort to internal taxation, or to the proceeds of the 
public lands; for, cotemporaneously with the pendency of the 
act, a bill was pending for the distribution of these proceeds. 

" Fourth, that after the 30th of June, 1842, all duties should 
be paid, in ready money, to the exclusion of all credits. 

"Fifth, that after the same day, the assessment of the value of 
all imports should be made at home and not abroad. 

" Sixth, that after the same day, a list of articles specified and 
enumerated in the act, should be admitted free of duty, for the 
benefit of the manufacturing interests." 

Such was the compromise tariff. It was not designed, however, 
as might seem, at first glance, to prohibit forever, the imposition 
of higher duties than twenty per cent. True, it was thought, that 
twenty per cent., might be sufficient, with a rigid economy, to 
furnish revenue. A threatened excess of revenue, produced the 
clause, freeing altogether certain articles from duty. These were 
silks, wines, and some others, coming under the head of luxuries. 
After much labor and solicitude the measure passed both Houses, 
and became a law in March, 1833. Nullification died awa}', and 
quiet was again restored to the country. 

Meantime another presidential election had taken place. Several 
States had long signified a preference for Clay for the presidenc}', 
while in Kentucky, he was the standing choice of the people. In 



75G HENRY CLAY. 

1831, he was again brought furward against Jackson. The old 
charge of corruption was resuscitated and industriously circulated 
against him. lie had not then outlived the vile slander, and 
was beaten by an immense majority. The accession of Jackson 
to the presidency, opened a new era in the political history of the 
country. Among the first measures, was the veto of the bill 
re-chartering the United States Bank ; this was followed by a veto 
of the bill providing for the distribution of the public lands among 
the States. Thus, two of Clay's favorite measures were quashed 
by a dash of the executive pen, against the will of majorities of 
both Houses of the people's representatives. Soon after, the sub- 
ject of removing the deposits came up. Notwithstanding the 
passage of resolutions in Congress, to the effect, that the deposits 
were safe in the custody of the United States Bank, he determined 
to have them removed. Duane, the Secretary of the Treasury, 
not feeling justified in performing the work, was in no amicable 
mood displaced, and Roger B. Taney was appointed in his stead. 
Obeying the instructions of the President, he had the deposits 
removed. The Secretary, after removing the deposits, made a 
report to Congress, assigning reasons for his course, — a reiteration 
of those contained in Jackson's message, hoping to establish con- 
viction that he was right. He failed signally. Clay, on the 20th 
of December, 1833, offered in the Senate, the following reso- 
lutions of censure: 

'• Resolved^ — That by dismissing the late Secretary of the 
Treasury, because he would not, contrary to his own sense of his 
duty, remove the money of the United States, on deposit with 
the Bank of the United States and its branches, in conformity 
with the President's opinion, and by appointing his successor to 
effect such removal, which has been done, the President has 
assumed the exercise of a power over the treasury of the United 
States, not granted to him by the Constitution and laws, and 
dangerous to the liberties of the people. 

" Jiesolved, — That the reasons assigned by the Secretary of the 
Treasury, for the removal of the money of the United States, 
deposited in the Bank of the United States, and its branches, 
communicated to Congress on the 3d of December, 1833, are 
unsatisfactory and insufficient." 

These resolutions were moved with characteristic firmness and 
intrepidity. They were followed by long and heated appeals and 



HENRY CLAY. 757 

discussions. Embodied in the following resolution, they finally 
passed by a vote of twenty-six to twenty, March 2Sth, 1S34: : 

^'-Resolved, — That the President, in the late executive proceed- 
ings, in relation to the public revenue, has assumed upon himself 
authority and power not conferred by the Constitution and laws, 
but in derogation of both." 

Removal of the deposits was succeeded by general depression 
and unexampled financial distresses. The rapid decline of 
property and prostration of business were felt throughout the 
Union. The halls of Congress were flooded with petitions from 
all quarters, couched in painful terms, praying relief. Clay, fully 
roused to his giant proportions, led the fight against the adminis- 
tration. His appeals were eloquent, warm, and glowing from the 
heart. 

"In twenty-four hours," said he to vice-President Yan Buren, 
"the executive branch could adopt a measure which would aflbrd 
an efficacious and substantial remedy, and re-establish confidence. 
And those who, in this chamber, support the administration, could 
not render a better service than to repair to the executive mansion, 
and, placing before the chief magistrate the naked and undisguised 
truth, prevail upon him to retrace his steps and abandon his fatal 
experiment. No one, sir, can perform that duty with more pro- 
priety than yourself. You can, if you will, induce him to change 
his course. To you, then, sir, in no unfriendly spirit, but with 
feelings softened and subdued by the deep distress which pervades 
every class of our countrymen, I make the appeal. By your 
official and personal relations with the President, you maintain 
with him an intercourse which I neither enjoy nor covet. Go to 
him and tell him, without exaggeration, but in the language of 
truth and sincerity, the actual condition of his bleeding country. 
Tell him it is nearly ruined and undone, by the measures which 
he has been induced to put in operation. Tell him that Ms experi- 
ment is operating on the nation like the philosopher's experiment 
upon a convulsed animal in an exhausted receiver, and that it 
must expire in agony, if he does not pause, give it free and 
sound circulation, and suffer the energies of the people to be re- 
vived and restored. 

"Tell him that in a single city more than sixty bankruptcies,, 
involving a loss of upward of fifteen millions of dollars, have 
occurred. Tell him of the alarming decline in the value of all 
51 



758 HENRY CLAY. 

property ; of the depreciation of all the products of iDdnstry ; of 
the stagnation in every branch of business, and of the close of 
numerous manufacturing establishments, which, a few short 
months ago, were in active and flourishing operation. Depict to 
him, if you can find language to portray, the heart-rending 
wretchedness of thousands of the working-classes cast out of 
employment. Tell him of the tears of helpless widows, no longer 
able to earn their bread; and of unclad and unfed orphans, who 
have been driven by his policy, out of the busy pursuits in which, 
but yesterday, they were gaining an honest livelihood. 

"Say to him, that if firmness be honorable, when guided by 
truth and justice, it is intimately allied to another quality of the 
most pernicious tendency, in the prosecution of an erroneous 
system. Tell him how much more true glory is to be won by re- 
tracing false steps, than by blindly rushing on until his country 
is overwhelmed in bankruptcy and ruin. Tell him of the ardent 
attachment, the unbounded devotion, the enthusiastic gratitude 
toward him, so often signally manifested by the American people, 
and that they deserve, at his hands, better treatment. Tell him 
to guard himself against the possibility of an odious comparison, 
with that worst of the Roman emperors, who, contemplating 
with indifference the conflagration of the mistress of the world, 
regaled himself during the terrific scene, in the throng of his 
dancing courtiers. 

" If you desire to secure for yourself the reputation of a public 
benefactor, describe to him truly the universal distress already 
produced, and the certain ruin which must ensue from persever- 
ance in his measures. Tell him he has been abused, deceived, 
betrayed, by the wicked counsels of unprincipled men around 
him. Inform him that all efforts in Congress, to alleviate or ter- 
minate the public distress, are paralyzed and likely to prove totally 
unavailing, from his influence upon a large portion of the mem- 
bers who are unwilling to withdraw their support, or to take a 
course repugnant to his wishes and feelings. Tell him that, in his 
bosom alone, under actual circumstances, does the power abide to 
relieve the country ; and that, unless he opens it to conviction, 
and corrects the errors of his administration, no human imagin- 
ation can conceive, and no human tongue can express the awful 
consequences which may follow. Entreat him to pause and to 
reflect, that there is a point beyond which human endurance can 



HENRY CLAY. 759 

not go ; and let him not drive this brave, generous and patriotic 
people to madness and despair." 

Such was the language used by the noble orator in behalf of 
the people. His earnest fervor and impassioned appeals showed 
that he was patriotic, — actuated by no motives of personal strife, 
nor urged on by the lash of disappointed ambition. 

The conflict between himself and the President having begun, 
was carried on without abatement, and formed the main feature 
of legislative deliberation during the period of the bank excite- 
ment. The acknowledged champions and leaders of the two 
opposing parties, each unbending in his own opinions, of indomi- 
table courage and unflinching will, and differing widely in their 
views of national policy, whenever they came in contact, — which 
was often, — a fierce struggle ensued. Though Clay ruled undis- 
puted master in Congress, the executive prerogative gave his 
antagonist the advantage, of which he availed himself on every 
occasion. In 1834:, in addition to other subjects, the French 
spoliations came up for legislative consideration. By the treaty 
of 1831, the sum of twenty-five millions of francs was stipu- 
lated to be paid to the United States by France, for injuries sus- 
tained by our commerce during the late wars between France and 
England. Jackson, in consequence of the agreement not being 
complied with according to the treaty stipulations, v/as in favor 
of reprisals upon the French. Clay was, at that time, chairman 
of the committee of foreign affairs, and fearing that such a course 
would bring about an open and immediate rupture, ofiered a reso- 
lution to the effect, "that it was inexpedient at this time to pass 
an}"- law vesting in the President authority for making reprisals 
upon French property, in the contingency of provision not being 
made for paying the United States the indemnity stipulated b}' 
the treaty of 1831, during the existing session in the French 
Chambers." Thus, with the courage of a Horatio Codes, stand- 
ing alone at the bridge to beat back the menial legions of Por- 
senna, he stood upon his cherished principles, resisting executive 
encroachment, till nothing but the wrecks of his life labors re- 
mained. Though he was beaten by the power of prerogative, his 
labors were not barren of good results. Just such a man as Clay 
was needed to hold in check the impulsive will and energetic 
action of the President. 

The curtailment of national expenses, the arrest of a headlong 



760 HENRY CLAY. 

raarch to national bankruptcy, and the maintenance of a conserva- 
tive, yet high national ground were to him objects of primary con- 
sideration. As a statesman and party leader, his life was one 
ceaseless round of conflict. Never perhaps in the history of the 
world was any one man engaged in so many hard struggles for 
political ascendency without loss to his fame or his principles. 

His resolution of censure on Jackson, though they passed by 
good majorities, were not done with. In February, 1835, the 
friends of the administration having increased in number, Thomas 
H. Benton brought in a resolution, expunging the one of March 
28th, 1834, censuring the President for removing the deposits. 
It was voted down by a heavy majority. But the energetic Jack- 
sonian was not discouraged, and urged it upon the Senate from 
time to time, until 1837. Clay battled against it. " What patri- 
otic purpose," he exclaims, " is to be accomplished by this expung- 
ing resolution? Can you make that not to be which has been? 
Can you eradicate from memory and from history the fact, that in 
March, 1834, a majority of the Senate of the United States passed 
the resolution which excites your enmity ? Is it your vain and 
wicked object to arrogate to yourselves that power of annihilating 
the past, which has been denied to Omnipotence itself? Do you 
intend to thrust your hands into our hearts, and to pluck out the 
deeply-rooted convictions which are there ? or is it your design 
merely to stigmatize us? You can not agitate us. 

' Ne 'er yet did base dishonor blur our name.' 

Standing securely upon our conscious rectitude, and bearing aloft 
the shield of the Constitution of our country, your puny efforts 
are impotent, and we defy all your power. Put the majority of 
1834 in one scale, and that by which this expunging resolution is 
to be carried in the other, and let truth and justice, in heaven 
above and on the earth below, and liberty and patriotism decide 
the preponderance. 

" What patriotic purpose is to be accomplished by this expung- 
ing? Is it to appease the wrath, and to heal tlie wounded pride 
of the chief magistrate ? If he be really the hero that his friends 
represent him, he must despise all mean condescensions, all 
grovelling sycophancy, all self-degradation and self-abasement. 
He would reject with scorn and contempt, as unworthy of his fame, 
your black scratches, and your baby lines in the fair records 
of his country. Black lines! Black lines! Sir, I hope the 



HENRY CLAY. 7(31 

Secretary of the Senate will preserve tlie pen with which he may 
inscribe them, and present it to that Senator of the majority whom 
he may select, as a proud trophy, to be transmitted to his descend- 
ants. And hereafter, when we shall lose the forms of our free 
institutions, — all that now remain to us, — some future American 
monarch, in gratitude to those by whose means he has been en- 
abled, upon the ruins of civil liberty, to erect a throne, and to 
commemorate especially this expunging resolution, may institute 
a new order of knighthood, and confer on it the appropriate name 
of the 'knight of the black lines.' 

" But why should I detain the Senate, or needlessly waste my 
breath in fruitless exertions ? The decree has gone forth. It is 
one of urgency, too. The deed is to be done ; that foul deed, like 
the blood-stained hands of the guilty Macbeth, all ocean's waters 
will never wash out. Proceed, then, to the noble work which lies 
before you, and like other skillful executioners, do it quickly. 
And when you have perpetrated it, go home to the people and 
tell them what glorious honors you have achieved for our common 
country. Tell them that you have extinguished one of the bright- 
est and purest lights that ever burned at the altar of civil liberty. 
Tell them that you have silenced one of the noblest batteries that 
ever thundered in defense of the Constitution, and bravely spiked 
the cannon. Tell them that, henceforward, no matter what daring 
or outrageous act any President may perform, you have forever 
hermetically sealed the mouth of the Senate. Tell them that he 
may fearlessly assume what power he pleases ; snatch from its 
lawful custody the public purse, command a military detachment 
to enter the halls of the Capitol, overawe Congress, trample down 
the Constitution, and raze every bulwark of freedom ; but tliat the 
Senate must stand mute, in silent submission, and not dare to 
raise its opposing voice. That it must wait until a House of 
Kepresentativos, humbled and subdued like itself, and a majority 
of it composed of the partisans of the President, shall prefer 
articles of impeachment. Tell them finally, that you have restored 
the glorious doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance ; and 
if the people do not pour out their indignation and imprecations, 
I have yet to learn the character of American freemen." 

In spite of such appeals and his persistent opposition, the ex- 
punging resolution passed the Senate on the 19th of January, by 
a vote of twenty-four to nineteen. 



762 HENRY CLAY. 

After the passage of the expunging resolution, and during the 
presidency of Van Buren, the sub-treasury measure was recom- 
mended by the executive, — providing that the only currency 
receivable for government dues should be gold and silver. Again 
Clay threw himself forward in opposition. He resisted this 
scheme at every inch of its progress through the Senate, until its 
final passage in July, 1840, 

Although many measures of public policy that Clay urged as 
essential to the welfare of the nation, did not meet with success, 
there was no drooping of energies, no depression of spirits 
or fading of hope. Proudly conscious of the correctness of 
his opinions, and reposing unlimited faith in the intelligence of 
his countrymen, he still resolved to fight on in anticipation of 
ultimate victory. A change of rulers was soon to take place, and 
he felt that what he conceived a yoke of oppression would grind 
the people into rebellion. His expectations were not altogether 
vain. Signs of the times began clearly to indicate that Jack- 
son and Van Buren were closing their political careers. In 
the uprising of the people was seen the coming of a diflferent day. 
Bright hopes were formed by the Whig party ; a realization of 
which, as will be seen, was only prevented by the apostasy of 
Tyler from ripening into maturity. 

At the national convention which met at Harrisburg, in 1840, 
Harrison and Tyler were nominated as candidates for President 
and vice-Presideut. This was the period when the Whig party 
should have brought Clay forward as their standard-bearer. 
Feeling, however, that the military fame of Harrison would best 
insure success, the just claims of Clay were thrown aside. Not- 
withstanding his disappointment in the action of his party, Clay 
gallantly and patriotically gave his support to the ticket. The 
campaign was an exciting one. The exploits of the hero of 
Tippecanoe were rang over the land. The result was Harrison's 
election by an overwhelming popular majority. Believing the 
condition of the nation demanded immediate action, the President 
called an extra session of Congress, which met early in May, 
1841. The death of the President put an end to the high hopes 
entertained of his administration by the Whigs. On that event, 
Tyler succeeded to the Presidency. His first step was to issue an 
address to the people of the United States, in which he said : "I 
Bhall promptly give my sanction to any constitutional measure, 



HENRY CLAY. 763 

which, originating in Congress, shall have for its object the restor- 
ation of a sound circulating medium, so essentially necessary to 
give confidence in all the transactions of life, to secure to industry 
its just and accurate reward^ and to re-establish the puUlc pros- 
perity. In deciding upon the adoption of any such measure to 
the end proposed, as well as its conformity to the Constitution., 
I shall resort to the fathers of the great Republican school for 
advice and instruction, to be drawn from their sage views of 
our system of government, and the light of their ever glorious 
example?'' 

Upon the inauguration of the new administration, the party in 
power commenced efforts to bring about a change of national 
policy. The abolishment of the sub-treasury, and the enactment 
of a bankrupt law designed to relieve the distresses of the coun- 
try, were among the first measures adopted at the extra session. 
[n both of these. Clay acted a prominent part. Believing, as they 
had a right to do, from the election and subsequent declarations 
In the address just referred to, that Tyler would carry out the 
views of the Whig party, a bill establishing a national bank was 
adopted. The bill passed both Houses, and Clay at last seemed 
about arriving at a point when his cherished measures would be 
adopted by the American people. Not so, however. Much to 
the surprise of all, the bill was returned with the President's veto. 
Clay's voice was again heard in remonstrance against this exer- 
cise of executive power. Referring to that part of Tyler's address, 
just quoted, he said: 

" To this clause in the address of the President, I believe but 
one interpretation was given throughout the whole country, by 
friend and foe, by Whig and Democrat, and by the presses of 
both parties. It was, by every man with whom I conversed on 
the subject at the time of its appearance, or of whom I have since 
inquired, construed to mean that the President intended to occupy 
the Madison ground, and to regard the question of the power to 
establish a national bank as immovably settled. And I think I 
may confidently appeal to the Senate and to the country, to sus- 
tain the fact, that this was the cotemporaneous and unanimous 
judgment of the public. Reverting back to the period of the 
promulgation of the address, could any other construction have- 
been given to its language? What is it? 'I ^\?iS\. promptly give 
my sanction to any constitutional measures, which, originating in 



7G1 HENRY CLAY. 

Congress^'' shall have certain deiiued objects in view." The con- 
tinuation of his speech was a searching review of the reasons 
assigned, and denunciation of Tyler for his veto of the bill. 
"But what further shall we do?" he asked. "Never, since I have 
enjoyed the honor of participating in the public councils of the 
nation, a period of nearly thirty-five years, have I met Congress 
under more happy or more favorable auspices. Never have I 
seen a House of Representatives animated by more patriotic dis- 
positions ; more united, more determined, more business-like. 
Not even that House which declared war in 1812, nor that which, 
in 1815-'16, laid broad and deep foundations of national pros- 
perity, in adequate provisions for a sound currency, by the estab- 
lishment of a bank of the United States, for the payment of the 
national debt, and for the protection of American industry. This 
House has solved the problem of the competency of a large 
deliberative body to transact the public business. If happily 
there had existed a concurrence of opinion and cordial co-opera- 
tion between the different departments of the government, and 
all the members of the part}'-, we should have carried every 
measure contemplated at the extra session, which the people had 
a right to expect from our pledges, and should have been, by this 
time, at our respective homes. We are disappointed in one, and 
an important one, of that series of measures ; but shall we there- 
fore despair? Shall we abandon ourselves to unworthy feelings 
and sentiments? Shall we allow ourselves to be transported by 
rash and intemperate passions and counsels ? Shall we adjourn, 
and go home in disgust? No ! No ! No ! A higher, nobler, and 
more patriotic career lies before us. Let us here, at the east end 
of Pp.nnsylvania avenue, do our duty, our wdiole duty, and no- 
thing short of our duty, toward our common country. "We have 
repealed the sub-treasury. We have passed a bankrupt law, — a 
beneficent measure of substantial and extensive relief. Let us 
now pass the bill for the distribution of the proceeds of the public 
lands, the revenue bill, and the bill for the benefit of the oppressed 
people of this District. Let us do all, let us do everything we 
can for the public good. If we are finally disappointed in our 
hopes of giving to the countr}' a bank, which will once more supply 
it with a sound currency, still let us go home and tell our con- 
stituents, that we did all we could under actual circumstances,, 
and that, if we did not carry every measure for their relief, it was 



HENIIY CLAY. 705 

only because to do so was impossible. If nothing can be done at this 
extra session, to put upon a more stable and satisfactory basis the cur- 
rency and exchanges of the country, let us hope that hereafter some 
way will be found to accomplish that most desirable object, either 
by an amendment of the Constitution, limiting and qualifying the 
enormous executive power, and especially the veto, or by increased 
majorities in the two Houses of Congress, competent to the passage of 
wise and salutary laws, the President's objections notwithstanding. 

" This seems to me to be the course now incumbent upon us to 
pursue ; and by conforming to it, whatever may be the result of 
laudable endeavors, now in progress or in contemplation in re- 
lation to a new attempt to establish a bank, we shall go home 
bearing no self-reproaches for neglected or abandoned duty." 

Tyler seemed to make it his especial business to veto the very 
measures forming the issue of the previous campaign, and for the 
promotion of which, he was elevated to his position. Every 
member of his Cabinet resigned, except "Webster, who was pre- 
vented from doing so by important foreign negotiations, A 
member of Congress from Kentucky, defined the administration 
as "a parenthesis in the history of the country, enclosed between 
black lines or brackets, which should be pronounced in a low tone 
of voice, and might be left out altogether without injuring the 
sense." Clayton said, "that corruption and Tyler, and Tyler and 
corruption would stick together as long as Cataline and treason." 

The exercise of executive prerogative by Tyler and his imme- 
diate predecessors, induced the belief, on the mind of Clay, of a 
necessity of its restriction. He favored the limitation of the 
presidential office to one term, and a provision prohibiting the 
appointment of members of either House of Congress to ofiice, — 
also the selection of the Secretary of the Treasury by Congress. 

Again he had been disappointed in the hopes formed in 1841. 
During the labors of the Twenty-seventh Congress, Clay had put 
forth his strongest efiorts, — rallying friends to tlie support of 
measures doomed to overthrow by the will of the President. 

Soon after, Clay resigned his seat in the Senate. Before that 
event, however, he made another effort in behalf of protection. 
The time limited for the compromise tarift' of 1833, was soon to 
expire, and the subject again came up for discussion. The result 
was the adoption of the tariff of 1841, in which he took an influ- 
ential part. 



7Q5 IIENllY CLAY. 

Ilis services iu procurino' its passage closed, for the present, his 
senatorial Uibors. Having mingled in the political strifes and 
conflicts of his country during the most stormy periods of its 
history, he felt anxious to enjoy the quiet and seclusion of Ash- 
land. It may not be out of place here, to give his views at the 
time, upon some of the leading features of national policy. They 
are partly embraced in some resolutions submitted to Congress, 
more with a view of subsequent consideration and benefit, than 
present passage. The first resolution said : 

" That it is the duty of the general government for conducting 
its administration, to provide an adequate revenue within the year, 
to meet the current expenses of the year ; and that any expedient, 
either by loan or treasury notes, to supply, in time of peace, a 
deficiency of revenue, especially during successive years, is un- 
wise, and must lead to pernicious consequences." 

The second resolution says: "That such an adequate revenue 
can not be obtained by duties on foreign imports, without adopt- 
ing a higher rate than twenty per centum, as provided for in the 
compromise act, which, at the time of its passage, was supposed 
and assumed as a rate that would supply a sufiicient revenue for 
an economical administration of the government." 

The third resolution asserted : " That the rate of duties on 
foreign imports, ought to be augmented beyond the rate of twenty 
per cent., so as to produce a net revenue of twenty-six millions of 
dollars,- — twenty-two for the ordiiuiry expenses of the government, 
two for the payment of the existent debt, and two millions as a 
reserved fund for contingencies." 

The fourth resolution affirmed : "That in the adjustment of a 
tarifi" to raise an amount of twenty-six millions of revenue, the 
principles of the compromise should generally be adhered to ; and 
that especially a maximum rate of ad valorem should be establish- 
ed, from which there ought to be as little departure as possible." 

The fifth having reference to tlie public lands, in connection 
■with the subject of revenue, said: "That the provision in the act 
of the extra session for the distribution of the proceeds of the 
public lands, requiring the operation of that act to be suspended 
in the contingency of a higher rate of duty than twenty per 
centum, ought to be repealed." 

This resolution also affirmed : "That it is the duty of govern- 
ment, at all times, but more especially in a season such as now 



HENRY CLAY. 7g7 

exists, of general embarrassment and pecuniary distress, to abolish 
all useless institutions and officers, to curtail all unnecessary 
expenses, and to practice rigid economy." 

The seventh resolution declared: "That the contingent ex- 
penses of the two Houses of Congress, ought to be greatly reduced ; 
and the mileage of members of Congress ought to be regulated and 
more clearly defined." 

The eighth resolution said: "That the expenses of the judicial 
department have, of late years, been greatly increased, and ought 
to be diminished." Of the same tenor the ninth suggested : 
"That the diplomatic relations of the United States with foreign 
powers, have been unnecessarily extended during the last twelve 
years, and ought to be reduced." 

The tenth resolution declared: "That the franking privilege 
ought to be further restricted, the abusive uses of it restrained 
and punished, the postage on letters reduced, the mode of estimat- 
ing distances more clearly defined and prescribed, and a small 
addition to postage made on books, pamphlets and packages, 
transmitted by the mail, to be graduated and increased acccording 
to their respective weights." 

The eleventh and last resolution of the series recommended, 
retrenchment of government expenses, and the abolition of all 
superfluous ofiSces, to keep up which, required the funds of the 
nation. 

On the 21st of March, 1852, he resigned his seat in the United 
States Senate, and closed, forever, as he thought, one of the most 
brilliant and active careers ever exhibited in that body. He 
delivered his valedictory with deep feeling, and amid profound 
silence. It closed as follows : 

" In retiring, as I am about to do, forever, from the Senate, 
suffer me to express my heartfelt wishes that all the great and 
patriotic objects of the wise framers of our Constitution may be 
fulfilled ; that the high destiny designed for it may be fully 
answered ; and that its deliberations, now and hereafter, may 
eventuate in securing the prosperity of our beloved country, in 
maintaining its rights and honor abroad, and upholding its 
interests at home. I retire, I know, at a period of infinite dis- 
tress and embarrassment. I wish I could take my leave of you 
under more favorable auspices ; but, without meaning, at this 
time, to say whether on any or on whom reproaches for the sad con- 



708 HENRY CLAY. 

ditiou of the country should fall, I appeal to the Senate and to the 
world to bear testimony to my earnest and continued exertions to 
avert it, and to the truth that no blame can justly attach to me. 

" May the most precious blessings of heaven rest upon the 
whole Senate and each member of it, and may the labors of every 
one redound to the benefit of the nation and the advancement of 
his own fame and renown. And when you shall retire to the 
bosom of your constituents, may you receive tliat most cheering 
and gratifying of human rewards, — their cordial greeting of 'well 
done, good and faithful servant.' 

"And now, Mr. President, and senators, I bid you all a long, 
a lasting, and a friendly farewell." 

John J. Crittenden, his successor, being duly qualified, took his 
seat. The Senate then very appropriately adjourned, — no dis 
position prevailing to attend to business. Even Clay's bitterest 
opponents were overcome and gave way to their emotions. Cal- 
houn, it is said, walked across the hall and extended his hand : he 
and Clay were both so deeply afiected that not a word was spoken 

He now retired to his home and was received into the midst of 
his old friends with enthusiasm, and demonstrations of afiectiou 
and gratitude. A barbecue was given him in the county, at 
which thousands gathered to do him homage. He remained at 
Ashland, enjoying the quiet and repose so much needed, until 
again called by the voice of the nation to her councils. The 
Baltimore Whig convention, which met to select a candidate for . 
the Presidency in 1844, unanimously made choice of Henky 
Clay, — Theodore Frelinghuysen was placed on the ticket fur 
vice-President. His nomination was received with every con 
ceivable demonstration of joy. The canvass opened vigorously 
and enthusiasticall3\ The leading issue was the annexation of 
Texas, — his opponent, James K. Polk, being understood as the 
advocate of that measure. It became a question of great moment. 
Clay wrote his celebrated Raleigh letter, taking grounds against 
annexation. To this, mainly may be ascribed his defeat; his 
position on the subject is fairly regarded as his fourth, last, and 
greatest political mistake ; — a large portion of the pieople of the 
country preferring the possession of the vast territory between 
the Sabine and the Rio Grande, and stretching from the Gulf to 
the Pacific, to the exercise of individual choice between the 
candidates. Clay was beaten in the canvass. Which of the two 



HENRY CLAY. 769 

parties was the more surprised at the result, would be difficult to 
determine. Bitter disappoiutment and gloom prevailed through- 
out the country when the result became known. Nowhere was it 
more clearly manifest than in Kentucky. Proud of her adopted 
son, she had long wished to see the first honors of a nation he had 
served so faithfully, deck his brow. The State electors deposited 
their votes at Frankfort, and repaired to Ashland, to give him 
regrets. Mr. Underwood, afterward his firm and patriotic col- 
league, as head of the delegation, delivered a brief address on the 
occasion. 

Mr. Clay, with evident emotion replied as follows : " I will 
not affect indifference to the personal concern I had in the 
political contest just determined ; but unless I am greatly self- 
deceived, the principal attraction to me of the office of President 
of the United States, arose out of the cherished hope that I might 
be an humble instrument in the hands of Providence to accom- 
plish public good. I desired to see the former purity of the 
General Government restored, and to see dangers and evils which 
I sincerely believed encompassed it, averted and remedied. I was 
anxious that the policy of the country, especially in the great 
department of domestic labor and industry, should be fixed and 
stable, and that all might know how to regulate and accommodate 
their conduct. And, fully convinced of the wisdom of the public 
measures, which you have enumerated, I hope to witness and to 
contribute to their adoption and establishment." 

The accession of Polk to the presidency, and the almost simul- 
taneous annexation of Texas was succeeded by the war with 
Mexico, which resulted in the triumph of our arms. The treaty 
of Gaudelupe Hidalgo brought us in possession of an immense 
area of territory. General Taylor came out of the contest one 
of the most renowned of his countrymen. Though he had never 
voted, or even engaged in any way in political pursuits, he 
attracted the eyes of the people as fitted to succeed Polk to the 
presidency. Notwithstanding Clay's long and able services and 
just claims upon his party, he was sacrificed to the hero of Buena 
Vista. Taylor was elected, in 1848, over his competitor, Lewis 
Cass, and by a heavy majority. The inauguration of his oflScial 
term was followed by one of the most stormy and perilous periods 
of legislation recorded in our political history. Clay was again 
called to the Senate bv the lejrislativp vmVp o^b^'« <^fn*r. tu.,--'. 



770 HENRY CLx\.Y. 

aged and infirm, and thrice rejected by liis country, lie buried all 
personal considerations. It was enough for him to know that the 
nation's peace was imperiled. As he entered, for the last time, tlie 
Bccne of his proudest triumphs, — "Broken with the storms of state, 
wounded and scathed in many a fiery conflict, that aged, worn, 
and decayed body, in such mournful contrast with the never-dying 
strength of his giant spirit, he seemed a proud and sacred, though 
a crumbling monument of past glory." He went there, too, to 
fight his last battle, when the country most needed his services. 
California had adopted an anti-slavery constitution, and demanded 
admission into the Union under its provisions. The Texas bound- 
ary question afforded cause of additional excitement. The 
assumption of the State debts by the Federal government was 
earnestly demanded. The abolition of slavery in the District of 
Columbia was called for by the North. Provision for the recovery 
of fugitives from labor was demanded by the South. The ques- 
tion of slavery or no slavery in the newly acquired territories, and 
the fierce struggle for the balance of power between the two 
sections of the Union, incident to the adjustment of the matter, 
created just cause of alarm. Such was the complicated state of 
national atiairs when Clay re-entered the Senate. Again hia 
undimmed eye flashed over the scene. Again his erect, though 
weakened form, threw about him all its wonted charms, while his 
fervid eloquence bore down all opposition. He brought forward 
his measures of compromise, and amidst the angry sectional 
animosities at work in the Capitol, thus urged upon the Senate 
their adoption. 

"Mr. President," he said, after reading and commenting upon 
the resolutions which he had drawn up, "you have befoi-e yon 
the whole series of resolutions, the whole scheme of arrangement 
and accommodation of these distracting questions, which I have 
to offer, after having bestowed on these subjects the most anxious, 
intensely anxious, consideration ever since I have been in this 
body. How far it may prove acceptable to both or either of the 
parties on these great questions, it is not for me to say. I think 
it ought to be acceptable to both. There is no sacrifice of any 
principle, proposed in any of them, by either party. The plan is 
founded upon mutual forbearance, originating in a spirit of recon- 
ciliation and concession ; not of principles, but of matters of feeling. 
At the North, sir, I know that from feeling, by many at least cher- 



HENRY CLAY. 771 

ished as being dictated by consideratious of humanity and phi- 
lanthropy, there exists a sentiment adverse to the institution of 
slavery. 

" Sir, I might, I think, — although I believe this project contains 
about an equal amount of concession and forbearance on both 
sides, — have asked from the free States of the North a more liberal 
and extensive concession than should be asked from the slave 
States. And why, sir? With you, gentlemen, Senators of the 
free States, what is it? An abstraction, a sentiment, — a senti- 
ment, if you please, of humanity and philanthropy, — a noble 
sentiment, when directed rightly, %vith no sinister or party pur- 
poses ; an atrocious sentiment, — a detestable sentiment, — or rather 
the abuse of it, — when directed to the accomplishment of unworthy 
purposes. I said that I might ask from you larger and more 
expansive concessions than from the slave States. And why? 
You are numerically more powerful than the slave States. Not 
that there is any diflerence, — fur upon that subject I can not go 
along with the ardent expression of feeling by some of my friends 
coming from the same class of States from which I come, — not 
that there is any difference in valor, in prowess, in noble and 
patriotic daring, whenever it is required for the safety and sal- 
vation of the country, between the people of one class of States 
and those of the other. You are, in point of numbers, however, 
greater; and greatness and magnanimity should ever be allied. 

" But there are other reasons why concession upon such a sub- 
ject as this should be more liberal, more expansive, coming from 
the free, than from the slave States. It is, as I remarked, a senti- 
ment, a sentiment of humanity and philanthropy on your side. 
Ay, sir, and when a sentiment of that kiuil is honestly and 
earnestly cherished, with a disposition to make sacrifices to enforce 
it, it is a noble and a beautiful sentiment ; but, sir, when the 
sacrifice is not to be made by those who cherish that sentiment 
and inculcate it, but by another people, in whose situation it is im- 
possible, from their position, to sympathize and to share all and 
every thing that belongs to them, I must say to you. Senators from 
the free States, it is a totally difierent question. On your side it 
is a sentiment without sacrifice, a sentiment without danger, a senti- 
ment without hazard, without peril, without loss. But how is it 
on the other side, to which, as I have said, a greater amount of 
concession ought to be made in any scheme of compromise? 



772 HENRY CLAY. 

"In the first place, sir, there is a vast and incalculable amount 
of property to be sacrificed, and to be sacrificed, not by your shar- 
ing in the common burdens, but exclusive of you. And this is not 
all. The social intercourse, habit, safety, property, life, every- 
thing is at hazard, in a greater or less degree, in the slave States. 

"■ Sir, look at the storm which is now raging before you, l)eat- 
ing in all its rage pitilessly on your family. They are in the 
South. But where are your families, where are your people, 
Senators from the free States? They are safely housed, enjoying 
all the blessings of domestic comfort, peace and quiet, in the 
bosoms of their own families. 

"Behold, Mr. President, that dwelling-house now wrapped in 
flames. Listen, sir, to the rafters and beams which fall in suc- 
cession, amid the crash; and the flames ascending higher and 
higher as they tumble down. Behold those women and children 
who are flying from the calamitous scence, and with their shrieks 
and lamentations imploring the aid of high Heaven. Whose 
house is that? "Whose wives and children are they? Yours in 
the free States? No. You are looking on in safety and security, 
while the conflagration wliich 1 have described is raging in the 
slave States, and produced, not intentionally, by you, but pro- 
duced from the inevitable tendency of the measures which you 
have adopted, and which others have carried far beyond what you 
have wished. 

" In the one scale, then, we behold sentiment, sentiment, senti- 
ment alone ; in the other, property, the social ftibric, life, and all 
that makes life desirable and happy." 

Notwithstanding his earnest appeals, all ideas of compromise 
was ignored by many, and adjustment seemed almost hopeless. 
Turning to the opposition, he said: 

" There are persons who are very wise in their own esteem, and 
who wnll reject all compromises ; but that is no reason why a 
compromise should not be attempted. I go for honorable com- 
promise, when occasions call for it. Life itself is but a comprO' 
mise, until the Great Destroyer finally triumphs. All legisla- 
tion, all govermcnt, all society is formed upon the principle of 
mutual concession, politeness, comity, courtesy ; upon these every 
thing is based. I bow to you to-day, because you bow to me. 
You are respectful to me, because I am respectful to you. Com- 
promise is peculiarly appropriate between the members of a 



HENRY CLAY. 773 

republic as of a common family. Cumpromises have this recura- 
meudation, that if j^ou concede anything, you have something 
conceded to you in return. Treaties are compromises made with 
foreign powers, which is not a case like this. Here, if you con- 
cede anything, it is to your own brethren, — to your own family. 
Let him who elevates himself above humanity, above its weak- 
nesses, its infirmities, its wants, its necessities, say, if he pleases, 
I never will compromise ; but let no one who is not above the 
frailties of our common nature, disdain compromises." 

Doubtless, Clay's personal feelings were opposed to slavery, 
but he was ever opposed to agitation, and regarded slavery as 
entirely a domestic institution that should be regulated by the 
States themselves. In a speech in the Senate, in 1839, he uttered 
the following sentiments: 

The subject of "domestic slavery, happily the sole remaining 
cause which is likely to disturb our harmony, continues to exist. It 
was this, which created the greatest obstacle, and the most anxious 
solicitude, in the deliberations of the convention that adopted the 
general Constitution. And it is this subject that has ever been 
regarded with the deepest anxiety by all who are sincerely desirous 
of the permanency of our Union. The father of his country, in 
his last affecting and solemn appeal to his fellow-citizens, depre- 
cated, as a most calamitous event, the geographical divisions 
which it might produce. The convention wisely left to the several 
States the power over the institution of slavery, as a power not 
necessary to the plan of union which it devised, and as one with 
which the general government could not be invested, without 
planting the seeds of certain destruction. There let it remain 
undisturbed by any unhallowed hand." 

Month after month passed by, each day bringing with its dawn 
fresh causes of apprehension. Every effort at compromise was 
denounced by the extremists of the North as too much con- 
cession to the South, while the South affirmed that it was too much 
concession to the North, — each being more anxious to get the 
ascendency than to settle the difficulty. Bell, of Tennessee, finally 
introduced some new resolutions. As a basis of compromise, 
these and the resolutions of Clay were referred to a committee 
of thirteen, of which he was chairman. The bills brought in by 
this indefatigable committee, met violent opposition, and again all 
efforts seemed hopeless. 
52 



774 HENRY CLAY. 

President Taylor, in the meantime died, and was succeded by 
the vice-President, MiHard Fillmore. Nut discouraged by repeated 
failures, Clay fought on ''with the fire of his prime." The result 
was the adoption of the compromise of 1850. Each measure for 
which the venerable statesman had contended was adopted in 
se])arate bills, and turmed for him his last, noblest, and proudest 
triumph. Territorial government was established for Utah, — 
California was admitted as a free State. The Texas boundary 
was settled, — the fugitive slave law secured, and the slave trade 
abolished in the District of Columbia. Thus, after the wildest 
commotion throughout the country, distracting it from one end 
to the other, he was enabled to see quiet restored, and prevail- 
ing over the Union. lie needed now no presidential honors 
to fill the measure of his fame, — they would not have added a 
laurel to his brow. 

His long and exhaustive eflbrts during this period accelerated 
his departure from among men. After peace had been restored, he 
remained awhile at "Washington. Worn down with the fatigue and 
stormy labors of half a century, he lingered around his country's 
Capitol, like a grand old patriarch, — the type of a by-gone age. 
He visited Newport, and took a trip to New Orleans and the 
Island of Cuba, after which he returned to Ashland. Remaining 
for some time at his old home, amid those whose fathers took him 
by the hand, he departed again for Washington, never more to 
behold his mansion. He reached the Capitol, but only once went 
to the Senate. Through the winter of 1851-'52, he was confined 
to his sick chamber, and sunk rapidly. Yet, in that death cham- 
ber, the voice that had thrilled the nation was again raised for his 
country. Kossuth, the eloquent and distinguished Hungarian, 
had been received in this country with unbounded respect, and 
every demonstration of esteem. He was invited to the Capitol. 
Appealing to a p)eople enthusiastic and easily stirred upon the 
subject of human liberty, he hoped to enlist America in the cause 
of Hungary. On reaching the Capitol, he obtained an interview 
with Clay, who was fast approaching the grave ; so enfeebled that 
he had to be assisted to rise, as he received the Magyar chief. 
During this interview, he addressed to Kossuth the following 
patriotic, and truly American sentiments : 

"By the policy to which we have adhered since the days of 
Washington, we have prospered beyond precedent, — we have 



HENRY CLAY. 775 

done more for the cause of liberty in the world than arms could 
effect. We have showed to other nations the way to greatness 
and happiness ; and, if we but continue united as one people, 
and persevere in the policy which our experience has so clearly 
and triumphantly vindicated, we may in another quarter of a 
century furnish an example which the reason of the world can 
not resist. But if we should involve ourselves in the tangled 
web of European politics, in a war in which we could effect 
nothing, and if in that struggle Hungary should go down, and we 
should go down with her, where, then, would be the last hope of 
the friends of freedom throughout the world ? Far better is it for 
ourselves, for Hungary, and for the cause of liberty, that, adhering 
to our wise, pacific system, and avoiding the distant wars of 
Europe, we should keep our lamp burning brightly on this western 
shore as a light to all nations, than to hazard its utter extinction 
amid the ruins of fallen or falling republics in Europe." 

Never more was that voice raised in behalf of his beloved 
country. His health continued to give way. Just previous 
to his death, he remarked to the Hon. John C. Breckinridge: 
" I am not afraid to die, sir. I have hope, faith, and some confi- 
dence. I do not think any man can be entirely certain in regard to 
his future state, but I have an abiding trust in the merits and medi- 
ation of our Saviour." In this frame of mind he lingered until 
the 29th of June, 1852, when, seeming to commune with the object 
of his earliest solicitude at his old Hanover home, he exclaimed: 
" J/v/ mother! tny TnotJier ! my mother P'' and expired without a 
groan. Not since the death of Washington, was there witnessed 
such exhibitions of national sorrow as followed the event. Every- 
where was he mourned as a nation's loss. With a congressional 
escort, his remains were conveyed to Ashland, and after solemn 
and appropriate funeral obsequies, were deposited in the Lexing- 
ton Cemetery. There, in the language of his eulogist, " Let him 
rest amid the tokens of the freedom he so much loved. Let him 
sleep on, where the whistling of the tameless winds, — the cease- 
less roll of the murmuring waters, — the chirping of the wild 
bird, — and all which speaks of liberty, may chant his eternal 
lullaby. Peace be with thy soul, Henry Clay ! May the earth lie 
light upon thee, and the undying laurel of glory grow green over 
thy grave." 



JOHN KANDOLPH. 



Few persons have fully understood the combination of talent, 
genius, learning, and eccentricity, embodied in the character of 
this singular man. A victim through life to the stings of a keen 
sensibility, he was unsparing in the infliction of severest sarcasms 
upon others ; a statesman, scholar and wit, he cared little for 
either distinction, and Mdiile all his own motives were pure, he 
was ever mistrustful of those about him. Loving his country with 
the fervor of disinterested patriotism, and always acting as he 
thought would best contribute to its prosperity, he was ever in the 
minority. Generous, firm and ardent in his friendships, he looked 
not for generosity in men, nor cared a whit for their esteem and 
good will. Yet, in the legislative history of the nation, he was a 
prominent figure, and took a lasting hold upon the public mind. 
Living a fretful life, in continual fear of insanity or death, he 
reached an age far beyond the average, and died retaining the 
confidence of the people. 

John Randolph, of Roanoke, the youngest son of John and 
Frances Randolph, was born, June 2d, 1773, at Cawson's, near 
the junction of the Appomatox and James River, in the State of 
Virginia. In his third year his father died, and he was left to the 
care of a widowed mother. In early childhood his characteristics 
were manifest, — in a physical frame, delicate in the extreme, 
burned a soul, fiery and passionate, that almost consumed him. 
Before he was four years old, he would faint away in paroxysms 
of passion, and could with difficulty be restored. He admitted, 
in manhood, that, "but for a spice of the devil in his temper," 
(776) 




JOHN KANDOLPH. 



JOHN RANDOLPH. 777 

he might have been "consigned to the distaff* or the needle," on 
account of his delicacy, His mother was a religious woman, 
possessing great beauty and a strong intellect. He was devoted 
to her, and would hang on her neck and listen to her instructions. 
" When I could first remember," said he to a friend, years after- 
ward, "I slept in the same bed with my widowed mother; — each 
night before putting me to bed, I repeated, on my knees before 
her, the Lord's Prayer, and the Apostles' Creed, — each morning 
kneeling in the bed, I put up my little hands in prayer in the 
same form. Years have since passed away : I have been a sceptic, 
a professed scoffer, glorying in my infidelity, and vain of the 
ingenuity with which I could defend it. Prayer never crossed my 
mind, but in scorn. I am now conscious that the lessons above 
mentioned, taught me by my dear, revered mother, are of more 
value to me than all that I have learned from preceptors and 
compeers. On Sunday I said my catechism, a great part of which, 
at the distance of thirty-five years, I can yet repeat. " His 
mother's solicitude was not entirely confined to the formation 
of his moml character. She conceived high hopes of him, and 
by often telling him that she wished him some day to " be as great 
a speaker as Jerman Baker or Edmund Randolph," gave his mind 
the proper bent at the right time. 

She was married a second time, before John reached his sixth 
year, to Mr. Tucker. He undertook, in person, the education of 
her children at Matoax, the family seat. John was delicate, and 
of course indulged. He had no fondness for rough out-door 
sports, and generally took his recreations within doors. He 
studied his lessons more through choice than coercion. He 
liked to read, and would often hide away in a dusty old closet, 
and read some cumberous, musty volume, with the solemnity 
and earnestness of a profound antiquarian. Voltaire's Charles 
the XHth of Sweden, the History of Rome, Arabian Nights, 
Shakspeare, Don Quixote, Gil Bias, Plutarch, Pope and Thomp- 
son, were all perused before he reached his twelfth year. The boy 
was laying his own foundation, and laying it well. His reading 
was desultory, and could not have been otherwise. "I have," 
said he in after years, "been all my life the creature of impulse, 
the sport of chance, the victim of my own uncontrolled and un- 
controllable sensations; of a poetic temperament, I admire and 
pity all who possess this temperament." He had a perfect passion 



778 JOHN RANDOLPH. 

for Shakspeare, and a large share of dramatic talent. Thus 
matters passed at Matoax till Arnold's invasion of Virginia, in 
1781. Hearing of his approach, Mr. Tucker and family fled for 
safety to Wintopoke, and found hospitality in the house of Benja- 
min Ward, jr. Here, young Randolph saw, for the first time, in 
the person of Ward's little daughter, the being destined to freeze 
the more genial currents of his soul, and cast a shade of melan- 
choly over his whole life. Leaving Wintopoke, Mr. Tucker joined 
the army, while his wife, with the children, proceeded to their 
estate on the Appomatox. Hiding over these vast possessions 
with John behind her, she pointed to them and said: "Johnny; 
all this land belongs to you and your brother Theodorick ; it is 
your father's inheritance. When you get to be a man you must 
not sell your land ; it is the first step to ruin for a boy to part with 
his Other's home; be sure to keep your land, and your land will 
keep you." This injunction made a deep impression on his 
mind, — he adhered steadily to it. It may here be remarked that 
R,ANDOLrn never liked the doing away with the old primogenikire 
sj'stem, and the enactment of the law of descents, through the agency 
of Jefferson, Wythe, and Pendleton. "The old families of Vir- 
ginia," said he, " will form connections with low people, and sink 
into the mass of overseers' sons and daughters ; and this is the 
legitimate and inevitable conclusion to which Mr. Jeflerson and 
his levelling system has brought us." With no descendants him- 
self, he could not contemplate the idea of having his fjither's estate 
cut up into parcels. 

In January, 1782, Randolph and his brothers were sent to 
Orange County to school, where they remained till the ensuing 
autumn. Thence they went to Williamsburg to the grammar 
school of the same preceptor, Walker Maury. Here, for over a 
year, young Randolph devoted himself to the study of the dead 
languages and mathematics, in each of which he made consider- 
able progress. The plays of Plautus and Terrence* were fre- 
quently acted in Latin by the boys as a species of mental recreation. 
On these occasions, on account of his girlish appearance, he 
assumed a female character, which was always well sustained. 
Speaking of him at this time, one of his companions remarked, 
that " he was the most beautiful boy I ever beheld." Of all his 

* See Peters' "Poets and Poetiy of the Ancients." 



JOHN RANDOLPH. 779 

associates, he conceived the warmest attachment to L. W. Taze- 
well, The esteem was reciprocal, and they continued through life 
the most devoted friends. In the spring of 1784, he accompanied 
his parents to Bermuda, on a visit to Mr. Tucker's relations. 
Returning home he passed his time among his books and friends, 
till 1787, when we find him a student at Princeton College. lie 
remained there only a few months, — long enough to see "the 
prize of elocution borne off by mouthers and ranters; to "despise 
the awards and the umpires from the bottom of his heart," and to 
become convinced that "nowhere was there such foul play as 
among professors and school teachers," and to imbibe " a contempt 
for college honors." He said he was put in " a wretched, noisy 
grammar school, for Dr. Witherspoocf's emolument," and that he 
" was ten times a better scholar than the master of it." 

His beloved and accomplished mother died, January 18th, 1788 
This event caused him to quit Princeton. Never was a parent 
more bitterly mourned. " lam," he exclaimed, "a fatalist. lam 
all but friendless. Only one human being ever knew me. She 
only, knew me." He often visited the graves of his parents, and 
wept like a friendless boy. In June of the same year he entered 
Columbia College, New York. Here he mastered the Eaton 
Grammar and continued the study of the classics. Speaking of 
his professor, Cochran, he said : " We read Demosthenes together, 
and I used to cry with indignation at the success of Philip's arts 
and arms over the liberties of Greece." Soon after, he was 
deprived of his teacher's assistance, which he noted as one among 
the "great misfortunes" of his life. He lamented that he did 
jaot accomplish more at the time. He always affirmed that he was 
an ignorant man, — " a very ignorant man, sir," being a frequent 
expression with him. 

Randolph's early proclivities were toward politics, and he re- 
ceived his first lessons in a practical school of experience. He 
attended the sitting of the first Congress under the new Consti- 
tution. In daily contact with such men as Lee, Bland, White, 
Madison, and Mason, he listened to their deliberations with the 
earnestness and intent of a political leader. He sided with 
Mason, — the father of States' rights, in his views. Years after- 
ward, he said in a speech: " I was at Federal hall ; I saw Wash- 
ington, but could not hear him take the oath to support the 
Federal Constitution. The Constitution was in its chrysalis state. 



780 JOHN RANDOLPH. 

I saw what Washington did nut see ; but two other men in Vir 
ginia saw it, — George Mason and Patrick Heniy, — tlie poison 
under its wi?igs.^'' To a mind like his, quick, active, and practi- 
cal, such a school was eminently advantageous. Many of the 
prominent men of the State were his near blood relations ; they 
sat together around the same hearth, and eat from the same table. 
'Twere not strange, then, that he should have early imbibed the 
political notions of George Mason and Patrick Henry. To all 
their conversations and discussions, he gave an attentive ear. He 
was, too, on terms of familiar intercourse with Jefferson, who was 
also a kinsman. Few young men ever enjoyed advantages so 
rare, or influences so powerful and lasting. 

An event now took placfe which, no doubt, influenced him in 
no small degree in the outset of his brilliant career. When the 
people were roused upon the subject of French liberty, Edmund 
Burke, England's great parliamentarian, wrote his famous "Re- 
flections on the Revolution in France." It provoked, as a reply, 
the celebrated " Rights of Man," from the keen pen of Thomas 
Paine. Here was a tilt between an ardent enthusiast and a 
profound statesman. The people divided, and inclined either to 
the doctrines of Burke or Paine, according to their peculiar views. 
Those infected with the " French Evil^'' as it was termed, adher- 
ing to Paine, — the opposition to Burke. Randolph, notwith- 
standing adverse influences, had the resolution to study Burke's 
" Reflections " with mature care, and adopted their lofty senti- 
ments. He saw, on investigation, that they were the ofispring of 
wisdom and experience, and as such, prized them. His subse- 
quent independent and political course, stern patriotism, and the 
jealous eye with which he watched the rights of property, — 
frequently, too, exhibiting a veneration for Old England, showed 
that, to some extent, at least, in forming his ideas, Burke was his 
political Gamaliel. He afterward differed widely with Jefferson, 
who, in choosing a national friend between England and France, 
preferred the latter. Randolph always contended that we should 
prefer England. 

He was in Philadelphia at this time, where he remained among 
the finest society in the country, occasionally taking a trip to Vir- 
ginia, till the spring of 1794. He would, during this time, give 
himself up to fun and frolic with his congenial and refined associ- 
ates. On such occasions, his wit would make him the center of 



JOHN RANDOLPH. 781 

attraction. In the spring of 1796, he visited his old fellow- 
students, Bryan and Rutledge, in Georgia and South Carolina. 
He returned in July. His brother Richard died during his 
absence, and cast additional gloom over his feelings. He never 
fully recovered from this bereavement, and felt in his own expres- 
sive words: "/«m alone^ — all alone.'''' Years afterward, near his 
brother's birth-day, he thus wrote Mr. Henry St. George Tucker : 

" Dear Heney: — 

Our poor brother Richard was born in 1770. He would have 
been fifty-six years old on the ninth of this month. I can no 
more. J. R. of R. 

He now assumed the duties of the head of the family at Bazarre, 
their place of residence. He was in possession of his own and 
brother's estates, which were encumbered by a heavy British 
debt. He became the most miserable of men. The stings of 
hidden grief lacerated his sensitive heart, and made him the 
victim of terrible forebodings. He would frequently, in the dead 
of night, saddle his horse and ride with loaded pistols over his 
farm. Giving himself up to his lonely broodings, he would exclaim 
with the Indian warrior: "Not a drop of Logan's blood, — father's 
blood, — except St. George ; — the most bereaved and pitiable of the 
step-sons of Nature!" Then again he walked the floor for whole 
nights, exclaiming : " Macbeth hath murdered sleep ! Macbeth 
hath murdered sleep!" How mournful to contemplate such pas- 
sages as these in the life of such a man. Could the "red-leaved 
volume of his heart" have been opened, what a ruin of cherished 
hopes might have been discovered, — what torturing memories seen 
clinging to its desolate chambers, echoing to voices of the past. 
But that was a sacred sanctuary, — we have no right to intrude 
upon the guests that dwelt there, — sorrow and despondency. 
Though he read considerably at this time, when interrogated as 
to what he had been doing, his reply was " nothing sir, nothing.''^ 
In the summer of 1798, in company with a friend, he went on 
foot to the mountains, to visit a friend and relative ; he walked the 
entire journey and returned in good health and spirits. 

His return from this pedestrian tour began a new career for the 
young Virginian. In 1799, he was announced as a candidate for 
Cong-ress. in the afterward celebrated Charlotte District of hia 



782 JOHN RANDOLPH. 

native State. "Our friend, John Randolph," said an acquaint- 
ance at the time, in a letter, " offers for Congress, and will 
probably be elected. He is a brilliant and noble young man. 
He will be an object of admiration and terror to the enemies of 
liberty." He began his political life the advocate of the doctrine of 
States' rights, and was determined to wage relentless war against 
every attempt upon them. He drew his sword, and laying aside 
the scabbard, resolved not to give nor take quarter. His com- 
petitor for a seat in Congress was Powhatan Boiling. The March 
court, at Charlotte Court-House, in the spring of 1799, was a 
memorable day among the people. Patrick Henry, the gifted 
orator, crumbling with age and infirmity, was to address them 
for the last time, — the great luminary was about to set behind 
the horizon of time. Young Randolph was to reply, — just 
rising in morning splendor, he was to light up the gloom caused 
by the setting of the revolutionary orb. 

Henry appeared in an attitude differing somewhat from former 
associations, the advocate of consolidation, the defender of the 
Alien and Sedition laws. Randolph, as the advocate of States' 
rights, hurled burning anathemas against the encroachments of 
federal power. None knew anything of the young speaker, save as 
little Jack Randolph, — a pale faced, beardless boy, — a reckless, 
eccentric youth, dashing through the neighborhood on wild horses. 
When they met, the crowd gathered around, saj-ing: "And is 
that the man who is candidate for Congress?" "Is he going to 
speak against old Pat?" "Why, he's nothing but a boy, — he's 
got no beard." "Old Pat will eat him up bodily." 

Boiling, his opponent, was on hand, erect and proud, ready for 
the contest. Everything was now prepared for the discussion. 
This was the occasion when Henry said " he was but a poor worm 
of the dust, fleeting and unsubstantial as the shadow of a cloud 
that flies over your fields and is remembered no more." James 
Adams arose, and cried out : " Oh yes ! Oh yes ! ! Colonel 
Henry will now address the people from the stand for the last 
time, and at the risk of his life." As the old orator was lifted to 
the stand, he said : " Why, Jimmy, you have made a better speech 
for me than 1 can make for myself." In a few minutes an im- 
mense throng had assembled. "Speak out father," said Adams, 
" and let us hear how it is." He then proceeded with a lengthy and 
eloquent address, and sank down at its close completely overcome. 



JOHN RANDOLPH. 783 

It was Randolph's turn to reply. His speech was searching, 
bold and defiant. He soon convinced his hearers "that old Pat 
would not eat him up bodily." An orator of the first stamp was 
standing before them. They gathered nearer as his graceful 
gestures, pure diction, and burning expressions thrilled their 
nerves. Henry himself was captivated. Turning to a friend after 
Randolph had closed, he said: "I haven't seen the little dog 
since he was at school, — he was a great atheist then." He then 
took Randolph by the hand and said: "Young man! you call 
me father ; then, my son, I have somewhat to say unto thee, — 
keep justice^ keep truth^ and you will learn to think differently." 

Henry w^as, at the earnest solicitation of Washington himself, 
the Federal candidate for the State Legislature. Randolph was 
the Republican candidate for Congress. After his Charlotte 
speech, he soon became the idol of the people. He and Henry 
were both elected hy great majorities. He took his seat in Con- 
gress at a time when the two political parties of the nation were 
assuming their distinctive organizations. His first participation 
in the action of the House was called out by a motion on the 
Republican side to repeal the act of July 1798, "to augment the 
army of the United States." Randolph favored it, and took 
the ground that, "standing or mercenary armies were inconsis- 
tent with the spirit of our Constitution, or the genius of a free 
people ;" — he also denounced such soldiers idly in government 
employ as " ragamuffins^''' and a public nuisance. The motion was 
lost by a vote of sixty to thirty-nine, — showing a federal majority 
of twenty-one in the House. 

It is not to be presumed that a new member of Randolph's 
years could attain distinction immediately upon his entrance into 
Congress. He took no prominent part in the various measures 
coming before that body during the session. His leisure hours 
were occupied by desultory reading and correspondence. The old 
friendship between himself and George Bryan still existed. Bryan 
wrote him, in 1800, intimating the details of an unfortunate love 
affair, and asking his company to Europe. Randolph replied, 
signifying his willingness to go, saying: " I^ too^ am wretched ; 
misery is not your exclusive charter. I have, for some month's 
meditated a temporary relinquishment of my country." " I^ too^ 
am wretched!'''' — what a volume of meaning is here conveyed. 
Light is not fully thrown upon the cause of his wretchedness, yet 



784 JOHN RANDOLPH. 

there is no room to questiou that it grew out of a love, deep and 
quenchless as memory. He did not go to Europe for the present. 
His friend went, and left him at home to brood on his sorrows. 
Some letters he received at this time, from his erratic friend, Thomp- 
son, gives a little insight to circumstances surrounding him. " In 
our lives, my brother," said he, ''we have seen two fine women, Mrs. 

Judith Randolph, and Miss M a W d : (meaning the Miss 

Ward before alluded to), never extend your list ; never trust 3'our 
eyes or your ears, for they stand alone." He also speaks in the 
letter of rumors afloat to his prejudice: "When you communi- 
cate with M a, as probably you have already done, she will 

declare herself unaffected by this tale, which has disturbed your 
peace." He further beseeches him " not to let the affair make too 
deep an impression upon his mind," etc. This deep passion of 
love, forever burning at his heart no doubt was the cause of many 
of Randolph's eccentricities, and most of his soothless sorrows. 
He said himself: " One I loved better than my own soul or the 
God that created it. My apathy is not natural but superinduced. 
There was a volcano under my ice, but it is burnt out and a face 
of desolation has come on, not to be rectified in ages, could my 
life be prolonged to a patriarchal longevity. The necessity of 
loving and being loved was never felt by the imaginary beings of 
Rousseau and Byron's creation, more imperiously than by myself. 
My heart was offered up with a devotion that knew no reserve. 
Long an object of proscription and treachery, I have, at last, (more 
mortifying to the pride of man), become one of utter indifference." 
This is the key to a life of melancholy. The lady whom he " loved 
better than his own soul or the God that created it," while he was 
a member of Congress, united her fortunes in marriage to those 
of another. It was the severest trial that had befallen him since 
his mother's death. He knew their union was impossible, but 
had foolishly indulged the hope of a lasting Platonic attach- 
ment. After her marriage, his love changed to worship, and all 
through life, in fits of passion and nervous slumbers, her name 
would tremble on his lips reverentially as a whispered prayer. 
Well might his biographer* say : " There was a tragedy in the life 
of this man, more thrilling than romance." Brief allusion has 
been made to this matter as necessary to a correct appreciation 
of many incidents connected with his after life. 

» Garland. 



JOHN RANDOLPH. 785 

During the struggle that ensued in the House between Jefferson 
and Burr, for the presidency, Kandolph contented himself with liis 
vote, — participating to no great extent. On the success of Jeffer- 
son, and the assemblage of tiie first Congress under his administra- 
tion, he was made chairman of the Committee of "Ways and Means, 
the duties of which, by resolution, were " to take into consideration 
all such reports of the treasury department, and all such propo- 
sitions relative to the revenue, as may be referred to them by the 
House ; to inquire into the state of the public debt, of the revenue 
and expenditures, and to report from time to time their opinion 
thereon." These duties, it will be seen, w'ere quite onerous and 
of a complicated nature. The chairman of the committee embrac- 
ing so wide a range of investigation, was one of the most re- 
sponsible positions in Congress. Besides the relationship exist- 
ing between the President and himself, they were on terms of 
the closest intimacy. His first dut}"^ was the introduction of a 
proposition, "that a committee be appointed, to inquire whether 
any and what alterations can be made in the judiciary department 
of the United States," and another, concerning the expediency of 
reducing government expenses. He was made chairman of the 
select committee to which they were referred. He next brought 
in a resolution relating to our exports to the Mediterranean, and 
engaged with lively interest in the discussions arising upon the 
apportionment bill. He also advocated the reduction of the mili- 
tary establishment, and urged the appointment of a public printer, — 
the latter object was secured, and has ever since been an append- 
age to congressional proceedings. In the spring of 1802, he 
brought in a bill establishing a sinking fund of over seven 
millions of dollars, drawn from duties on tunnage and merchan- 
dise, to be placed in the hands of commissioners, for the payment 
of the public debt. 

At the next session of Congress, commencing in December 
1802, the purchase of Louisiana and the navigation of the Missis- 
sippi came up. Contrary to treaty provisions with Spain, the 
governor of New Orleans, Don Morales, had, by proclamation, 
excluded our vessels from its port ; it was also understood that 
Louisiana had been ceded to France. These matters were 
made the subject of a special message from President Jefferson 
to Congress. Mr. Griswold moved that all the facts connected^ 
with them be laid before Congress. The consideration of thei 



786 JOHN RANDOLPH. 

message was, on motion of Randolph, laid before a committee for 
deliberation with closed doors. On the motion of the same party, 
Griswold's proposition was referred to the committee of the whole, 
on the state of the Union. Randolph having drawn up a reso- 
lution connected with the subject, remarked, that it should be 
presented in secret session. He was stoutly opposed, but finally 
succeeded in having the galleries cleared. He then read the 
following resolution : 

'-'- liesolved^ — That this House receive, with great sensibility, 
the information of a disposition in certain officers of the Spanish 
government at New Orleans, to obstruct the navigation of the 
Mississippi, as secured by the most solemn treaty stipulations. 
That, adhering to the humane and wise policy which ought ever 
to characterize a free people, and by which the United States have 
always professed to be governed; willing, at the same time, to 
ascribe this breach of compact to the misconduct of certain indi- 
viduals rather than to a want of good faith in his Catholic Majesty, 
and relying with perfect confidence on the vigilance and wisdom 
of the executive, they will await the issue of such measures as 
that department <t" tbe government shall have pursued for assert- 
ing the rights and vindicating the injuries of the United States; 
holding it to be their duty, at the same time, to express their 
unalterable determination to maintain the boundaries and the 
rights of navigation and commerce through the river Mississippi, 
as established by existing treaties." 

Following this resolution, the purchase of Louisiana occupied 
the attention of Congress. Already had negotiations been opened 
with a view to that object. Randolph sided with Jefferson and 
gave his able assistance until the measure was consummated by 
treaty. As chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, he 
was prepared to give effective aid. The congressional sessions 
of 1804-05 formed the working period of Randolph's life. As a 
member of the financial and several other committees, he was 
iictive, vigilant and untiring in his efforts. "He was abstemious 
in his habits, unceasing in his labors, unremitting in his attentions 
to public duties." He drew upon himself the consideration of hia 
countrymen and rose rapidly to popular favor. A measure upon 
which he entered with great zeal and spirit was the Yazoo specu- 
lation. ', 

The State of Georgia, by legislative action, in 1795, conveyed 



JOHN RANDOLPH. 737 

to some companies forty millions acres of land for about a half 
million of dollars. The people of the State with just indignation 
refused to endorse the act. -Investigation was had of the whole 
matter. It was discovered that every member, save one, who 
voted for the act was interested in the speculation. The press 
denounced the transaction as a public swindle, and the people 
demanded its immediate repeal. At the next election of repre- 
sentatives politics were entirely discarded. Yazoo and Anti-Yazoo 
formed the issue. The opposers of the act elected a large majority 
to the legislature. When they assembled, their first labors were 
to repeal the odious act of the previous session, which was done 
almost unanimously. It was during Randolph's visit to Georgia, 
already noted, that this event took place. He felt with the people, 
and denounced the act in unmeasured terms. Its repeal did not 
settle the matter. 

Parties in other States had bought up the claims of the old 
companies, and by such title contended that they were the legal 
owners of the land in question. Meeting bitter opposition from 
the people of Georgia, they petitioned Congress for payment, — the 
government, in the meantime, having become the purchaser of 
the land from the State. Randolph occupied his seat in the House 
when the petition was presented, and felt all his former indignation 
revived when the subject came up for consideration. On the 25th. 
of January, 1805, Mr. Dana presented a resolution providing for 
the appointment of commissioners to adjust the difficulty by some, 
sort of compromise. Randolph took the occasion to denounce 
the whole scheme. His speech was able and severe. He vindi- 
cated the rights of the people against corruptive legislation, during, 
all the discussions arising from the transaction, with enthusiasm^ 
and effect. 

During the session of the Ninth Congress, after Monroe's 
appointment as Minister to Spain, and while our affairs were so 
complicated with France and that nation, Jefferson sent in a special 
message urging the importance of "pressing a settlement" of 
difficulties, and indicating the necessity of making an appropri- 
ation for the purpose. The message was deliberated upon in. 
secret session. The debates upon it were warm and animated. 
Randolph, it is said, made the ablest speech of his life. He was- 
chairman of the select committee to which the message was re- 
ferred, and immediately conferred with Jefferson upon the sub- 
53 



788 JOHN RANDOLPH. 

ject. Learniijg, as he said, fur the first time, that two millious 
of dollars were required to purchase Florida, he told the Presideut 
plainly he would never agree to it. He felt that it would be 
derogatory to our national character, to make the appropriation 
after the failure of negotiations. 

Meantime he was called to Baltimore; before his departure he 
had an interview with Madison, then Secretary of State. Our 
relations with France and Spain formed the theme of conversation. 
Madison, who had just read Monroe's des[)atch, said ''that France 
would not permit Spain to adjust her differences with us ; that 
France wanted money, and that we 7nust give it to her or have a 
Spanish and French warP Randolph was highly indignant, — 
turning a withering look upon the Secretary, he said: "Good 
morning sir! I see I am not calculated for a politician," and 
abruptly left his presence. He returned to his post in December. 
The committee met, and the old subject, the purchase of Florida, 
came up. Randolph declared himself against any and all appro- 
priations for that purpose, expressing extreme disgust at the whole 
proceedings from first to last. Early in January 1806, he made 
a report to the House, expressive of the indignation felt at the 
treatment extended to our government by the ofiicials at Madrid, 
in refusing to ratify positive agreements, aflirming that sufficient 
cause existed to justify a declaration of war, — urging the speedy 
liquidation of the national debt, and recommending the collection 
of sufficient forces to protect our isolated frontier in case of any 
military demonstration on the part of Spain. The report was not 
adopted. Another proposition was submitted, having reference 
to the acquisition of Florida. Seeing that an appropriation would 
be made, Randolph moved that it be confined to that sole and 
specific purpose. Though, at first agreed to, on the final passage of 
the bill, the appropriation was left indefinite, — to be applied to 
any "extraordinary expenses" which contingencies might create. 
Randolph also moved that the amount to be paid for the territory 
be limited ; this motion was lost. His course in regard to this 
matter subjected him to bitter aspersions. He was accused of 
taking grounds against the administration, — of trying to produce 
disorder in the ranks of the party, etc. So much, indeed, was he 
abused, that he finally called for the publication of the secret 
journal of the whole proceedings. It was published, but the 



JOHN RANDOLPH 789 

suppression of some important portions, prevented the degree 
of light anticipated. 

Before the session closed, an unpleasant, though not a serious 
difficulty was originated between John Randolph and his relative 
in the House, Thos. Mann Randolph, Mr. Findly, an Eastern mem- 
ber, delivered a lengthy speech, made up principally of violent 
abuse of Randolpei. When he closed, the latter arose and said, 
" he had hoped, however we might have differed in opinion on 
the various subjects discussed at this session, we should, on the 
eve of separation, have forgiven and forgotten any asperities and 
political animosities that had occurred during the session ; and 
that we should have parted like* men and friends ; he had hoped 
that the harmony of the House would not have been disturbed, in 
the last moments of the session, either by those who had been 
habitual declaimers, or by those who had kept the noiseless tenor 
of their way ; that contumely and personal hatred would have 
been banished from these walls, and that we should, at least, have 
separated in good humor." Noble sentiments, and creditable 
both to the head and heart of the speaker. Thos. Maun Randolph 
construed them into an allusion to himself. Upon what grounds 
he was justified in making the following inappropriate, not to say 
foolish remarks, we can not discover : " Mr. Speaker," said he, 
" I rise to reply to the gentleman from Virginia ; I will not pre- 
tend to vie with him in point of talent or of eloquence; in these 
he is far, very far my superior. This is not the first time that the 
gentleman has availed himself of the sanction and the presence 
of this assembly to apply his personal allusions to me, and to 
make use of language and conduct here which he would not do 
out of the House. 

"But, sir, I will tell that gentleman, that however he may be 
my superior in talents and eloquence, in patriotism I am his 
superior; yes, sir, his superior. Last year, sir, that gentleman 
commenced florist, and dealt in flowers and gardening. I saw him 
with his spade, and pitchfork, and rake, and manure, cultivating 
his flower garden. This, sir, was on the Yazoo question; and 
then I perceived the gentleman launch forth to sea, without com- 
pass or rudder, and masts broken, his sails tattered and torn, and 
his vessel in a leaky condition, and when I saw that, sir, I thought 
it high time to quit him and look out for the land. The gentle- 



790 JOHN RANDOLPH. 

man can talk and boast of tlie arguments of lead and powder and 
steel ; with these arguments, sir, I am as expert as himself and 
as willing to make use of them." 

Randolph, through a friend, demanded an apology, or a meet- 
ing. T, M. Randolph said, if John Randolph would disavow 
having intended his remarks for him, he would make reparation. 
Feeling that no grounds, whatever, existed for personal con- 
struction of his remarks,and as he expressed it, that he " had been 
long enough a target for every worthless scoundrel " in the House 
to aim his shafts at, Randolph had no disavowals to make. He 
demanded an immediate apology or meeting. T. M. Randolph's 
friend was selected and preliminaries were about being entered 
into. Randolph took a seat in a remote part of the room, re- 
solved to await the issue. Things began to look a little serious 
in the view of the challenged party. He finally rose from his 
seat, and disavowed any intention of wounding his kinsman's 
feelings, and expressed deep regret for what he had said. This 
public apology was conveyed to Randolph, who being satisfied 
with it, the matter ended. 

After the close of the session Randolph retired, for a time, to 
Bazarre, where he gave himself up to gloomy feelings and fearful 
apprehensions. He had lost considerable public favor by his 
course in Congress. The friends of the administration alleged 
that he had been working against it, and brought all their in- 
fluences to bear in sustaining their allegation. He went back to 
Washington, however, at the re-assemblage of Congress, deter- 
mined to act with the Republican party. The most prominent 
measure occupying attention this session was the alleged con- 
spiracy of Aaron Burr. After investigation of the matter, Ran- 
dolph presented the following resolution : 

" Resolved^ — That the President of the United States be, and he 
is hereby requested to lay before the House any information in 
possession of the executive, except such as he may deem it best for 
the public welfare not to disclose, touching any illegal combination 
of private individuals against the peace and safety of the Union, 
or any military expedition planned by such individuals against 
the territories of any power in amity with the United States ; 
together with the measures which the executive has pursued or 
proposes to take for suppressing the same." 

The resolution passed with but few dissenting votes. He was 



JOHN RANDOLPH. 791 

very active in his endeavors to discover all the facts in regard to 
the matter, and to do justice to all parties. lie attended Burr's 
trial at Richmond, where, during the time it was in progress, he 
formed many valuable friends. It has been related of him, that 
Wirt was there at the time, hunting np the facts for his book. — the 
Life of Patrick Henry. Speaking of it to some friends, Tazewell 
tuld him he should, by all means, talk with John Randolph, and 
adiled, that he knew more about Henry than any living man. 
Wirt said he was unacquainted with him. Tazewell promised to 
bring about an interview, but said it would not do to give a formal 
introduction, — "This is Mr. Wirt, sir, who is desirous of obtain- 
ing from you some materials for his Life of Henry. In that case 
Randolph would not open his lips." He promised, however, 
that they should meet. Shortly after, Wirt received an invitation 
to visit his room ; on arriving there, he found Randolph and other 
gentlemen seated around. They had not conversed long, when 
Wirt adroitly mentioned the name of Patrick Henry. Randolph 
seemed inspired in a moment. Glowing with this theme, he gave 
a complete and perfect description of the orator, frequently rising 
to his feet, and giving his very gesticulations. Wirt was de- 
lighted. After the party separated, he sent Randolph a polite note, 
thanking him for his picture of Henry, — telling him of his engage- 
ment, and requesting that he would put it down on paper. Ran- 
dolph now saw through the whole trick ; he hastened over to Taze- 
well, and in no very amiable mood, demanded what cause he had 
for making an " exhibition " of him. Tazewell passed it off pleas- 
antly, but Randolph, ever after, studiously avoided mentioning 
the name of his old friend Patrick Henry, when Wirt was near. 
This brings us to that part of the life of John Randolph, during 
which the troubles with England began to indicate the war of 
1812. In regard to the measures of these times, he occupied 
rather a singular position. Claiming to be a Republican, he 
opposed the Embargo, and other executive measures, and con- 
ceived a dislike to Madison, exceeded only by his contempt for the 
elder Adams. He denounced the Embargo as a greater " Illiad 
of woes to this country than was the wrath of Achilles to Greece." 
He was opposed to the elevation of Madison to the presidency, 
while he favored Monroe. His objection to Madison had existed 
from the adoption of the Constitution. Many other emineut men 
in Virginia favored Monroe in the beginning of the canvass, but 



792 JOHN RANDOLPH. 

being convinced that he would get no support out of the State, 
and tearing the influence of De Witt Clinton, the most formidable 
opponent of Madison, they came to the support of the latter. 
Eandolph stood firm, and the election of Madison left him almost 
alone, — he would have preferred anything to the charge of politi- 
cal apostacy. Many of his old friends who he thought would 
stand by him to the last deserted him, — won over by the trappings 
of power. 

The accession of Madison, and the intrepidity of Clay and other 
leading spirits in Congress, hurried on the war with Great Britain. 
Randolph was opposed to hostilities, and labored earnestly to 
avert them. He was evidently patriotic in his intentions, and 
dee[)ly impressed with the importance of the subject. In reply to 
the arguments of the war party, he made some powerful and able 
speeches. On one occasion he rose and said : 

"• I am so impressed with the importance of the subject, and the 
solemnity of the occasion, that I can not be silent. Sir, we are 
now in conclave; the eyes of the surrounding world are not upon 
us ; we are shut up here from the light of heaven, but the eye of 
God is upon us. He knows the spirit of our minds. Shall we 
deliberate upon this subject with the spirit of sobriety and candor, 
or that spirit which has too often characterized our discussions 
upon occasions like the present? We ought to realize that we are 
in the presence of that God wdio knows our thoughts and motives, 
and to whom we must hereafter render an account for the deeds 
done in the body. I hope, sir, the spirit of party, and every im- 
proper passion, will be exorcised ; that our hearts may be as pure 
and clean as falls to the lot of human nature. 

"I will appeal to the sobriety and reflection of the House, and 
ask what new cause of war for the last twelve months? What 
new cause of Embargo within that period ? The affair of the Ches- 
apeake is settled, — no new principle interpolated in the laws of 
nations. I suppose every man of candor and sober reflection will 
ask, why we did not go to war twelve months ago? Or. will it 
be said we ought to make up by our promptness now, for our slow- 
ness then? It is not generall}^ wise to dive into futurity, but it is 
wise to profit by experiences, although it may be unpleasant. I 
feel much concerned to have the bill on the table for one hour." 

The Federal party, through some of their representatives, 
assumed a tone still more deprecatory. Josiah Quiucy of Massa« 



JOHN RANDOLPH. " 793 

chusetts, openly avowed that he had seut dispatches to ea.steru 
merchants, that their vessels might leave port before the Embargo 
should take effect. " We did it," he said, " to escape into the jaws 
of the British Lion and of the French Tiger, which are places of 
repose, of joy, and delight, when compared with the grasp and 
fang of this hyena Embargo." " Look now upon the river below 
Alexandria, and you will see the sailors towing down their ves- 
sels, as from a pestilence, against wind and tide, anxious to escape 
from a country which would destroy instead of preserving them. 
I object to it, because it is no sufficient preparation ; because it is 
not a progress toward honorable war, but a subterfuge from the 
question. If we must perish, let us perish by any hand except 
our own." 

These unavailing appeals were continued till the last of May, 
1812. On that day, Kandolph made a speech upon our general 
relations with England and France. After speaking for sunie time, 
he was called to order, upon the grounds that he was indulging in 
too wide a range of remarks without the submission of a motion 
to the House. He then offered the following proposition : '' That 
under present circumstances it is inexpedient to resort to war 
with Great Britain!'^ But we had endured too many iuilignities 
from that power to remain longer quiet. The House had decided 
the matter, and almost unauimouslj' refused even to consider the 
proposition. Deprived of the opportunity of making his speech 
in the House, Randolph now appealed to his constituents, through 
an elaborate circular, denouncing the declaration of war, and the 
course of Congress in not entertaining his proposition, thereby 
excluding him from the discussion of one of the most important 
subjects that ever agitated the nation. "I consider war with 
England, under existing circumstances," said he, " as comport- 
ing neither with the interests nor the honor of the American 
people ; but as an idolatrous sacrifice of both on the altar of 
French rapacity, perfidy and ambition." Bitter and unrelenting 
was his opposition till the formal declaration, of the 18th of June, 
1812. 

He now stood in antagonism with the administration, botlii 
Houses of Congress and the great mass of the American people.. 
He had endeavored to stem the most popular national current. 
The consequence was, he was borne down the stream, and for a 
time almost overwhelmed. He was assailed bitterly from all 



794 JOHN RANDOLPH. 

sides. Ill 1813, he presented himself for re-election. His com- 
petitor was John W. Eppes. So violent were the feelings against 
Randolph, that in Buckingham county he was threatened with 
personal violence. He conducted the canvass with vigor and 
firmness. On the day of his appointment in Buckingham, his old 
friends advised him not to speak. " You do not know me," said 
he, "or you would give me no such advice." Soon as it was 
known he would speak, an immense throng gathered around. 
Some, no doubt, came to see the exhibitions of violence, as many 
were in the crowd meditating its perpetration. Randolph slowly 
rose and ominously pointing his long finger at the most lowering 
part of the crowd, said : " I understand that I am to be insulted 
to-day if I attempt to address the people, — that a mob is prepared 
to lay their rude hands upon me, and drag me from these hustings 
for daring to exercise the rights of a freeman. My Bible," he 
continued with deep emphasis, his keen eye steadily upon them, 
" teaches me that the fear of God is the beginning of wisdom, but 
that fear of man is the consummation of folly." These few words 
and the manner in which they were spoken, threw a spell over 
his hearers. He went on with the discussion at length, and no 
one dared interrupt him. He put forth the strongest efforts, and 
in his speech, towered above himself. But so strong w^as public 
opinion against him, in spite of all his exertions he was beaten 
and driven into retirement. 

Soon after his defeat, his residence, Bazarre, with his large 
library, was destroyed by fire, and he removed to Roanoke, au 
estate with which his name will ever be identified. Here, in soli- 
tude and employed in correspondence, he passed his time for a 
considerable period. His sensibility upon the subject of his family 
pride was keen and morbid. He was a fair type of the true Eng- 
lish aristocrat. He did not prize wealth and extensive domains 
so much for their intrinsic value, as for their descent through a 
long line of honored ancestry. He cherished his fathers' memory, 
the old Randolpli stock, and the hereditary estates, with deep 
fondness, and always denounced the abrogation of the law of 
descents. This led to a rupture between him and his step-father 
which could never be reconciled. They were talking upon the 
old law of descents, and Randolph was relating the causes of its 
alteration. Mr. Tucker said : " Why, Jack, you ought not to be, 
against that law, for you know if you were to die without issue 



JOHN RANDOLPH. 795 

you would wish your half-brothers to have your estate." All 
the fires of yEtna kiudled at once in his bosom: "I'll be d — d, 
sir, if I do know it," he replied with high excitement. From that 
moment friendly relations that had existed for thirty years ceased 
forever. Selfishness, he thought, was manifest in the remark of 
his step-father. He, in fact, talked with lawyers about bringing 
him to a final and formal settlement as guardian, and instituting 
a rigid investigation into the manner in which the trust had been 
executed. Though dissuaded from this, he resisted all attempts 
at reconciliation, — refusing to correspond or converse upon the 
subject himself. His two nephews, St. George and Tudor, were 
the only deseudants, and heirs to the entire possessions. St. George, 
soon after the rupture with his father, in consequence of an un- 
fortunate attachment, became a hopeless maniac. Tudor was now 
Randolph's only hope for the preservation of the ancient line; his 
feelings were gloomy enough. 

In 1814, an invasion of Virginia was threatened by the British, 
and much alarm prevailed. Washington city fell into the hands 
of the enemy and the national archives were destroyed. Ran- 
dolph hastened to the field determined to fight for his native home. 
The enemy turned their attention to Baltimore, however, and 
Randolph returned to Richmond. Tudor, at this time, was taken 
dangerously ill, which induced him to hurry to Morrisania, New 
York, wdiere he then was. Remaining there a short time, he 
went to Philadelphia, whence, after a brief sojourn with vahied 
friends, he returned to Richmond. His nephew, meantime, con- 
tinued to grow worse, which caused much pain and anxiety. 

When he returned to Richmond, his old friends literally forced 
him to become a candidate for Congress. Many who opposed 
him in the last election were warm in their protestations of love 
and esteem. He finally became a candidate against his old oppo- 
nent, Mr. Eppes, and was elected by a triumphant majority. Thus 
he was again returned to Congress, the scene of his most splendid 
exhibitions of intellectual prowess. The measures incident to 
hostilities with Great Britain, operated at this time with great 
severity upon the commercial interests of the New England States. 
The allegation that they would endeavor to occupy, henceforth, 
the position of neutral parties to the contest, or affect a final 
separation from the other States, formed cause of serious appre- 
hension. Randolph was urged to use his efforts against it; he 



790 JOHN RANDOLPH. 

was assured that bis voice would luive great weiglit in New Eng- 
land. Though he did not personally appear among the homes of 
the descendants of the pilgrims, he addressed the people a lengthy 
letter, breathing the most fervid patriotism, and urging them to 
united maintenance of the national honor. '' What is your object," 
Bald he, '■ PEACE? Can this peace be obtained on any terms, while 
England sees a prospect of disuniting that confederacy which has 
already given so deep a blow to her maritime pride, and threatens, 
at no distant day, to dispute with her the empire of the ocean? 
The wound which our gallant tars have inflicted on her ten<lerest 
point has maddened her to rage. Cursed as we are with a weak 
and wretched administration, she can no longer despise U3. 
Already she begins to hate us ; and she seeks to glut a revenge 
as impotent as it is rancorous, by inroads that would have dis- 
graced the buccaneers, and bulletins, that would only not disgrace 
the sovereign of Elba. tShe already is compelled to confess in her 
heart what her lips deny, that if English bull dogs anil game 
cocks degenerate in our soil, English men do not; — and should, 
(which God forbid), our brethi'en of the East, withdraw trom this 
contest fur all that is precious to man, we will maintain it, so lung 
as our proud and insulting foe shall refuse to accede to equitable 
terms of peace. The government will then pass into proper 
hands, — the talent of the country will be called furth, and the 
schemes of moon-struck philosophers and their disciples pass 
away, and ' leave not a track behind.' " The address is continued 
at some length, in earnest and eloquent exhortations to harmonious 
action, and closing with allusions to Washington and his native 
Virginia. 

Randolph, who had been a skeptic and a scoffer, about: this 
time, turned his thoughts to religious matters. He studied tlie 
Scriptures with diligence, and in a proper spirit. He thus con- 
cludes a letter to his old friend. Key: "Implicitly will I throw 
myself upon his, (the Lord's) mercy: 'Not my will but thine bo 
done. Lord be merciful to me a sinner. Help, Lord, or I perish.' 
And now my friend, if after these glimpses of light I shall shut 
mine eyes and harden my heart, which now is as melted wax; 
if I should be enticed back to the herd, and lose all recollection 
of my wounds, how much deeper my guilt than his whose heart 
has never been touched by the sense of his perishing, undone con- 
dition. This has rushed upon my mind when I have thought of 



JOHN RANDOLPH. 797 

partaking of the Lord's supper. After binding myself to the 
sacred rite, should passion overcome me, should I be induced to 
forget in some unhappy hour that holy obligation, — I shudder to 
think of it. There are two ways only, which I am of opinion, 
that I may he servicable to mankind. One of these is teaching 
children, and I have some thoughts of establishing a school. 
Then again, it comes into my head that I am borne away by a 
transient enthusiasm, or that I may be reduced to the condition of 
some unhappy fanatics, who mistake the perversion of their intel- 
lects for the conversion of their hearts. Pray for me." Whether 
his conversion was ever genuine we leave others to decide; there 
was certainly true penitence expressed. He now evidently needed 
the consoling influences of Divine favor. His surviving nephew, 
" Ms last Aojt?e," Tudor Randolph, went abroad for his health. 
He reached Cheltenham, England, in the spring of 1815, where 
he soon after died. The mournful news of his death filled his 
uncle's cup of wretchedness. He was now, indeed, like Logan, — 
all alone^ and for a time gave himself up to sorrow and grief. 
Yet he could not entirely forget the political aftairs of his country. 
Though, he said, he was sick of politics, and was determined to wash 
his hands of them as soon as possible, he continued an active 
member of Congress, through the bank charter excitement of 1816. 
He sternly opposed the bank bill in all its forms and amendments, 
as unconstitutional and inexpedient. After the close of this 
eventi'ul session, he returned to the solitude of his home, where he 
remained for some time entirely alone. 

During the session of 1816-'17 his health became very bad, and 
his temper peevish and fretful. Mr. Roane, a member from the 
same State, relates the following incident of him ; "I remember," 
said he, " that one morning Mr. Lewis came into the House of 
Representatives, and addressed Mr. Tyler and myself, who were 
the youngest members from Virginia, and said we must go to 
Georgetown to Mr. Randolph. We asked him for what ; he said 
that Mr. Randolph had told him that he was determined not to be 
buried as Beau Dawson had been, at the public expense, and he 
had selected us young bloods to come to him and take charge of 
his funferal. We went over immediately. When we entered Mr. 
Randolph's apartment he was in his morning gown. He rose 
and shook us by the hand. On our inquiries after his health, he 
said : ' Dying! dying! dying ! in a dreadful state ! ' He inquired 



798 JOHN RANDOLPH. 

what was going on in Congress. AVe told him that the galleries 
were filling with people of the District, and that there was con- 
siderable discussion upon the re-chartering of the batch of banks in 
the District. He then broke off and commenced upon another 
subject, and pronounced a glowing eulogium upon the character 
and talents of Patrick Henry. After sitting some time and no- 
thing being said un the business on which we had been sent to him, 
we rose and took our leave. When we got to the door, I said : 
'I wish, Mr. Kandolph, you could be in the House to-day.' He 
shook his head. 'Dying, sir, dying ! ' When we got back to the 
House of Representatives, Mr. Lewis came in and asked how we 
found Mr. Randolph. We laughed and said as well as usual, — 
that we had spent a very pleasant morning with him, and had 
been much amused by his conversation. Scarcely a moment after, 
Mr. Lewis exclaimed : ' There he is ! ' and there, to be sure, he was. 
He had entered by another door, having arrived at the Capitol 
almost as soon as we did. Li a few moments he arose and com- 
menced a speech, the first sentence of which I can repeat verbatim : 
' Mr. Speaker,' said he, ' this is Shrove Tuesday. Many a gallant 
cock has died in the pit on this day, and I have come to die in the 
pit also.' He then went on with his speech, and after a short time 
turned and addressed the crowd of ' hungry expectants,' as he 
called them, — tellers, clerks, and porters, in the gallery." 

Randolph left Washington about the time of Monroe's inaugu- 
ration. On the road to Fredericksburg, became up with the stage 
in which was Mr. Roane and other members of Congress. " How 
are you, Mr. Randolph," asked Roane? "Dying, sir, dying!" 
was the reply. He then dashed ahead, replying to all inquiries 
in regard to his health along the road : "Dying, sir, dying! " In 
fact, lie was nearer dying than his friends thought. His health was 
very bad, and his thoughts of death were not wholly without cause. 

The above is but one of the numerous incidents illustrating the 
eccentricities of John Randolph of Roanoke. It is related of 
him that he was once at a horse race, that took place between 
Eclipse and Sir Henry, — two celebrated horses. Betting was 
freely indulged in. After the horses started. Sir Henry took the 
lead considerably. " I '11 bet two to one on Sir Henry," exclaimed 
Randolph. "I'll take that bet," said a bystander. A moment 
after Eclipse dashed far ahead of Sir Henry. " I didn't speak to 
you, sir," instantly said Randolph to the man who had taken his bet 



JOHN RANDOLPH. 799 

On another occasion he was traveling with his favorite boy, 
John. He spent the night at a country inn. On leaving next 
morning, the landlord asked : '• Which way are you going, Mr. 
Randolph." " I don 't owe you a cent, sir, and I 'in going which 
way I d — d please," was the reply. Immediately beyond the inn 
the rode forked, and not knowing which branch led to his desti- 
nation, he told John to ask the landlord. The latter hallooed out 
at the top of his voice, saying : " Tell Mr. Randolph he don't owe 
me a cent, and he can take lohicJi road Tie d — d pleases.'''' 

He once offended a young man of no merit or distinction, who 
afterward sought every opportunity to quarrel with him. He sent 
Randolph a challenge, to which he paid no attention. Finally, 
determined to bring matters to a crisis, the fellow went to Rich- 
mond, expressly to offer what he supposed a personal insult. 
After looking about for some time, he saw the object of his search 
walking on the street. This, he thought, a favorable opportunity. 
Straitening himself up to a degree of considerable importance, he 
threw himself in Randolph's way. They each walked strait ahead 
until they almost came in collision, — when the young mkn said : 
"I never give the road to d — d dogs, sir." "I always fZ(?," 
exclaimed Randolph, as he politely bowed himself out of the 
way of his crest-fallen dignity. 

He stepped into the bank at Richmond, just after the death 
of Decatur, to write a check. Mr. Anderson, the cashier, handed 
him a pen and ink. He looked at the ink and §eeing it was black, 
said: "Give me red ink; I now go for blood." He then filled 
the check, and asked Anderson to write his name on it, which he 
refused to do. He then took the pen himself, and wrote: "John 
Randolph of Roanoke, his fxj mark," and sent the check to pay 
an account. 

While contemplating a trip to Europe, he accosted Anderson in 
Richmond, and told him his physicians advised the voyage. He 
then asked Anderson if there was a good ship in James River, in 
which he could get passage. Anderson told him there was not, 
and advised him to embark at New York. "Do you think," he 
replied, " I would give my money to those who are ready to make 
my negroes cut my throat ? — if I can not go to England from a 
southern port I will not go at all." Anderson then told him there 
was a vessel in the river. Randolph asked the name of it. " The 
Henry Clay," was his reply. He threw his arras up and ex- 



800 JOHN RANDOLPH. 

claimed : "Henry ClayI no sir, I will uevcr step on the plauka 
of a ship c>f that name." 

These exhibitions sometimes led his friends to think he labored 
under a species of insanity, — and he, no doubt, sufl'ered at time 
fi'om fits of mental aberration. The following upon the subject 
is from one* whose judgment and opinions are eminently entitled 
to weight and intlueuce : 

"It is not just to judge such a man by ordinarj' rules, nor by 
detached and separate incidents in his life. To comprehend him, 
he must be judged as a whole, — physically and mentally, — and 
under many aspects, and for his entire life. He was never well, — 
a chronic victim of ill health frum the cradle to the grave. A 
letter from his most intimate and valued friend, Mr. Macon, 
written to me after his death, expressed the belief that he had never 
enjoyed during his life one day of perfect health, — such as well 
people enjoy. Such life-long suffering must have its effect on the 
temper and on the mind; and it hail on his, — bringing the temper 
often to the querulous mood, and the state of his mind sometimes 
to the question of insanity; a question which became judicial 
after his death, when the validity of ids will came to be contested. 
I had my opinion on the point, and gave it responsibly, in a depo- 
sition duly taken, to be read on the trial of the will ; and in which 
a belief in his insanity, at several Sj)ecified periods, was fully 
expressed, — with the reasons for the opinion. I had good oppor- 
tunities of forming an opinion, living in the same house with hira 
several years, having his confidence, and seeing him at all hours 
of the day and night. It also on several occasions became my 
duty to study the question, with a view to govern my own con- 
duct under critical circumstances. Twice he applied to me to 
carry challenges for him. It would have been inhuman to have 
sone out with a man not in his ritrht mind, and critical to one's 
self, as any accident on the grounil might seriously compromise 
the second. My opinion was fixed, of occasional temporary aber- 
ration of mind ; and daring such periods he would do and say 
strange things, — but always in his own way, — not only method, 
but genius in his fantasies: nothing to bespeak a bad heart, but 
only exaltation and excitement. The most brilliant talk that I 
ever heard from him came forth on such occasions, — a flow 

* Thomas H. Benton. 



JOHN RANDOLPH. gQl 

for hours (at one time seven hours), of copious wit and classic 
allusion, — a perfect scattering of the diamonds of the mind. I 
heard a friend remark on one of these occasions, " he has wasted 
intellectual jewelry enough here this evening to equip many 
speakers for great orations." I once sounded him ou the delicate 
point of his own opinion of himself: — of course when he was in 
a perfectly natural state, and when he had said something to 
permit an approach to such a subject. It was during his last 
visit to Washington, two winters before he died. It was in my 
room, in the gloom of the evening light, as the day was going out 
and the lamps not lit, — no one present but ourselves, — he reclin- 
ing ou a sofa, silent and thouglitful, speaking but seldom, and I 
only in reply, I heard him repeat, as if to himself, those lines from 
Johnson, (which in fact I had often heard from him before), on 'Sen- 
ility and Imbecility,' which show us life under its most melancholy 
form. 

'In life's last scenes what, prodigies surprise, 
Fear of the brave, and follies of the wise! 
From Malborough's eyes the streams of dotage flow. 
And Swift expires, a driveller and a show." 

'•'• When he had thus repeated these lines, which he did with deep 
feeling, and in slow and measured cadence, I deemed it excusable 
to make a remark of a kind which I had never ventured on before ; 
and said : Mr. Randolph I have several times heard you repeat 
these lines, as if they could have an application to yourself, while 
no person can have less reason to fear the fate of Swift. I said 
this to sound him, and to see what he thought of himself. Ilis 
answer was: 'I have lived in dread of insanity.' That answer 
was the opening of a sealed book, — revealed to me the source of 
much mental agony that I had seen him undergo. I did deem 
him in danger of the fate of Swift, and from the same cause as 
judged by his latest and greatest biographer. Sir Walter Scott." 

It has been stated that he had turned his attention to religious 
contemplations. In 1818, he felt assurances that his sins had been 
forgiven. "Congratulate me, dear Frank," said he to his friend, 
Mr. Key, "• wish me joy you need not; give it you can not. I am 
at last reconciled to my God, and have assurances of his pardon, 
through faith in Christ, against which the very gates of hell can 
not prevail. Fear has been driven out by perfect love. I now 
know that you know how I feel; and within a month, for the first 
time, I understood your feelings and character, and that of every 



802 JOHX RANDOLPH. 

real Christian. Love to Mrs. Key und your brood. I am not 
now afraid of being 'righteous overmuch,' or of ' Method istical 
notions.'" 

He continued a member of Congress through the debate on the 
Missouri question, in which he participated to a great extent. 
Upon no subject had his mind ever been aroused to such intensity 
of feeling. He could scarcely sleep or eat. He was opposed to 
the compromise by which the matter was settled, and took great 
umbrage at Clay for the prominent part he took in the action. 
More than once they came to open rupture. He went to Clay and 
insisted that before acquiescence in it, southern members sliould 
resign their seats, go home and tell their constituents of the south, 
the confederacy was at an end. Absolutely necessary as that 
measure was, Randolph opposed it at every stage, and always af- 
firmed that it was smuggled through the House unconstitutionally. 

Persons could not well have diflered more radically in their 
views of the proper way to settle this important national question 
than itANDOLPn and Clay. They frequently came in contact, Ran- 
dolph indulging toward his potent adversary remarks of the most 
satirical severity. He describes a scene between them in the 
following characteristic maimer : 

"The anniversary of "Washington's birth-day (says he, in a 
letter to Dr. Brockenbrough, February 22d, 1820) will be a 
memorable day in the history of my life, if indeed any history 
shall be attached to it. Yesterday, I spoke four hours and a half 
to as attentive an audience as ever listened to a public speaker. 
Every eye was riveted upon me, save one, and that was sedu- 
lously and affectedly turned away. The ears, however were drink- 
ing up the words as those of the royal dame imbibed ' the juice 
of cursed heberon,' though not, like his, unconscious of the leprous 
distillment; as I could plainly perceive by the play of the muscles 
of the face, and the coming and going of the color, and the petty 
agitation of the whole man, like the affected fidget and flirt of the 
fan whereby a veteran coquette endeavors to hide her chagrin from 
the spectators of her mortification. 

" This person was no other than Mr. Speaker himself, the only 
man in the House to whose attention I had a right. He left the 
chair, called Colh to it, paced the lobby at the back of it in great 
agitation, resumed, read MSS., newspapers, printed documents on 
the table (i. e. affected to read them), beckoned the attendants, 



JOHN RANDOLPH. 803 

took suuff, looked at bis shoe-buckles, at bis ruffles, toward the 
other side of the House, — everywhere but at me. I had mentioned 
to him as delicately as I could, that being unable to catch his eye, 
I had been obliged (against my will, and what I thought the rule 
of order and decorum in debate) to look elsewhere for support. 
This apology I expected would call him to a sense of what was 
due to himself and his station, as well as to me ; but it had no 
effect. At last, when you might have heard a pin drop upon the 
carpet, he beckoned one of the attendants and began whispering 
to the lad (I believe to fetch a snuff-box). ' Fooled to the top of 
my bent,' I ' checked in mid volley,' and said : ' The rules of this 
House, sir, require, and properly require, every member when he 
speaks to address himself respectfully to Mr. Speaker; to that 
rule, which would seem to imply a correlative duty of respectful 
attention on the part of the Chair, I always adhere ; never seek- 
ing for attention in the countenances of the members, much less 
of the spectators and auditors in the lobby or the gallery : as, how- 
ever, I find the Chair resolutel}^ bent on not attending to me, I 
shall take my seat:' which I did accordingly. The chastisement 
was so deserved, so studiously provoked, that it was not in my 
nature to forego inflicting it. Like ' AVorcester's rebellion, it lay 
in my way and I found it? 

" He replied in a subdued tone of voice, and wdth a manner 
quite changed from his usual petulance and arrogance (for it is 
generally one or t 'other, sometimes both), ' that he had paid all 
possible attention, etc., which was not true, in fact; for from the 
time that 1 entered upon the subject of his conduct in relation tO' 
the bank in 1811 (renewal of old charter), and in 1816 (the new 
bank), and on internal improvements, etc., (quoting his words in 
his last speech, that ' this was a limited, cautiously restricted 
government), and held up the ' Compromise ' in its true colors,, 
he never once glanced his eye upon me but to withdraw it, as if 
he had seen a basilisk." 

Notwithstanding the bitterness of feeling evinced toward Clay 
indicated in the foregoing, enough has been seen of the relations- 
existing between the two, to show that each entertained for the- 
other the highest respect and admiration. 

After the close of that session of Congress Randolph retired to- 
Roanoke, where he was again the victim of solitariness and melan- 
choly. " Be not solitary ; be not idle," he would say to the young 
54 



804 JOHN RANDOLPH. 

men of the country. Yet "aloue, all aluiie," as lie expressed it, 
he could not avoid the one nor successfully combat the other. He 
made wills and destroyed them, then made others to share the same 
fate. He finally, however, made his last will and testament. 

He set all his slaves free, and made provision for their being 
properly attended to. Though this was the result of philanthropic 
motives, it did not redound to the benefit of his slaves, as most 
of them gave themselves up to idleness and became worthless 
vagabonds. 

The most weighty matter of deliberation at the next session of 
Congress was the apportionment bill. Taking the ground that 
"government to be safe and to be free must consist of repre- 
sentatives who have a common interest and a common feeling with 
the represented," he opposed the several propositions fixing the 
ratio at seventy-five, and at forty thousand. He did not wish his 
own State to fall behind the New England States in the number 
of representatives. Finally a proposition was made fixing the 
ratio at thirty-eight thousand ; he favored this and made one of 
the most logical and argumentative speeches delivered during the 
session. He was again in the minority. The bill fixing the ratio 
at forty thousand passed by a large vote, and Virginia fell forever 
into numerical inferiority of representation. 

In the spring of 1822, Randolph took his departure for Europe, 
"whither he said he ought to have gone years before, — referring to 
the period when he meditated " a temporary relinquishment of his 
country. 

His voyage was very agreeable. He had the company of Mr. 
Hervey, then a comparative youth, for whom he conceived a very 
warm attachment. On parting with him after their arrival, he 
said: "I do not wish you to tell any one that I am here. I do 
not covet any attention at present, sir. I have come to England 
to see and not to he seen, — to hear and not to he heard. I don 't 
want to be made a lion of, sir. You understand me. I have 
formed a friendship for you, which I hope will be continued, sir ; 
and when you come to London you must instantly inform me of 
your arrival ; there is my address, sir. God bless you ; and 
remember, you tell your father not to give you whishy punches or 
novels^ 

On his arrival in London he met Hervey and got an intro- 
duction to his father, with whom he was highly delighted. He 



JOHN RANDOLTH. 805 

also formed the acquaintance of Mrs. Fry, the Newgate philanthro- 
pist. She was much pleased with him and frequently entertained 
him. She sent him a note one day to dine with her ; apologizing 
for naming so unfashionable an hour as four o^clock^ it being 
usual for people to dine in the locality where he was quartered at 
eight. He replied as follows: "Mr. Randolph regrets that a 
prior engagement will deprive him of the pleasure of dining with 
Mrs. Fry on Tuesday next. No apology, however, was necessary 
for the early hour named in her note, as it is two hours later 
than Mr. Randolph is accustomed to dine in Virginia ; and he 
has not yet been long enough in London to learn how to turn day 
into night, and vice versa." 

His friend Hervey procured an order for the admission of Ran- 
dolph and himself into the House of Lords, on the night the 
Catholic Peers' Bill was discussed. He informed Randolph of 
what he had done, and asked his company. " Pray, sir," said he, 
"at which door do you intend to enter the House?" " At the 
lower door, of course, where all strangers enter," replied Hervey. 
'•Not all strangers, if you please," said Randolph, "for I shall 
enter at the private door, near the throne." Hervey told him it 
was impossible, that it was an extraordinary occasion, and that no 
stranger could be admitted there. Vain expostulation ! " What 
sir," said Randolph, "do you suppose I would consent to struggle 
with, and push through the crowd of persons, who for two long 
hours mnst fight their way through the lower door ! Oh, no sir ! 
I shall do no such thing: and if I can not enter as a gentleman 
commoner, I go not at all." On this they parted. After long 
and severe labor, almost squeezed and suffocated to death, Hervey 
got in and managed to procure a stand near the bannisters. 
"Presently," said he, "to my no small surprise and envy., I saw 
' Randolph of Roanoke,' in all his glory, walking in most leisurely 
and perfectly at home, alongside of Canning and Lord Castlereagh, 
Sir Robert Peel, and other distinguished members of the House 
of Commons. Some of these gentlemen selected for him a promi- 
nent position where he could see and hear perfectly, and I ob- 
served many courtesies passing between them during the night." 

Soon after, Randolph participated in the festivities of a ball, 
extended to the nobility by his Majesty, George the Fourth. 
Speaking of this assemblage of English aristocrats, he said: 
" There were jewels enough sir, there, to make new crowns for all 



80(5 JOHN RANDOLPH. 

of Europe. And I, too, Republican though I am, must needs go 
in court dress ! Well sir, don 't imagine that I was so foolish as 
to purc/iase a new suit at a cost of twenty or thirty guineas. Oh 
no! I have not studied Loudon life for nothing. I had been told 
sir, that many a noble lady would appear at the ball that night 
with jewels hired for the occasion ; and I took the hint sir, and 
hired a full court dress for five guineas. When I beheld myself 
in the glass, I laughed at the oddity of my appearance, and con- 
gratulated myself that I was three thousand miles from Charlotte 
Court-house. Had I played the harlequin there sir, I think my 
next election would have been doubtful." He met Lord Castle- 
reagh. Miss Edgeworth and other notables there, from all of whom 
he received proofs of esteem and admiration. 

After traveling through England and Scotland, meeting every- 
where a cordial reception, he returned to the United States, 
March 30th, 1823, in time to be at the close of the Seven- 
teenth Congress. He took his seat in the Eighteenth Congress, 
when consolidation was the order of the day. It was at the first 
session of this Congress that the resolutions favoring the cause of 
Greek independence were presented. He took grounds against 
the impetuous Clay and colossal Webster. " This Quixotism," 
said he, "in regard either to Greece or South America, is not 
what the sober, reflecting minds of our people require at our hands. 
Sir, we are in debt as individuals, and we are in debt as a nation ; 
and never since the days of Saul and David, or Caesar and Cata- 
line, could a more unpropitious period have been found for such 
an undertaking." He also opposed, with characteristic ability, 
Clay's internal improvement scheme. He was also with the 
opposition in many of the features of the tariif of 182-i. During 
the discussions upon this measure he came in contact with Lewis 
McLean of Delaware, and certainly came ofl' victorious, having 
given one of the finest retorts found in the annals of political 
debate. 

After these labors lie again visited Europe. He traveled through 
England, France, and Switzerland, w^ith infinite pleasure and profit. 
After an agreeable sojourn in the Old World, he returned home 
in December, 1834. In the presidential election of that year he 
took but little interest, though his personal preferences were for 
Mr. Crawford. In 1825 he was again elected to Congress, and 
took his seat as one of the leaders of the opposition to Adams' 



JOHN RANDOLPH. 807 

administration. He uecessavil}" came in contact with its ablest 
supporters. Against Clay he was particularly severe. Speaking 
of the similarity of views entertained between that gentleman and 
Adams in regard to the Panama question, he denounced their 
labors as "the coalition of Blifil and Black George, — the combi- 
nation unheard of till then, of the puritan with the blackk-g." 
Clay challenged him and demanded a meeting or an apology. 
He replied by saying: "I have no explanations to give. I will 
not give any. I am called to the field. I have agreed to go and 
am ready to go." That night he called on his friend, James 
Hamilton, and said : " Hamilton, I have determined to receive 
without returning Clay's fire; nothing shall induce me to harm a 
hair of his head ; I will not make his wife a widow, or his child- 
ren orphans. Their tears would be shed over his grave: but 
when the sod of Virginia rests on my bosom, there is not in this 
wide world an individual to pay this tribute upon mine." He said 
this with tears trembling in his eyes. That night Hamilton and 
Tattnall, both friends, called on him. They found him reading 
Milton's Paradise Lost. Tattnall, who was to act as his second, 
told him he had heard that he did not intend to fire at Clay, and 
said if that was the case he would not go with him to the field. 
To prevent this, Randolph said with a smile: "Well Tattnall, I 
promise you one thing ; if I see the devil in Clay's eye, and that 
with malice prepense, he means to take my life, I may change my 
mind." This was evidently said to prevent his second from 
refusing to go. They met, — Randolph turned to Hamilton and 
said : "Clay is calm but not vindictive. I hold to my purpose, 
Hamilton, in any event; remember this." "While taking their 
stand Randolph's pistol accidentally went ofl". General Jessup, 
Clay's second, said his friend should leave the ground if that 
happened again. At Clay's request he was allowed to proceed. 
The parties took their stands; the word was given, and Clay 
deliberately fired, — his ball passing through Randolph's gown. 
Randolph then raised his pistol and fired in the air. Clay ad- 
vanced toward him, and with great feeling said: " I trust in God, 
sip, you are untouched ; after what has occurred, I would not have 
harmed you for a thousand worlds." Randolph calmly and 
somewhat facetiously replied : " Mr. Clay, you owe me a new coat, 
sir." The latter expressed his gratitude that he was to no greater 
extent his debtor, and the afiair terminated. We may add that 



gQg JOHN EANDOLPH. 

Eandolpii had been opposed to dueling, — but after thinking much 
upon the subject, concluded it was no more than private, indi- 
vidual "war, and was as justifiable as national conflicts. 

At the session of 1826-'27, Eandolph was beaten for the Senate 
by Mr. Tyler, but was immediately after sent to the House by his 
old constituents, — "such constituents," he said, "as man never 
had and never would have again." He remained a leader of the 
opposition, which being in the minority, he urged his friends " to 
observe that practice which is the hardest for all, especially for 
young physicians, — we ought to throw in no medicine at all ; — to 
abstain, to observe a vnse and masterly inactivity^ Many of 
his speeches during that session show a fine degree of eloquence, 
learning and research. After its adjournment he sought repose at 
Eoanoke, where friendly correspondence was all that relieved the 
monotony of his life. He took great interest as the friend of 
Jackson in the ensuing presidential campaign. None was more 
intensely gratified at the result than he, or labored harder to i ro- 
cure it. On Jackson's inauguration he retired forever from Con- 
gress, having previously indicated that he would not consent to 
re-election. He saw his party triumphant, — he wanted none of the 
spoils, — and felt that his work was done. Contrary to his wishes 
to spend the balance of his life in retirement and travel, he was 
elected to the Virginia Convention, which met for the purpose of 
revising the State constitution. That was one of the most remark- 
able body of men ever assembled in the Old Commonwealth. 
Marshall, Madison, Tazewell, Leigh, Johnson and Taylor, were 
among the members. Wisdom, talent, varied learning, vast 
erudition graced Kichmond then. There, too, were ambitious 
men from other States for the purpose of deriving instruction from 
the lips of age and experience, Randolph was an object of 
interest and admiration. Mingling with those whom he had 
known for long years through their labors, he left the convention 
with increased fame and reputation. 

In September, 1829, he received from Jackson the appointment 
as Minister to Russia. He entered upon his duties in the spring 
of 1830, and reached St. Petersburg the same fall, where he w^s 
received with marked cordialit}'- and respect. The duties which 
he had to discharge were neither arduous nor of an important 
nature. He represented our country at the court of the Czar with 
dignity and simplicity, and maintained our national honor. He 



JOHN RANDOLPH. 809 

returned to the United States in the fall of 1831, feeling, as he 
said, ^'' seven years nearer the graved 

By this time he had became a confirmed opium eater, of which 
he made no disguise. "I live," said he, "by, if not upon opium. 
I am fast sinking into an opium-eating sot, but, please God ! I 
shall shake ofi" the incubus yet before I die ; for, whatever difler- 
ence of opinion may exist on the subject of suicide, there can be 
noue as to ^rushing into the presence of our Creator'' in a state 
of drunkenness, whether produced by opium or brandy." This 
terrible practice, no doubt, contributed much to his increased 
attenuation, and hastened his death. He was now evidently fast 
approaching the grave. The alarming movements of South Caro- 
lina nullification, roused, for the last time, his failing energies. 
Going over hi8 county in his carriage, unable to stand, he would 
sit down and address the people in words of fire, upon the con- 
dition of the country. His efibrts were continued till the compro- 
mise tariff was adopted. Again he saw peace and tranquillity 
restored. It was his last triumph, and a fit time for him to die. 
He desired to go to England, and was making preparations for the 
voyage when the summons came. He went once more to Mataox, 
visited the graves of his ancestors, and in great feebleness hastened 
to Washington city. He went into the Senate chamber for the 
last time, when the affecting and memorable parting scene between 
Clay and himself took place. He then proceeded to Philadelphia. 
The night of his arrival was dark and stormy, and it was with 
much difficulty that lodging was procured ; after he had suc- 
ceeded, he raised his hands and said : " Great God ! I thank thee. 
I shall be among friends and be taken care of." Dr. Parish was 
immediately sent for. He entered the room and asked the patient 
how long he had been ill. " Don 't ask me that question ; I have 
been sick all my life," said Randolph. The Dr. felt his pulse say- 
ing, "there are idiosyncrasies in many constitutions ; I wish to 
know what is peculiar about you." " I have been an idiosyncrasy 
all my life. All the preparations of camphor injure me. As to 
ether it will blow me up. Not so with opium ; I can take opium 
like a Turk, and have been in the habitual use of it for some 
time," was the answer. All efforts to revive him were fruitless. 
He could scarcely breathe, his expectoration was so difficmlt. Just 
before he died he got the Dr. to read for him. In reading he 
came to the word "Omnipotence," which the Dr. pronounced- 



glO JOHN RANDOLPH. 

OmQij96>tence. " Om?i?J9otence, sir," said Randolph. The Dr. 
remonstrated. "Pass on sir," said his dying patient. Soon after 
he came to the word " Impetus," which he pronounced Impetus, 
"impetus, sir," exclaimed Randolph. The Dr. again differed. 
"There can be no doubt of it sir," was the reply. After the 
reading, he sank rapidly. He ordered his father's breast button to 
be brought to him and fastened in his shirt bosom, which was 
done. He then closed his eyes, — but suddenly raising upward, he 
exclaimed with vehemence: '"'' Reraorse! remorse! REMORSE! — 
let me see the word, — get a dictionary, let me see the word." 
" There is none in the room sir." " Write it down then, — let me 
see the word." One of his cards bearing "Randolph, of Roan- 
oke" was procured. He was asked if it should be written on the 
card. "Yes; nothing more proper." The word "remorse" was 
written on both sides and handed to him. In deep agitation he 
fastened his eyes upon the word, saying: "Remorse! you have 
no idea what it is : you can form no idea of it whatever : it has 
contributed to bring me to my present situation, — but I have 
looked to the Lord Jesus Christ, and hope I have obtained pardon. 
Now let John take your pencil and draw a line under the word." 
This was done, when the Dr. asked what was to be done with it. 
"Put it in your pocket," said he, "when I am dead look at it." 

He then became more quiet, — sent for witnesses, in the presence 
of whom he confirmed his will, and soon after breathed his last. 
So died John Randolph, of Roanoke, June 24th, 1833, in the 
sixty-first year of his age. His remains were conveyed to Vir- 
ginia, and deposited beside those of his fathers', over which he 
had shed bitter and solitary tears. There let them rest as a part 
of the soil with which has commingled the ashes of so many of 
her illustrious sons. 



\ V 




DANIEL WEBSTER. 



DANIEL WEBSTER. 



A DISTINGUISHED character of antiqnitj, was c[ue8tioiied as to 
what constituted the best means of national defense: he an- 
swered, — men. The interrogatory was repeated again, and even 
the third time ; and he replied, with emphasis, — men. The effi- 
ciency of this kind of national defense is clearly shown in the 
history of our confederacy. America is as much indebted for her 
renown, to the wisdom and firmness of her statesmen, as to the 
patriotism of her military heroes, so signally tested "in the great 
struggle for Independence." 

In our political firmament, have always shone stars of the 
brightest luster, that have failed not to guide us to peace and 
prosperity. Some of these have been of the first magnitude and 
of dazzling brilliancy. High in the honored constellation, was 
one that rose in the East, — shed its light " over the sea, and over 
the land;" nor culminated, until it had gilded the far-ofi" horizon 
of Eternity. That star was Daniel Webster. 

His lineage is traced back to his great-great-grandfather, 
Thomas Webster, who came from Norfolk, England, to this 
country, in 1656. He located at Hampton, a small village in New 
Hampshire, and raised a highly reputable family. His son Eben- 
ezer, married and had several sons, to one of which he gave his 
own name. Ebenezer seems to have been a favorite family name 
with the ancestors of the great statesman. From Thomas Web- 
ster, the first of the stock of whom we have any accurate account, 
the name was given from father to son, through three genera- 
tions. The family were noted for integrity, firmness and energy. 
Ebenezer Webster, the last of that name, and father of Daniel, 

(811) 



812 DANIEL WEBSTER. 

was a man of marked courage and hardihood. He served effi- 
ciently as a Ranger in the French war of 1763. After the close 
of the struggle, he settled at the little town of Salisbury, New 
Hampshire. He was, in fact, one of the earliest pioneers of civ- 
ilization in that then dreary part of the country. He was just 
beginning to establish himself comfortably, when the Revolution 
called him to arms. He enrolled himself in the armies of liberty 
with ardor and enthusiasm. He was a Captain under Gen. Stark, 
at Bennington, and behaved with coolness and bravery. He sub- 
sequently led the attack against the rear of the British, on the occa- 
sion when Stark said: "Fellow Soldiers! there is the enemy; if 
we don't take them, Molly Stark will be a widow to-night." 
Though in the attack he was foiled by superior numbers, Captain 
"Webster exhibited great heroism and fortitude. Transferred to 
the left wing of the army, he again rushed into the fight with 
ardor, and contributed much to the honors of the day. He was 
afterward at White Plains, and several other engagements, and 
always displayed the same spirit of valor and firmness. After 
the close of the war, he returned to Salisbury, and took an inter- 
est in the prosperity of the country, that secured the esteem of his 
fellow-citizens. His well-known probity, and excellent judgment, 
elicited respect and consideration. He was several times sent 
to the Legislature,' as Representative and Senator, and finally 
selected as Judge of the Court of Common Pleas. Laden with 
honors, he died in the spring of 1806, in the sixty-eighth year 
of his age. 

He was twice married. The maiden name of his second wife 
was Abigail Eastman, a lady of Welsh descent. By her he had 
two sons, — Daniel and Ezekiel. 

Daniel "Webster M^as born January the 18th, 1782, in the town 
of Salisbury, New Hampshire. The rigid moral principles of 
the early New England settlers surrounded him from the first. 
Though the resources of the country were undeveloped, and few 
facilities for mental culture afforded, among the granite hills that 
surrounded his home, his young mind was not neglected. "When 
a small boy, he walked, through snow and ice, a distance of two 
and a half miles, to a common school. A strong desire for books 
early showed itself, in the eager avidity with which he seized 
upon every sort of useful information. His father was a true 
type of the New Englander, and extended every aid to his son. 



DAXIEL WEBSTER, 813 

Young Daniel read many excellent books, and in the selection 
of his favorites, exhibited discrimination, refined and correct. 
The Spectator, Watts' Psalms, and the Essay on Man, seem to 
have captivated the mind of the coming orator and statesman. 
He was continued at the common school, at intervals when he 
could be spared from home, until he entered his fourteenth year. 
He was then sent to Exeter, in his native State, and placed at the 
Academy, under the charge of Dr, Abbott, He had never before 
been beyond the rugged hills of his forest home ; and finding him- 
self among near a hundred students, all of whom had enjoyed 
advantages superior to any he had received, he felt no inconsid- 
erable difiidence. But becoming domesticated among his new 
acquaintances, he soon ingratiated himself into their favor, and 
excelled the most of them in his studies. He did not long remain 
at this institution. In 1797, his father, seeing evident sparks of 
greatness in his sou, began to entertain the idea of giving him a 
collegiate education. With this view, he was placed under the 
care of Rev. S, Woods of Boscawen. With this worthy man, be 
attained a tolerable knowledge of the Latin language. It is a 
significant fact, that his young soul took fire over the pages of 
Cicero, and that he remained through life, his favorite author and 
constant companion. Making the best use of his time, and the 
advantages thrown in his way, in 1797, he passed honorably the 
ordeal of examination and entered the Freshman's class at Dart- 
mouth college. Well as he loved his regular studies, and anxious 
as he was to attain a correct knowledge of the classics, he devoted 
much time to the study of history and general literature. Much 
of his time durino- hours of recreation, was devoted to making 
selections, and writing essays for a newspaper. His most dis- 
tinguishing trait at college, seems to have been a grasping desire 
to range the field of literature with intellectual rapacity, and 
pluck whatever blossoms came in his way. He finally graduated, 
creditably, but with no marked distinction. The vast fund of 
general information attained during this time, was greater than 
his proficiency in any one particular department of science. 

Well prepared for a course of legal studies, after graduating he 
entered the ofiice of Mr, Thompson, a practitioner of considerable 
ability, in his native village. Under the eye of this gentleman, he 
made rapid progress in his chosen profession, and laid broad and 
deep the basis of his future eminence. Let it not be supposed, 



814 DANIEL AVEBSTER. 

however, that his legal studies met with no interrnption, or that no 
object of solicitude save his ambition presented itself. lie wished 
to give his brother Ezekiel an education, and fit him for the higher 
walks of life. To do this it was necessary for him to vacate his 
law office and assume the responsibilities of teaching, which he 
did in the town of Fryburg, Maine, on a salary of three hundred 
and fifty dollars a year. He afterward had the pleasure of seeing 
his brother a prominent member of the bar, and on the road to 
distinction, which would have been attained, had not sudden 
death cut him oflf in the outset of his career. 

In 1802, he re-entered the office of Mr. Thompson, and took up 
the law ; he also read the classics with relish and profit, — Horace, 
Sallust, and other authors were devoured with greedy avidity. 
His favorite sport at this time, as indeed it was through life, 
was angling, and Isaac Walton has had few more successful 
disciples. He enjoyed this species of recreation with a degree of 
zest amounting to a passion. "It so happened," said he in a 
speech delivered in 1S51, " that all the public services rendered 
in my day and generation, have been connected with the general 
government. 1 think I ought to make an exception. I was ten 
days a member of the Massachusetts Legislature, and I turned my 
thoughts to the search for some good object in which I could be 
useful in tiiat position, and after much reflection I introduced a 
bill which, with the general consent of both Houses passed into a 
law, and is now a law of the State, which enacts that no man, 
in the State shall catch trout in any other manner than the old 
way^ loith an ordinary hooh and line.'''' 

The following anecdote is related of him in after life, connected 
with one of his angling excursions, which the statesman often 
told to the infinite mirth of his friends : 

"Some years since, Mr. "Webster started ofi:*from Marshfield on 
a trouting expedition to Sandwich, a neighboring town on Cape 
Cod. On approaching a fine stream he alighted from his wagon 
and just then he met the owner of the farm, whose stream ran 
through it. ' Good morning,' says Webster, ' is there any trout 
here?' ' Well,' says the farmer, ' some people fish here but I don 't 
know what they do got.' 'I'll throw my line in,' says Webster, 
' and see what there is.' Webster walked the banks of the stream 
trying his luck, and the old farmer followed him. Soon Webster 
remarked, ' You have some bog on your farm.' ' Yes,' says 



DANIEL WEBSTER. 815 

the fiirmer, ' aud that ain 't the worst of it.' Fishing still 
further aloug, Webster says, ' You seem to have plenty of 
mosquitoes here.' 'Yes,' he replied, 'and that ain't the worst 
of it.' Webster still kept on throwing his line into the deep 
pools, and then said, ' You have plenty of briers here.' ' Yes,' 
says the farmer, ' and that ain 't the worst of it.' Mr. Webster, 
getting somewhat discouraged in a hot August day, bitten by 
mosquitoes, scratched by briers, and not raising a single 
fish, dropped his rod and said, 'he didn't believe there was 
any trout here.' ' And that ain 't the worst of it,' says the 
farmer. ' Well,' says Mr, Webster, ' I would like to know what 
the woi'st of it is V ' There never was any here /' says the 
farmer." 

In 1804, young Webster went to the city of Boston, where his 
legal studies were completed under the tuition of Christopher Gore, 
an attorney of varied attainments and high distinction. In 1S05 
he was admitted to the bar of the Court of Common Pleas. Speak- 
ing of his studies, Webster always affirmed that Thompson made 
a sad mistake by confining him upon the pages of Coke and Little- 
ton, which kept him so long " groping about in the dark, believing, 
of course, that he should come to the light, but not foreseeing 
when or whereabouts." Blackstone's Commentaries, he said, 
furnished him light, aud made the way clear. He recommends 
to all preceptors in the law "to furnish the students, in the out- 
set, one of each kind of the writs issued in a suit, together with 
one of each kind of the papers, from the beginning to the end, — 
for instance, a declaration, a demurrer, a plea, a record, aud a 
judgment roll, — so that he can have ocular demonstration of 
what each contains, aud can read it and turn over, and look at it 
inside out, — that he may see the documents about which he is to 
read." 

After his admission to the bar he commenced practice in the 
village of Boscawen, but soon after removed to Portsmouth. His 
father was then judge of the Court of Common Pleas, but died 
soon after. He heard his son's first speech at the bar, and saw at 
once his brilliant destiny. Speaking of this, Webster afterward 
said, his father presided and heard his first speech, but never heard 
him again. His father died, much lamented, in the spring of 
1806. The next year Webster was admitted to the bar of the 
New Hampshire Supreme Court; his brother Ezekiel was ad- 



816 DANIEL WEBSTER. 

mitted about the same time, and went iuto a prosperous practice. 
He died very suddenly, while delivering an argument at Con- 
cord, in his native State. In the summer of 1808, Webster was 
married to Grace Fletcher, daughter of Rev. Mr. Fletcher of New 
Hampshire, a lady of beauty and accomplishments. The issue of 
this union was four children, — two sons and two daughters, all of 
whom are dead except one, — Fletcher "Webster, of Boston. 

For nine years Webster was engaged in Portsmouth in an 
honorable and lucrative law practice. He established a wide- 
spread reputation, won the confidence of his professional brethren, 
and was sought alter in many of the most diflScult cases. Bright 
as his legal prospects were, however, other matters were to call his 
wonderful talents into action. By the time he had turned his 
thirtieth year, the people had marked him as suited for public life, 
and he was elected to Congress. He took his place there in 1813, 
at the extra session. War with England had been declared, and 
was the prominent topic of discussion. Clay, battling his way 
from obscurity, was speaker of the House and leader of the war 
party. He did not recognize then, perhaps, in the person of the 
young member from New Hampshire, his matchless rival, on whom, 
the balance of his political life, he must keep fixed his eagle gaze. 
Calhoun, Grundy, and Forsythe, too, were there'. Intellect, talent 
and learning, shed luster over the House when Webster appeared 
on the arena, a brilliant light, destined to attract the gaze of all. 
He was not long in making his mark in the national Legislature. 
In June, 1813, a resolution was introduced requiring information 
from the President, concerning a decree of France, purporting to 
be an abrogation of the Milan and Berlin decrees. On this 
resolution he made his first speech in Congress. The House 
was taken by surprise. It was powerful, vigorous, logical, and 
thorough. 

"No member before," says a cotemporary, "ever riveted the 
attention of the House so closely in his first speech. Members 
left their seats, when they could not see the speaker face to face, 
and sat down or stood on the floor before him. All listened 
attentively and silently during the whole speech ; and when it 
was over many went up and warmly congratulated the orator ; 
among whom were some not the most niggard of their compli- 
ments, and who most dissented from the views he expressed." 
Of his maiden speech, Chief Justice Marshall said: "At the time 



DANIEL WEBSTER. 817 

when this speech was delivered I did not know Mr. Webster, but 
I was so struck with it that I did not hesitate then to state that 
Mr. Webster was a very able man, and would become one of the 
very first statesmen in America, and perhaps the very first." It 
will be readily admitted, that such encomiums from sources so 
unquestionable, seldom greet members of Congress on their first 
appearance. Had Webster been earlier in Congress he would 
doubtless have opposed many measures that had been acted upon ; 
but entering the body after we were engaged in the war, he wished 
it pushed to a successful termination. He zealously advocated the 
improvement of our naval forces, urging the necessity of our 
being in a position to cope with the enemy by sea as well as land. 
He also engaged warmly in the discussions growing out of Ran- 
dolph's " Illiad of woes," — the Embargo. " His speeches on these 
questions," says Everett, "raised him to the front rank of de- 
baters." 

In 1814, Webster was re-elected to Congress. The treaty of 
peace having been concluded with Great Britain before the assem- 
blage of the next session, other matters occupied their attention. 
The finances of the nation being at a very low ebb, some means 
must be resorted to, to relieve the prevailing distresses. The 
national bank measure was originated. The first bill upon the 
subject after passing the Senate, was opposed by Webster as " a 
mere paper money contrivance, calculated to injure the people, to 
increase the financial embarrassments of the government, and to 
bring discredit upon the country." This first bill, fixing the capital 
of the bank at fifty millions of dollars, — five millions in specie, the- 
balance in government securities, — and requiring a loan to the- 
treasury of thirty millions, was voted down. It was afterward so 
amended as to make it more of a " specie paying bank," when it 
received Webster's support. It passed in this shape, but was 
vetoed by President Madison, 

On the adjournment of Congress Webster removed to the city 
of Boston, with a view of practicing his profession. He was 
greeted in that city with a cordial welcome by old friends and for- 
mer associates. He yet had one session to serve as a member 
from his native State. The session was to him one of no very 
great importance. He served through his term with fidelity and 
honor, and after adjournment again returned to Boston and re- 
sumed his business for a period of two years. At the expiration 
55 



818 DANIEL WEBSTER. 

of that time he was urged to riiu for Congress, and also offered a 
seat in the Senate. He declined both. lie wished to become a 
first rate lawyer before engaging in other pursuits, — to make him- 
self master of the high calling he had selected, before seeking 
other fields of labor. He served a brief period in the Massa- 
chusetts Legislature, — was chosen one of the electors and sent to 
the convention called to revise the State constitution, in all of which 
positions'he vindicated his rising reputation. In 1823, no longer 
able to resist the will of the people, he consented to run for Con- 
gress, and was elected by a handsome majority. He took his seat 
in the Eighteenth Congress, among old associates and familiar 
friends. Clay was still speaker, and continued to accumulate that 
commanding influence that indicated the future leadership of the 
Whig party. Among the most important subjects coming up for 
deliberation was the Greek Revolution. His great heart beating 
warmly for liberty everywhere, Webster favored the friendly ex- 
pression of public opinion on the part of the United States in behalf 
of Greece. On the 8th of December, 1823, he presented a resolution 
to the effect, "That provision ought to be made by law for defray- 
ing the expenses incident to the appointment of an agent or com- 
missioner to Greece whenever the president shall deem it expedient 
to make such appointment." His speech upon this resolution is 
a splendid exhibition of true eloquence, and a trumpet-toned 
denunciation of tyrannical usurpation upon the rights of man- 
kind. The following eloquent and true estimate of the power of 
public opinion uttered in this speech, will live and be admired 
while the language finds a reader, or purity of diction a patron : 
" It may be asked, perhaps, what ive can do ? Are we to go to war ? 
Are we to interfere in the Greek cause, or any other European 
cause? Are we to endanger our pacific relations. No, certainly 
not. What then, the question recurs, remains for us? If we 
will not endanger our own peace ; if we will neither furnish armies 
nor navies to the cause which we think the just one, what is 
then within our power ? 

"Sir, this reasoning mistakes the age. The time has been, 
indeed, when fleets, and armies, and subsidies were principal 
reliances, even in the best cause. But, happily for mankind, 
there has arrived a great change in this respect. Moral causes 
come into consideration in proportion as the progress of know- 
ledge is advanced ; and the j}icUic opinion of the civilized world 



DANIEL WEBSTER. 819 

is rapidly gaining an ascendency over mere brutal force. It may 
be silenced by military power, but it can not be conquered. It is 
elastic, irrepressible, and invulnerable to weapons of ordinary war- 
fare. It is that impassable, inextinguishable enemy of mere 
violence and arbitrary rule, which, like Milton's angels, 

' Vital in every part. 
Can not, but by annihilating, die.' 

Unless this be propitiated or satisfied, it is in vain for power to 
talk either of triumphs or repose. No matter what fields are 
desolated, what fortresses surrendered, what armies subdued, or 
what provinces overrun, there is an enemy that still exists to 
check the glory of these triumphs. It follows the conqueror back 
to the very scene of his ovation; it calls upon him to take notice 
that the world, though silent, is yet indignant; it shows him that 
the scepter of his victory is a barren scepter ; that it shall confer 
neither joy nor honor, but molder to dry ashes in his grasp. In 
the midst of his exultation, it pierces his ear with the cry of injured 
justice ; it denounces against him the indignation of an enlight- 
ened and civilized age ; it turns to bitterness the cup of his rejoic- 
ing, and wounds him with the sting which belongs to the con- 
sciousness of having outraged the opinion of mankind." The 
"Greek Speech," whence the foregoing is taken, is one of the 
most eloquent and powerful in the American annals. 

"Wester took an active part upon the tariff of 182-1, arguing in 
opposition until its passage. In the fall of that year he was again 
elected to Congress, almost by the unanimous vote of his con- 
stituents. The most noted question of the next session was the 
Panama Mission, in regard to which, he entertained views coinci- 
dent with those of Clay and Adams, elsewhere set forth. 

In December, 1820, he was invited to deliver a discourse com- 
memorative of the landing of the pilgrims, and gave vent to one 
of the most exuberent gushes of eloquence and feeling, that ever 
melted a heart or enchained a hearer. He had ever cherished for 
the pilgrim pioneers, a venerative adoration. "Our fathers," 
said he, " came hither to a laud from which they were never to 
return. Hither they had brought and here they were to fix their 
hopes, their attachments and their objects. Some natural tears 
they shed as they left the pleasant abodes of their fathers, and some 
emotions they suppressed when the white cliffs of their native 
f.ountry, now seen for the last time, grew dim to their sight. They 



820 DANIEL WEBSTER. 

were acting, however, upon a resolution not to be changed. With 
whatever stifled regret, with whatever occasional hesitation, with 
whatever appalling apprehension which must sometime arise with 
force to shake the firmest purpose, they had yet committed them- 
selves to heaven and the elements ; and a thousand leagues of 
water soon interposed to separate them forever from the land 
which gave them birth. A new existence awaited them here ; 
and when they saw these shores, rough, cold, barbarous and barren, 
as then they were, they beheld their country. That mixed and 
strong feeling which we call love of country, and which is, in 
general, never extinguished in the heart of man, grasped and 
embraced its proper object here. Whatever constitutes G0U7itry 
except the earth and the sun, all the moral causes of affection and 
attachment which operate upon the heart, they had brought with 
them to their new abode. Before they had reached the shore, 
they had established the elements of a social system, and at a 
much earlier period had settled their forms of religious worship. 
At the moment of their landing, therefore, they possessed insti- 
tutions of religion : and friends and families, and social and re- 
ligious institutions, established by consent, founded on choice and 
preference, how early do these fill up our idea of country ! The 
morning that beamed upon the first night of their repose, saw the 
pilgrims already established in their country. There were politi- 
cal institutions, and civil liberty, and religious liberty, and wor- 
ship. Poetry has fancied nothing in the wanderings of heroes so 
distinct and characteristic. Here was man, indeed, unprotected 
and unprovided for, on the shore of a rude and fearful wilderness ; 
but it was politic, intelligent, educated man. Everything was 
civilized but the physical world. Institutions containing in sub- 
stance all that ages had done for human government were estab- 
lished in a forest. Cultivated mind was to act on uncultivated 
nature ; and more than all, a government and a country were to 
commence with the very first foundations laid under the divine light 
of the Christian religion. Happy auspices of a happy futurity! 
Who would wish that his country's existence had otherwise begun? 
Who would desire the power of going back to ages of fable ? 
Who would wish for an origin obscured in the darkness of an- 
tiquity? Who would wish for other emblazoning of his country's 
heraldry, or other ornaments of her genealogy, than to be able to 
say, that her first existence was with intelligence; her first breath 



DANIEL WEBSTER. 821 

the inspirations of liberty ; her first principle the truth of divine 
religion ?" 

Webster's eloquence was grand, towering, massive, overwhelm- 
ing, resistless. As an orator we doubt whether he ever had an 
equal. Demosthenes of ancient, and Burke of modern times, 
may, perhaps, rank beside him. He was selected to deliver the 
address on the occasion of laying the corner stone of the Bunker 
Hill monument. Speaking of which, he said: "Let it rise till it 
meet the sun in his coming ; let the earliest light of morning gild 
it, and parting day linger upon its summit." It was on this 
occasion when, turning to the survivors of the battle fought there, 
he said : 

" Venerable men ! you have come down to us from a former 
generation. Heaven has bounteously lengthened out your lives 
that you might behold this joyous day. You are now where you 
stood fift}^ years ago, this very hour, with your brothers and your 
neighbors, shoulder to shoulder in the strife of your country. 
Behold how altered ! The same heavens are indeed over your 
heads, the same ocean rolls at your feet ; but all else how changed ! 
You hear now no roar of hostile cannon, you see no mixed 
volumes of smoke and flames arising from burning Charlestown. 
The ground strewed with the dead and the dying ; the impetuous 
charge ; the steady and successful repulse ; the loud call to repeated 
assaults ; the summoning of all that is manly to repeated resist- 
ance ; a thousand bosoms freely and fearlessly bared in an instant 
to whatever of terror there may be in war and death ; — all these 
you have witnessed, but you witness them no more. The bights 
of yonder metropolis, its towers and roofs, which you then saw 
filled with wives and children and countrymen, in distress and 
terror, and looking with unutterable emotions for the issue of the 
combat, have presented you, to-day, with the sight of its whole 
happy population, come out to welcome and to greet you with a 
universal jubilee. Yonder proud ships, by a felicity of position, 
appropriately lying at the foot of this mount, and seeming fondly 
to cling around it, are not means of annoyance to you, but your 
country's own means of distinction and defense. All is peace ; 
and God has granted you this sight of your country's happiness, 
ere you slumber in the grave forever. He has allowed yc)u to 
behold and partake the reward of your patriotic toils ; and he has 
allowed us, your sons and countrymen to meet you here, and in 



822 DANIEL WEBSTER. 

the name of the present generation, in the name of jour country, 
in the name of liberty to thank you ! But, ahis ! you are not all 
here. Time and the sword have thinned your ranks. Prescott, 
Putnam, Stark, Brooks, Read, Pomeroy, Bridge ! our eyes seek 
for you in vain amidst this broken band. You are gathered to 
your fathers, and live only to your country in her grateful remem- 
brance, and your own bright example. You lived, at least, long 
enough to know that your work had been nobly and success- 
fully accomplished. You lived to see your country's independence 
established, and to sheathe your swords from war. On the light 
of liberty, you saw arise the light of peace, like 

'Another moni 
Risen on mid noon : — ' 

and the sky on which you closed your eyes was cloudless. 

" But, — ah ! — Him ! the first great martyr in this great cause ! 
Him ! the premature victim of his own self-devoting heart ! 
Him ! the head of our civic counsels and the destined leader of 
our military bands ; whom nothing brought hither but the un- 
quenchable fire of his own spirit; him ! cut off by Providence in 
the hour of overwhelming anxiety and thick gloom ; falling ere he 
saw the star of his country rise ; pouring out his generous blood 
like water, before he knew whether it would fertilize a land of 
freedom or of bondage ! how shall I struggle with the emotions 
that stifle the utterance of thy name ! Our poor work may perish, 
but thine shall endure! This monument may molder away; the 
solid ground it rests upon may sink down to a level with the sea ; 
but thy memory shall not fail. Wheresoever among men a heart 
shall be found that beats to the transports of patriotism and liberty, 
its aspirations shall be to claim kindred with thy spirit. 

"Veterans ! you are the remnant of many a well-fought battle. 
You bring with you marks of honor from Trenton and Mon- 
mouth; from Yorktown, Camden, Bennington and Saratoga. Vete- 
rans of half a century ! when in your youthful days, you put 
everything at hazard in your country's cause, good as that cause 
was, and sanguine as youth is, still your fondest hopes did not 
stretch onward to a scene like this ! At a period to which jou 
could not reasonably have expected to arrive ; at a moment of 
national prosperity such as you could never have foreseen, you 
are now met here to enjoy the fellowship of old soldiers, and to 
receive the overflowings of universal gratitude." 



DANIEL WEBSTER. 323 

It is related of Webster, that as he was about speaking at 
Bunker Hill, the crowd pressed so upon him, in their eagerness 
to catch every word, that great inconvenience was occasioned. The 
authorities, after vainly trying to make the people give room, 
requested the orator to interpose. Webster arose, and with 
his own peculiar gesture said: "Gentlemen, stand back!" Some 
individual came up and told him the crowd could not move. 
The speaker again turned his massive brow toward the throng, 
and said: '-'- Gentlemen! stand hackP'' A friend cried out: 
"Mr. Webster! it is impossible." '''' ImpossihleV said the 
orator, " nothing is impossible on Bunker Hill.'''' It was enough ; 
the people fell back as thougli a simoon had met them in the face. 
Order was secured and he proceeded with the address. 

Webster was also selected to pronounce the eulogy upon Jeffer- 
son and John Adams, the singular co-incidents of whose lives 
invested them with additional interest. It was in this effort that 
he gave the correct and widely known definition of eloquence. 
Speaking of the attributes of his subjects and the causes of their 
power, he said : 

" When public bodies are to be addressed on momentous 
occasions, when great interests are at stake and strong passions 
excited, nothing is valuable in speech further than it is connected 
with high intellectual and moral endowments. Clearness, force 
and earnestness, are the qualities which produce conviction. True 
eloquence, indeed, does not consist in speech. It can not be 
brought from far. Labor and learning may toil for it, but they 
will toil in vain. Words and phrases may be marshaled in every 
way, but they can not compass it. It must exist in the man, and 
in the subject, in the occasion. Affected passion, intense ex- 
pression, the pomp of declamation, all may aspire after it, — they 
can not reach it. It comes, if come at all, like the outbreaking of 
a fountain from the earth, or the bursting forth of volcanic fires, 
with spontaneous, original, native force. The graces taught in the 
schools, the costly ornaments and studied contrivances of speech, 
shock and disgust men when their own lives, and the fate of their 
wives, their children, and their country, hang on the decision of the 
hour. Then words have lost their power, rhetoric is vain, and all 
elaborate oratory contemptible. Even genius itself then falls 
rebuked and subdued as in the presence of higher qualities. Then 
patriotism is eloquent ; then self-devotion is eloquent. The clear- 



824 DANIEL WEBSTER. 

conceptions, outrunning the deductions, the higher purpose, the 
firm resolve, the dauntless spirit speaking on the tongue, beaming 
from the eye, informing every feature, and urging the vi^hole man 
onward, right onward to his object, — this, this is eloquence; or 
rather it is something greater and higher than all eloquence, — it 
is action, noble, sublime, god-like action." 

In 1826, he was chosen to the Senate of the United States to 
fill the unexpired term of Mr. Mills, deceased, and began his 
splendid career as the "defender of the Constitution." lie soon 
measured strength with Tazewell upon the subject of the Process 
bill, regulative of " the proceedings of the United States courts." 
He also took an active part in the discussion of the tariff measures 
of the season. Though not fully approving of the tariff of 1826 
and 1828, he voted for those measures after their amendments, as 
the best that could be done under the circumstances. The act of 
1828 being followed by the nullification movement of South Caro- 
lina, and the hostile indications between the two sections of the 
country, furnished "Webster with opportunities of winning im- 
perishable distinction. At the first session of the Twenty-first 
Congress the public land question presented itself for legislative 
consideration. Growing principally out of deep anxiety on the 
part of the North and the South to secure the balance of political 
power in the Western States, intense feelings of rivalry were 
engendered. In December, Foote of Connecticut presented his 
since famous resolution, which was in these words: 

" Resolved^ — That the committee be instructed to inquire and 
report the quantity of public land remaining unsold within each 
State and territory, and whether it be expedient to limit lor a 
certain period the sales of public lands, to such land as have here- 
tofore been ofiered for sale and are now subject to entry at the 
minimum price. And also, whether the office of Surveyor 
General and some of the land offices may not be abolished with- 
out detriment to the public service." 

This resolution of inquiry, it would not seem at first glance, 
was to be the precursor of one of the most able and remarkable 
debates ever recorded. Benton immediately denounced it as 
designed to injure the "West, a denuuciation which he continued to 
indulge after all such intentions were disclaimed by the author 
of the resolution. On the 18th of January, 1830, he made a setj 
speech against it, in which much bitterness against the New 



DANIEL WEBSTER. 825 

England States was indicated. "The resolution was introduced," 
said he, "to check-mate- my graduation bill. It was an oifer of 
battle to the "West. I accepted the offer ; I am lighting the battle ; 
some are crying out and hauling off ; but I am standing to it and 
mean to stand to it. I call upon the adversary to come on and 
lay on ; and I tell him, 

' Damn 'd be he that first cries hold, — enough.' " 

Holmes of Maine replied to Benton on the 19th, when general 
discussion followed. Colonel Hayne, of South Carolina, one of 
the most brilliant and gifted men in the Senate, now came to 
Benton's assistance, and exceeded that member in his denunciation 
of the resolution and the New England States. The Eastern 
States, he avowed, "always sought to create a manufactory of 
paupers, who should supply the manufactories of rich proprietors, 
and enable then to amass great wealth," and hence were opposed 
to giving settlers easy access to the public domain. He frequently, 
too, let fall remarks of personal application to Webster. Speak- 
ing of the national measures by which the interests of the growing 
West had been fostered, he said : " If you look to the votes on any 
one of these measures, and strike out from the list of ayes the 
names of New England members, it will be found that in every 
case the South would then have voted down the West, and the 
measures would have failed." These and expressions of similar 
import nettled Webster and his friends. He replied to Hayne's 
speech with dignity and force. "While I stand here," said he, 
" as the representative of Massachusetts, I will be her true repre- 
sentative, and by the blessing of God I will vindicate her char- 
acter, motives and history from every imputation coming from a 
respectable source." To this speech Benton replied, when in con- 
sequence of important legal engagements on the part of Webster, 
it was moved on Thursday, the 21st, that further discussion be post- 
poned till the ensuing Monday. Eager for the contest, and stung by 
Webster's former speech, Hayne objected. " He saw the gentle- 
man from Massachusetts in his seat and presumed he could make 
an arrangement which would enable him to attend." Laying his 
hand on his heart, he said: "Some things have fallen from him 
which rankle Jiere.'''' " The gentleman," he added, " has discharged 
his lire in the face of the Senate ; and I hope the opportunity will 
LOW be afforded me of returning the shot." No farther indulgence 
was asked. Rising with impressive dignity, Webster said : " Let 



82G DANIEL WEBSTER. 

the discussion proceed. I am ready noio to receive the gentle- 
man's fire. 

The debate now went on : Hayne proceeded through a speech 
of an hour's duration in a manner more bold and defiant than 
on the former occasion. He disclaimed the charge of wishing to 
excite feelings of ill-will in one section of the country against the 
other ; objected to the construction given to his remarks ; charged 
his opponent with taking a singular course in the debate by making 
him the object of his especial notice, instead of carrying out his 
declaration to vindicate the Korth and the East from the attacks 
made by Benton. "He choses," said Hayne, " to consider me, as 
the author of those charges ; selects me as his adversary, and 
pours out all the vials of his mighty wrath upon my devoted 
head. Xor is he willing to stop there. He goes on to assail the 
institutions and policy of the South, and calls in question the 
principles and conduct of the State which I have the honor to 
represent." Presuming to assign his motives for such a com'se, 
the speaker proceeded : " Has he discovered in former contro- 
versies with the gentleman from Missouri that he is oxevmatched 
by that Senator ; and does he hope for an easy victory over a more 
feeble adversary ? Has his distempered fancy been disturbed by 
gloomy forebodings of the 'new alliances ' to be formed, at which 
he hinted ? Has the ghost of the murdered coalition come back 
like the ghost of the murdered Banquo, to 'sear the eyeballs ' of 
the gentleman, and will not 'down at his bidding?' Are dark 
visions of broken hopes and honors lost forever, still floating 
before his heated imagination." Intimating that "Webster made 
him the object of his remarks, instead of Benton, for the purpose 
of avoiding the contest with the latter gentleman, he continued: 
" The South shall not be forced into a conflict not its own. Tiie 
gallant West needs no aid from the South to repel any attack 
which may be made upon them from any quarter." 

After this somewhat fiery exordium the speaker become more 
analytic; he accused "Webster of inconsistency, — of changing his 
views upon the subject-matter of the resolution. He took issue 
with him on the assertion that the East had favored, or manifested 
disposition to favor the interests of the "West. Referring again to 
the contest in the House in 1S25, as the only instance of tavor 
extended by the East to the A¥est, he said : " A happy union 
between the members of the celebrated coalition was consummated. 



DANIEL WEBSTER. 827 

whose immediate issue was a president from one quarter of the 
Union, with the succession, as it was supposed, to another." After 
adverting to the national debt he touched upon the slavery ques- 
tion, — contending that the institution of slavery was calculated to 
elevate the interests of the people of the South, and denouncing 
the professions of northern men in behalf of the degraded African 
slave as the offspring of " false philanthropy, which like the father 
of evil, is constantly walking to and fro about the earth seeking 
whom it may devour," After dwelling upon the old order of the 
day, — consolidation, — in regard to which he again accused his 
rival of inconsistency, he concluded by referring to feelings of 
disunion which he alleged had been thrown out by him as being 
entertained by the people of the South, and said : *' The gentleman 
has thought proper, for purposes best known to himself, to strike 
the South, through me, the most unworthy of her servants. He 
has crossed the border, he has divided the State of South Caro- 
lina, is making war upon her citizens, and endeavoring to over- 
throw her principles and her institutions. Sir, when the gentle- 
man provokes me to such a conflict I meet him at the threshold. 
I will struggle while I have life for our altars and our fire- 
sides, — and if God gives me strength I will drive back the enemy 
discomfited. Nor shall I stop there. If the gentleman provokes 
war he sh^ll have war. Sir, I will not stop at the border. I will 
carry the war into the enemies territory, and not consent to lay 
down my arms until I have obtained indemnity for the past and 
security for the future. It is with unfeigned reluctance, Mr. Presi- 
dent, that I enter upon the performance of this part of my duty. 
I shrink almost instinctively from a course, however necessary, 
which may have a tendency to sectional feelings and sectional 
jealousies. But sir, the task has been forced upon me, and I pro- 
ceed right onward to the performance of my duty. Be the conse- 
quences what they may, the responsibility is with those who have 
imposed upon me the necessity. The senator from Massachusetts 
has thought proper to cast the first stone ; and if he shall find, 
according to a homely adage, that he 'lives in a glass house,' on 
his head be the consequences." 

Motion was now made to adjourn, which being carried, no 
further debate was had until the ensuing Monday, when it was 
resumed by Hayue, bestowing first an eloquent and glowing eulogy 
upon South Carolina, after which, he gave vent to bitter denunci- 



828 DAIsMEL WEBSTER. 

ation of New England, quoting largely from partisan docu- 
ments to support his allegations. After enchaining the House 
for some time by an exhibition of masterly eloquence, he con- 
cluded thus : " If animated by that ardent love of liberty which 
has alwaj'S been the most prominent trait of southern character,, 
we should be hurried beyond the bounds of a cold and calcu- 
lating prudence, who is there, with one bold and generous senti- 
ment in his bosom, that would not be disposed, in the language 
of Burke, to exclaim, 'you must pardon something to the spirit of 
liberty.' " 

Thus closed one of the most eloquent and powerful efforts that 
ever drew attention from a political body. Ilayne took his seat 
with a just feeling of triumph, and received the congratulations 
of friends all around. His victory was supposed to be complete. 
But the ominous words of " Harry Vane! woe to thee. Sir Harry 
Vane," from Oliver Cromwell, were not more fatal to the " Eump 
Parliament," than were those soon to be uttered by Webstee, to his 
imagined victory. It was a proud day for the gallant Hayne. His 
friends thought his speech unanswerable, — and even the friends 
of Webster were solicitous of the issue. It is related by March, 
in his Keminisences, that "The town was divided into geograph- 
ical opinions. One's home could be distinguished from his 
countenance or manner ; a southerner's by his buoyant, joyous 
expression and confident air; a Yankee by his timid, anxious eye 
and depressed bearing. One walked with a bold, determined 
step that courted observation ; the other with a shufiling gait that 
seemed to long for some dark corner, some place to hear and see 
and be unseen." 

Nothing of the speech had escaped the mind of Webster. Not 
the least intimidated he had taken notes of the whole, and treasured 
each quotation and reference. He bad to reply to the senator 
with but little time for preparation. As soon as Ilayne closed he 
rose to reply, but it being rather late in the day motion to adjourn 
was made, which was acquiesced in. Webster meantime thought 
over the arguments of the Colonel. He was heard to laugh to 
himself, and being asked the cause replied : "I have been thinking 
of the way in which Colonel Hayne's quotation about Banquo's 
ghost can be turned against himself; and I am going to get up 
and make a note of it," which was immediately done. 

The day after, Webster made his reply. The occasion was one 



DANIEL WEBSTER. 829 

of deep interest. The Senate chamber was nnusnally crowded. 
Many ladies were present, to accomodate whom, grave senators gave 
up their seats. One large, fleshy man, not being able to squeeze 
himself into the throng, got to a window and cut a hole through 
the stained glass where he could see the speaker. The Yice-presi- 
dent took his chair. Preliminaries were done away with by 
motion to hear the speech. Webstek was ready. Man, perhaps, 
never looked or felt more proudly majestic, or calm and self- 
possessed. Amid perfect stillness and with mighty dignity he 
rose. All eyes were fastened upon him as lifting his broad brow, 
and directing his glance full upon the Yice-presideut, he pro- 
nounced the exordium to his remarkable speech. 

"Mr. President," said he, "when the mariner has been tossed 
for many days in thick weather, and on an unknown sea, he 
naturally avails himself of the first pause in the storm, the 
earliest glances of the sun, to take his latitude, and ascertain how 
far the elements have driven him from his true course. Let us 
imitate this prudence ; and before we float further on the waves 
of this debate, refer to the point from which we departed, that we 
may, at least, be able to form some conjecture where we now are. 
I ask for the reading of the resolution." 

The dignity and feeling with which this was said, won the 
profound attention of Hayne's friends, who had been so exult- 
ant. One of them afiected indifierence by pretending to read 
a newspaper, which, it is said, on examination, proved to be 
upside down. The speaker soon came to Ilayne's application of 
Banquo's ghost, to which part of his speech he thus most happily 
replied : 

"Sir, the honorable member was not for other reasons entirely 
happy in his allusions to the story of Banquo's murder and 
Banquo's ghost. It was not, I think, the friends, but the enemies 
of the murdered Banquo, at whose bidding his spirit would not 
down. The honorable gentleman is fresh in his reading of the 
English classics, and can put me right if I am wrong; but, accord- 
ing to my poor recollection, it was at those who had begun with 
caresses, and ended with foul and treacherous murder, that the 
gory locks were shaken. The ghost of Banquo, like that of 
Hamlet, was an honest ghost. It disturbed no innocent man. It 
knew where its appearance would strike terror, and who would 
cry out 'A ghost!' It made itself visible in the right quarter, 



830 DANIEL WEBSTER. 

and compelled the guilty and the conscience-smitten, and none 
others, to start, with, 

' Prithee, see there ! behold ! look ! lo, 
If I stand here, I saw hira!' 

Their eyeballs were seared (was it not so, sir?) who had thought 
to shield themselves, by concealing their own hand, and laying 
the imputation of the crime on a low and hireling agency in 
wickedness ; who had vainly attempted to stifle the workings of 
their own coward consciences, by ejaculating, through white lips 
and chattering teeth, 'Thou canst not say I did it!' I have mis- 
read the great poet if those who had no way partaken in the 
deed of death, either found that they were, or feared that they 
should he, pushed from their stools by the ghost of the slain, or 
exclaimed, to a specter created by their own fears and their own 
remorse, 'A vaunt! and quit our sight!'" 

The countenance of Webstek's friends now brightened as they 
saw him turn the flank of his opponent by turning his application 
against himself. While upon this part of his speech, dwelling 
forcibly upon the folly and instability of such characters as im- 
personated by Macbeth, he is said to have fixed his eye firmly 
on Calhoun, the Vice-president, saying of Banquo's murderers, 
they placed 

" A barren scepter in their gripe, 

Thence to be icrenched by an unlineal hand, 
No son of theirs succeeding." 

As he said this, all eyes turned to Calhoun, who showed evident 
emotion. 

No further uneasiness existed as to his being able to cope suc- 
cessfully with his powerful antagonist, and reversionary feelings 
soon began to take place. The buoyancy of Ilayne's friends 
began to animate those of Webster, M'hile the depression prevail- 
ing among them overspread those of the former. Proceeding 
with his speech, becoming more animated and majestic at the 
close of each stately period, he thus replied to Ha^me's taunt 
about Benton's being an '■^overmatch for him: 

"It was put as a question for me to answer, and so put as if it 
were difficult for me to answer, whether I deemed the member from 
Missouri an ovematch for myself in debate here. It seems to me, 
sir, that this is extraordinary language, and an extraordinary tone 
for the discussions of this body. 

" Matches and over-matches ! Those terms are more applicable 



DANIEL WEBSTER. 831 

elsewhere than here, and fitter fur other assemblies than this. 
Sir, the gentleman seems to forget where and what we are. This 
is a senate: a senate of equals : of men of individual honor and 
personal character, and of absolute independence. "We know no 
masters; we acknowledge no dictators. This is a hall for mutual 
consultation and discussion ; not an arena for the exhibition of 
champions. I offer myself, sir, as a match for no man, I throw 
the challenge of debate at no man's feet. But then, sir, since the 
honorable member has put the question in a manner that calls 
for an answer, I will give him an answer ; and I tell him that, 
holding myself to be the humblest of the members here, I yet 
know nothing in the arm of his friend from Missouri, either alone 
or when aided by the arm of his friend from South Carolina, that 
need deter even me from espousing whatever opinions I may choose 
to espouse, from debating whatever I may choose to debate, or from 
speaking whatever I may see fit on the floor of the Senate. Sir, 
when uttered as matter of commendation or compliment, I should 
dissent from nothing which the honorable member might say of 
his friend. Still less do I put forth any pretensions of my own. 
But when put to me as a matter of taunt, I throw it back, and say 
to the gentleman that he could possibly say nothing less likely 
than such a comparison to wound my pride of personal character. 
The auger of its tone rescued the remark from intentional irony, 
which otherwise, probably, would have been its general accepta- 
tion. But, sir, if it be imagined that by this mutual quotation 
and commendation ; if it be supposed, that by casting the 
characters of the drama, assigning to each his part; to one the 
attack; to another the cry of onset: or, if it be thought that by a 
loud and empty vaunt of anticipated victory, any laurels are to be 
won here ; if it be imagined, especially, that any or all of these 
things will shake any purpose of mine, I can tell the honorable 
member, once for all, that he is greatly mistaken, and that he is 
dealing with one of whose temper and character he has yet much 
to learn. Sir, I shall not allow myself, on this occasion, to be 
betrayed into any loss of temper; but if provoked, as I trust I 
never shall allow myself to be, into crimination and recrimination, 
the honorable member may perhaps find that, in that contest, there 
will be blows to take as well as blows to give ; that others can 
state comparisons as significant, at least, as his own, and that his 
impunity may, perhaps, demand of him whatevers power of taunt 



832 DANIEL WEBSTER. 

and sarcasm he may possess. I commend him to a prudent 
husbandry of his resources." 

The South Carolina senator was soon made aware that "a pru- 
dent husbandry of his resources " was, indeed, essential on the 
occasion. Replying to Ilayne's remarks concerning the "murdered 
coalition," he looked and acted, it is said, as though " the thing 
was too mean for scorn itself." " It is," said he, " the very cast- 
off slongh of a polluted and shameless press. Incapable of fur- 
ther mischief, it lies in the sewer, lifeless and despised. It is not 
now, sir, in the power of the honorable member to give it dignity 
or decency, by attempting to elevate it, and introduce it into the 
Senate. He can not change it from what it is, — an object of 
general disgust and scorn. On the contrary, the contact, if he 
choose to touch it, is more likely to drag him down, down to the 
place where it lies itself." 

lie met his antagonist at every point, and met him triumphantly. 
Coming to that part of Hayne's speech where he pronounced the 
eulogium upon the State of South Carolina, to the disparagement 
of Massachusetts, "Webster replied in the following lofty senti- 
ments : 

"The eulogium pronounced on the character of the State of 
South Carolina by the honorable gentleman, for her revolutionary 
and other merits, meets my hearty concurrence. I shall not acknow- 
ledge that the honorable member goes before me in regard for what- 
ever of distinguished talent, or distinguished character. South 
Carolina has produced. I claim part of the honor: I partake in 
the pride of her great names. I claim them for countrymen, one and 
all. The Laurenses, Rutledges, the Piiickneys, the Sumpters, the 
Marions, — Americans all, — whose fame is no more to be hemmed 
in by State lines, than their talents and patriotism were capable 
of being circumscribed within the same narrow limits. In their 
day and generation they served and honored the country, and the 
whole country, and their renown is of the treasures of the whole 
country. Ilim, whose honored name tlie gentleman bears him- 
self, — does he suppose me less capable of gratitude for his patriot- 
ism, or sympathy for his sufferings, than if his eyes had first 
opened upon the light in Massachusetts, instead of South Caro- 
lina? Sir, does he suppose it in his power to exhibit a Carolina 
name so bright as to produce envy in my bosom ? No, sir, — ■ 
increased gratification and delight, rather. Sir, I thank God that, 



DANIEL WEBSTER. 833 

if I am gifted with little of the spirit which is said to be able to 
raise mortals to the skies, I have yet noue, as I trust, of that other 
spirit which would drag angels down. 

" When I shall be found, sir, in my place here in the Senate, or 
elsewhere, to sneer at public merit, because it happened to spring 
up beyond the little limits of my own State and neighborhood ; 
when I refuse, for any such cause, or for any cause, the homage 
due to American talent, to elevated patriotism, to sincere devotion 
to liberty and the country ; or if I see an uncommon endowment 
of heaven, — if I see extraordinary capacity and virtue in any son 
of the South, — and if moved by local prejudice, or gangrened by 
State jealousy, I get up here to abate the tithe of a hair from his 
just character and just fame, may my tongue cleave to the roof of 
my mouth I 

"Sir, let me recur to pleasing recollections, — let me indulge in 
refreshing remembrances of the past, — let me remind you that in 
early times no States cherished greater harmony, both of principle 
and of feeling, than Massachusetts and South Carolina. "Would 
to God that harmony might again return. Shoulder to shoulder 
they went through the Revolution, — hand in hand they stood 
round the administration of Washington, and felt his own great 
arm lean on them for support. Unkind feeling, if it exist, alien- 
ation and distrust are the growth, unnatural to such soils, of false 
principles since sown. They are weeds, the seeds of which that 
same great arm never scattered. 

" Mr. President, I shall enter on no encomium upon Massa- 
chusetts, — she needs none. There she is, — behold her and judge 
for yourselves. There is her history, — the world knows it by 
heart. The past, at least, is secure. There is Boston, and Con^ 
cord, and Lexington, and Bunker Hill ; and there they will remain: 
for ever. The bones of her sons, fallen in the great struggle for 
independence, now lie mingled with the soil of every State, from 
Kew England to Georgia; and there they will lie for ever. And, 
sir, where American liberty raised its first voice, and where its 
youth was nurtured and sustained, there it still lives in the strength 
of its manhood, and full of its original spirit. If discord and dis- 
union shall wound it, — if party strife and blind ambition shall 
hawk at and tear it: if folly and madness, if uneasiness, under 
salutary and necessary restraint, shall succeed to separate it from 
that Union, by which alone its existence is made sure, it will stand 
66 



g34 DANIEL WEBSTER. 

in the end by the side of ihat cradle in which its infancy was 
rocked ; it will stretch forth its arm with whatever of vi:;or it may 
still retain over the friends Mho gather round it: and it will tall 
at last, if fall it must, amidst the proudest monuments of its own 
glo;y, and on the very spot of its origin." 

It is said that a large number of New Englanders were sitting 
together in the Hall, regarding their noble champion with inteusest 
interest, and that as he closed the foregoing with his glowing eye 
fixed upon them, '''-they shed tear's like girlsy 

Meeting Hayne with unanswerable arguments upon every issue 
embraced in the resolution, he finally came to his remarks upon 
disunion. Elevated to the highest pitch of moral grandeur, his 
chest heaving with the emotions of his soul, he delivered the 
following high sentiments, — sentiments which the world knows 
"by heart:" 

"I profess, sir, in my career hitherto to have kept steadily in 
view the prosperity and honor of the whole country, and the 
preservation of our federal Union. It is to that Union we owe 
our safety at home, and our consideration and dignity abroad. 
It is to that Union that we are chiefly indebted for whatever 
makes us most proud of our country. That Union we reached 
only by the discipline of our virtues, in the severe school of 
adversity. It had its origin in the necessities of disordered 
finance, prostrate commerce, and ruined credit. Under its 
benign influences, these great interests immediately awoke, as 
from the dead, and sprang forth with newness of life. Every 
year of its duration has teemed with fresh proofs of its utility and 
its blessings ; and although our territory has stretched out wider 
and wider, and our population spread further and further, they 
have not outrun its protection, or its benefits. It has been to us 
all, a copious fountain of national, social, and personal happiness. 
" I have not allowed myself, sir, to look beyond the Union, to see 
what might lie hidden in the dark recess behind. I have not 
coolly weighed the chances of preserving liberty, when the bonds 
that unite us together shall be broken asunder. I have not 
accustomed myself to hang over the precipice of disunion to see 
whether, with my short sight, I can fathom the depth of the abyss 
below; nor could I regard him as a safe counselor in the afiairs 
of this government, whose thoughts should be mainly bent on 
considering, not how the Union should be best preserved, but how 



DANIEL WEBSTER. 835 

tolerable might be the conditiou of the people when it shall be 
broken up and destrojx'd. 

"" Whil ■ the Uuiou lasts, we have high, exciting, gratifying 
prospects spread out before us, for us and our children. Beyond 
that I seek not to penetrate the veil. God grant that, in my day 
at least, that curtain may not rise. God grant that on my vision 
never may be opened what lies behind. When my eyes shall be 
turned to behold, for the last time, the sun in heaven, may I not 
see him shining on the broken and dishonored fragments of a once 
glorious Union ; on States dissevered, discordant, belligerent on 
a land rent with civil feuds, or drenched, it may be, in fraternal 
blood ! Let their last feeble and lingering glance rather behold 
the gorgeous ensign of the republic, now known and honored 
throughout the earth, still full high advanced, its arras and trophies 
streaming in their original lustre, not a stripe erased or polluted, 
nor a single star obscured, — bearing for its motto no such miser- 
able interrogatory as, — What is all this worth ? Nor those other 
words of delusion and folly, — Liberty first, and Union afterward, — 
but everywhere, spread all over in characters of living light, blaz- 
ing on all its ample folds as they float over the sea and over the 
land, and in every wind under the whole heavens, that other 
sentiment dear to every true American heart, — Liberty and Union, 
now and for ever, one and inseparable !" 

Such was the close of what is doubtless Webster's master-piece. 
Its delivery produced an effect upon his listeners never surpassed 
in the history of parliamentary debate. It is said, when " the 
speech was over, the tones of the orator still lingered upon the 
ear, and the audience, unconscious of the close, retained their 
positions. The agitated countenance, the heaving breast, the 
suffused eye, attested the continued influence of the spell upon 
them. Hands that in the excitement of the moment had sought 
each other, still remained closed in an unconscious grasp. Eye 
still turned to eye to receive and repay mutual sympathy, and 
seemed forgetful of all but the orator's presence and words." " The 
New Euglanders," it is said, " after adjournment, walked down 
Pennsylvania Avenue with a firmer step and bolder air, — ' pride in 
their port, defiance in their eye.' *^ * * Not one of them 
but felt he had gained a personal victory. Not one who was not 
ready to exclaim: 'Thank God, I too am a Yankee.' " 

That evening Webster attended the President's levee, — where 



836 DANIEL WEBSTEK. 

lie was the CAmosure of all eyes, — an object of greater attraction 
than Jackson himself. He received congratulations warm and 
heartfelt, from all sides. Animated with the glow of high intel- 
lectual excitement, he received his friends in his happiest manner. 
Meeting his competitor in the debate, as he approached him, he 
said with a smile : " How are you this evening, Colonel Hayne." 
" None the hetter for you^ sir,^^ pleasantly replied the gallant 
South Carolinian. This debate, and Webster's speech, created a 
profound sensation over the country, which was speedily flooded 
with reports in newspapers and pamphlets, from one end to the 
other. It identifies Webster, forever, with the masters of oratory, 
and sheds imperishable luster upon his name. He came into the 
debate in the prime of life, and though little time for preparing 
his reply was afforded, his physical and mental powers were in 
a condition of full maturity. He was also in vigorous health, 
with every incentive around him to rouse the fiery soul of an orator. 
He had just entered his fiftieth year, with not a faculty impaired. 
The following description of him at the period has been preserved : 

" The personal appearance of Mr. Webster has been a theme of 
frequent discussion. Time had not thinned nor bleached his hair : 
it was dark as the raven's plumage, surmounting his massive brow 
in ample folds. His eyes, always dark and deep set, enkindled by 
some glowing thought, shone from beneath his sombre, overhang- 
ing brow like lights, in the blackness of night, from a sepulcher. 
It was such a countenance as Salvator Rosa delighted to paint. 

"No one understood, better than Mr. Webster, the philosophy 
of dress ; what a powerful auxiliary it is to speech and manner, 
when harmonizing with them. On this occasion he appeared 
in a blue coat and buflf vest, — the Revolutionary colors of bufi" 
and blue; — with a white cravat; a costume, than which none 
was more becoming to his face and expression. This courtly par- 
ticularity of dress added no little to the influence of his manner 
and appearance." 

Speaking of his feelings toward his antagonist during the delivery 
of this splendid oration, Webster himself said : " I felt as if every- 
thing I had ever seen or read or heard, was floating before me in 
one grand panorama, and I had little else to do than to reach up 
and cull a thunderbolt and h^irl it at him." Being congratulated 
as the author of a speech that would live through all coming time, 
he said : " How I wish my poor brother^ (Ezekiel), had lived till 



DANIEL WKPSTER. 837 

after this speech^ that I might knoui if he would have teen grati- 
Jiedy He never lost his aflectioii t'ur that only brother, nor ceased 
to mourn his early decease. During the administration of Jack- 
son, as President, Webster continued an active and prominent 
.member in the Senate. He agreed and voted with Calhoun, re- 
jecting the appointment of Yan Buren as Minister to England, 
because apprehensive that too many concessions would be made 
at the court of St. James. He also, in the session of 1831-'32, 
advocated and voted for Dallas' bank bill, believing that the 
financial condition of the country demanded the measure contem- 
plated, whic passed, but was vetoed by the President. 

The Nullification Ordinance and military preparations of South 
Carolina next claimed public attention. Jackson was re-elected 
President in 1832. South Carolina was in a state of revolt. 
Hayne resigned his seat in the Senate, and was elected governor 
of the State ; Calhoun resigned his office as Vice-president, and 
succeeded him to the Senate. Hugh L. White, of Tenn, was elect- 
ed Frest. proiem. Congress met in December; — Calhoun, though 
thi'eatened with arrest, hastened to his post. Jackson sent special 
oriers to the army, and issued a proclamation to the people of 
South Carolina requiring obedience to the laws of the land. 
Governor Hayne issued a counter proclamation, while Colonel 
Preston, of the same State, declared to the excited nullifiers, that 
"there were sixteen thousand back-countrymen with arms in their 
hands, and cockades in their hats, ready to march to Charleston 
at a moment's notice; and the moment Congress shall pass the 
laws recommended by the President in relation to our port, I will 
pour down a torrent of volunteers that shall sweep the myrnndons 
of the tyrant from the soil of Carolina." Soon after Calhoun's 
arrival, the Force Bill, making adequate provision for collecting the 
revenue, was reported to the House. Webster, during the dis- 
cussion which had taken place, had participated to no great extent, 
but when Calhoun came forward with all his logic and power to 
attack the bill, asserting the rights of a State to sit in- judgment 
upon the acts of the federal government, he was looked to as the 
proper person to reply. The speech of Calhoun was conceived by 
an ingenious mind, and draped by a consummate master of 
language. Webster summed up the Senator's position, thus : 

"Beginning with the original error, that the Constitution of the 
United States is nothing but a compact between sovereign States ; 



338 DANIEL WEBSTER. 

assertiug In the next step, that each State has a right to be its own 
sole judge of the extent of its own obligations, and, consequently, 
of the constitutionality of laws of Congress ; and in the next, that 
it may oppose whatever it sees fit to declare unconstitutional, and 
that it decides for itself on the mode and measure of redress, the 
argument arrives at once at the conclusion, that what a State dis- 
sents from, it may nullify ; what it opposes, it may oppose by 
feircti; what it decides for itself, it may execute by its own power; 
and that, in short, it is itself supreme over the legislation of Con- 
gress, and supreme over the decisions of the national judicature, — 
supreme over the Constitution of the country, — supreme over the 
supreme law of the land. However it seeks to protect itself 
against these plain inferences, by saying that an unconstitutional 
law is no law, and that it only opposes such laws as are unconsti- 
tutional, yet this does not, in the slightest degree, vary the 
result, since it insists on deciding this question for itself; and 
in opposition to reason and argument, in opposition to practice and 
experience, in opjtosition to the judgment of others having an 
equal right to judge, it says only: 'Such is my opinion, and my 
o|!iuion shall be my law, and 1 will support it by my own strong 
hun I. I denounce the law. I declare it unconstitutional ; that is 
enough ; it shall not be executed. Men in arms are ready to 
resist its execution. An attempt to enforce it shall cover the land 
with blood. Elsewhere, it may be binding; but hei"e, it is 
trampled under foot.' This. Sir, is |)ractical nullification. 

'• Against these positions Webster laid down a system embodied 
ill the following propositions: 

"' First. That the Constitution of the United States is not a 
league, confederacy, or compact, between the people of the several 
States m their sovereign capacities ; but a government proper, 
founded on the adoption of the people, and creating direct relations 
between itself and individuals. 

"Second. That no State authority has power to dissolve those 
relations; that nothing can dissolve them but revolution; and 
that, consequently, there can be no such thing as secession with- 
out revolution. 

"Third. That there is a supreme law, consisting of the Consti- 
tution of the United States, acts of Congress passed in pursuance 
of it, and treaties; and that, in cases not capable of assuming the 
character of a suit in law or equity, Congress must judge of, and 



DANIEL WEBSTER. 839 

• 

finally interpret, this supreme law, as ol'ten as it has occasion to 
pass acts of legislation ; and in cases capable of assuming, and 
actually assuming, the character of a suit, the Supreme Court of 
the United States is the final interpreter. 

'•Fourth. That an atten)pt by a State to abrogate, annul, or 
nullify an act of Congress, or to arrest its operation within her 
limits, on the ground that, in her opinion, such law is unconsti- 
tutional, is a direct usurpation on the just powers of the general 
government, and on the equal rights of other States ; a plain viola- 
tion of the Constitution, and a proceeding essentially revolutionary 
in its character and tendency." 

lie maintained these principles, in a speech of marked ability 
anil close reasoning. The orator was now the statesman. No 
bittur sarcasm, no grand bursts of eloquence, no trope or figure 
was indulged in. It was the time for argument, — close, calm, 
convincing argument. Ilis speech was unanswerable, — a plain, 
Solid, unadorned exposition of the subject, and a triumphant 
maintenance of the supremacy of the federal government over the 
assumption of State rights. 

The force bill passed, an<l increased by its requirements the 
agitations of the South, until the passage of the compromise tariff, 
before named, upon which Clay had been long and anxiously pre- 
occupied. Webstek, for his bold stand against nullification and 
its exponent, Calhoun, received the high approval of the adminis- 
tration, which felt the full extent of its indebtedness. 

Nullification was followed by the memorable bank controversy. 
Of Jackson's refusal to consent to a re-charter of the bank and 
removal of the deposits no more will be said. After the latter 
measure Clay introduced his resolutions of censure, which origi- 
nated a long and fierce debate, — Webster not participating until 
Jackson sent in his protest, asserting executive jurisdiction over 
the public funds, — that impeachment constitutionally was the only 
way in which a president was amenable to the House, — that he 
and his subordinates are responsible to the people alone, and they 
to him, and that he is their immediate representative. Webster 
took up the protest in the Senate. Disclaiming all personal ill 
will toward the President, and conceding that, in both civic and 
military capacities, he had rendered the nation important services, 
he gave it a searching analysis. He denounced it as an enormous 
assumption of power, budding with the same odious principles, 



840 DANIEL WEBSTER. 

against which, "while Buffering was yet afar off, our fathers 
raised their flag," and at war with the interests of the country. 
This speech was pronounced among the most powerful of the 
session, and won eulogiums from distinguished jurors and parlia- 
mentarians. 

Before the close of the session Webster delivered an able argu- 
ment against the course of the Senate adopting the expunging 
resolutions, — he also prepared a report on finance, delivered a 
speech on the appointing power, and one on the French spoliation 
bill, in each of which, are evidences of his own great mind and 
industry. 

In March, 1837, Van Buren came to the presidency. Webster, 
in the meantime, complying with the wish of leading men of New 
York, had addressed a large mass-meeting in that city, upon the 
measures of Jackson's administration, entering into an elaborate 
review of the whole. He menrtoned the annexation of Texas, a 
measure beginning to form a national topic, and declared himself 
against it from an " entire unvjUlingness to do anything that would 
extend the slavery of the African race on this continent^ or add 
other slave-holding States to this Union.'''' The whole speech 
was another exhibit of his unrivaled powers. 

The administration of Van Buren commenced at a period of 
great financial (.lepression. The new president immediately con- 
vened Congress in extra session, to relieve the distresses of the 
country. They met, September, 1S37. Calhoun presented a 
resdiution against congressional legislation upon the subject of 
slavery in the District of Columbia. It was amended by Clay. 
Webster opposed all sucli resulnrions, affirming congressional juris- 
diction over the District as being cedel to the general government. 

Early in January, 1838, Sdas Wright bronght in a bill recom- 
mending the independent treasury s^'stem. Webster opposed the 
measure in spirit and in detail. '• as in the liighest degree injurious 
to the public interests." Calhoun, the avowed champion of the sub 
treasury, replied on the 15th of February, which drew from 
Webster a speech of still greater merit and weight, than was his 
former one. During the balance of the session, he and Calhoun 
came frequently in contact. Webster had, for some time, been 
contemplating a trip to Europe, — this he thought a favorable 
opportunity. He had been mentioned by his friends and party in'; 
connection with the presidency. The Whig national convention 



DANIEL WEBSTER. 841 

would meet before he could return. After preparing a letter 
withdrawing his name from their consideration, he sailed for 
Europe. lie traveled through England, Scotland, and France, 
paying much attention to agriculture, finance, and law. He was 
everywhere received with marks of esteem and public consider- 
ation. 

The Whig national convention met during his absence, and 
nominated Harrison as their candidate for the presidency. 
Webster came back to the United States in time to take active 
part in the canvass. He made several warm and stirring speeches 
for the Whig cause. Harrison was elected and inducted into 
office in March, 1841. In the selection of his cabinet, the new 
president tendered the post of Secretary of the Treasury to Webstek. 
This he declined, but signified his willingness to accept the State 
department, which was promptly given him. 

This was a post involving duties delicate and weighty. Our 
affairs with England required immediate attention. The north- 
eastern boundary question had been long a matter of dispute. In 
1783 it had been the subject of treaty ; ten years after, in con- 
vention, it had been only partially settled, and further efforts, in 
1803, had resulted in no final adjustment. It was again a subject 
of consideration at the treaty of Ghent, and commissioners were 
appointed to survey the line. Still unsettled, the King of the 
Netherlands was made umpire in the matter; his proposition was 
not acceptable to either of the parties. Thus the matter stood 
through the administration of Jackson, and though made a sub- 
ject of executive consideration by his successor. Van Buren, it 
was still unsettled. Webster, therefore, as Secretary of State, 
was forced to go back to the starting point, and follow the con- 
troversy through all its aspects before satisfactory results could be 
obtained. 

The interruption of American commerce on the coast of Africa, 
by English vessels, upon suspicion of encouraging the slave trade, 
was another difficulty presenting itself to the Secretary. Oregon 
Territory also formed a matter of serious concern. McLeod was 
arraigned before the New York State courts upon criminal charges 
for the seizure of the Caroline, which was, during the night, sent 
over the falls of Niagara. 

This had long been a subject of national dispute, and was still un- 
settled. The British government demanded the release of McLeod 



842 DANIEL WEBSTER. 

111)011 the ground that the seizure was an official, not an individual 
act. Webster replied by affirming his agreement in views with 
the ministry, and a desire to have him released. The trial and 
acquittal of McLeod put the matter at rest. 

In December, ISil, Lord Ashburtou was appointed special 
envoy to the United States, from England, to settle the north- 
eastern boundary question, Webster having given the English 
ministry notice of extreme anxiety, on our part, to bring about 
such a result. lie arrived at Washington in the spring of 1842, 
and formal agreements were immediately entered upon. During 
the transaction of this business, Webster prepared some of the 
ablest and most thorough State papers ever emanating from the 
mind of a statesman or diplomatist. The result was the satis- 
factory arrangement of the difficulty, and the warmest intimacy 
between Ashburtou and himself. They completed their work in 
August, 1842. The line decided upon by commissioners selected 
from Maine and Massachusetts, was declared to be the north-east 
boundary ; no further interference with our commerce was guaran- 
teed ; mutual efforts to suppress the slave trade were agreed to; 
and the difficulties growing out of the capture of the Caroline defi- 
nitely settled. The treaty, on being submitted to the Senate, was 
received with great unanimity. 

Tiiis treaty placed Webster as high in the esteem of the world 
as a diplomatist, as he had ever stood as an orator and a states- 
man. Difficulties with Mexico next presented themselves. An 
expedition had been undertaken by some Texians against Sante 
Fe, several of whom had been taken prisoners ; our government 
urged their release. Mexico, in turn, demanded through her 
minister, Sig. De Bocanegra, who had more arrogance than 
statesmanship, that a stop be put to emigration from the United 
States to Texas, as being likely to involve her in difficulties. 
Webster's letters to the Mexican secretary, and to our minister at 
Mexico, were able and masterly, declaring, on our part, a position 
of strict neutrality and inactivity. He also became involved in 
an ably maintained correspondence with the Spanish minister, 
Chevalier De Argaiz, in regard to the Amistead, which was taken 
possession of by some negroes, and subsequently brought into an 
American port, and salvage claimed. De Argaiz asserted thai it 
was a national matter, but was effectually silenced by Webster, 
who proved that it was a subject of court jurisdiction. 



DANIEL WEBSTER. 843 

Meantime Harrison died, and was succeeded by the Vice-presi- 
dent, John Tyler. His detection, by vetoing the bank and other 
Whig measures, soon after he came into power, sliattered the party 
to pieces. Alter the resignation of every member of his cabinet, 
except Webster, who felt too deeply the importance of negotiations 
then pending, to be hurried by excitement from a post of duty, Tyler 
was universally denounced as the betrayer of the Whig part}', — 
the political Iscariot of the country. Much blame attached to Web- 
ster for his continuance with an administration everywhere so 
odious to the party. The Whigs of Massachusetts met in convention 
at Boston, and declared " a full and final separation from the 
President of the United States." Webster, soon after, visited 
that city, and was invited by numerous persons, those who had 
particijjated in the convention, among others, to address the people 
at a public dinner, with which they proposed to lienor him. 
Declining the dinner, he fixed a day when he would address them 
at Fanenil Hall. At the appointed time an immense concourse 
had gathered. The mayor introduced the speaker, and after 
approving the manner in which his duties as Secretary of State 
had been performed, said : 

" We are sure, whatever may befall the country, that you will 
be ready to sacrifice everything for her good, save honor^ and on 
that point, amidst the perplexities of these perplexing times, we 
shall be at ease; for we know that he who has so nobly main- 
tained his country's honor, may safely be intrusted with his own." 

" Webster opened his reply with one of these exquisitely 
beautiful sentences which are scattered so profusely throughout his 
speeches. ' I know not how it is, Mr. Mayor,' said he, 'but there 
is something in the echoes of these walls, or in this sea of up- 
turned faces which I behold before me, or in the genius that 
alway hovers over this place, fanning ardent and patriotic feel- 
ing by every motion of its wings, — I know not how it is, but 
there is something that excites me strangely, deeply, before I even 
begin to speak.' Recurring then to the history of his life, to his 
labors in their midst, and to his public services in the various 
positions he had been called to fill ; after a clear, condensed state- 
ment of the diplomatic labors in which he had been engaged, he 
referred directly to the remark of the mayor, that he might be 
safely intrusted to take care of his own honor and reputation. 'I 
am,' said he, ' exactly of his opinion. I am quite of opinion that, 



844 DANIEL WEBSTER. 

on a question touching my own honor and character, as I am to 
bear the consequences of the decision, I had a great deal better be 
trusted to make it. No man feels more liighly the advantage of 
the advice of friends than I do ; but on a question so delicate and 
important as that, I like to choose myself the friends who are to 
give me advice; and upon this subject, gentlemen, I shall leave 
you as enlightened as I found you.' With tliis rather unpromis- 
ing ])reface, he proceeded to remark upon the ^ outpouring of wrath' 
to which he has been subjected for remaining in the President's 
Cabinet. He was ' a little hard to coax, but as to being driven, that 
was out of the question.' He had chosen to trust to his own 
judgment, and thinking he was at a post where he was in the 
service of the country and could do it good, he had staid there. 
Again apologizing for entering upon topics on which his o^)inions 
might be different from those of his audience, he cited the reso- 
lutions passed 'by the most respectable convention of Whig dele- 
gates,' which had met in Boston a few days before. He noticed 
among them a declaration, made on behalf of the Whigs of the 
State, a ' full and final separation from the President.' 'lama 
Whig,' said he, — ' I have always been a Whig, and I always will 
be one ; and if there are any who would turn me out of the pale 
of that communion, let them see who will get out first. I am 
ready to submit to all decisions of Whig conventions on subjects 
on which they are authorized to make decisions. But it is quite 
another question, whether a set of gentlemen, however respectable 
they may be as individuals, shall have the power to bind me on 
matters wliich I have not agreed to submit to their decision.' He 
went on to say "that three yeai-s of the Presi(^ent's term of office 
still remained ; that great public interests required his attention ; 
and asked whether all his measures upon these subjects, however 
useful they might be, were to be opposed by the Whig party of 
Massachusetts, right or wrong. There were a great many Massa- 
chusetts Whigs also in office, — Collectors, District Attorneys, Post- 
masters, Marshals. Wliat was to become of them in this separ- 
ation? Mr. Everett, our Minister in England, was he expected to 
come home on this separation, and yield his place to somebody 
else? 'And in regard to the individual who addresses you, — 
what do his brother Whigs mean to do with him? Where do 
they mean to place me ? Generally, when a divorce takes place, 
the parties divide their children. I am anxious to know where, in 



DANIEL WEBSTER. 845 

the case of this divorce, /shall tall.' Webster said he had alluded 
to this matter because he could not fail to see that the resolution 
had an intentional or an unintentional bearing on his position. 
It meant that if he should choose to remain in the President's 
councils he must cease to be a Massachusetts Whig. ' And I am 
quite ready,' said he, 'to put that question to the people of Massa- 
chusetts.' He proceeded to say that there was too general a dis- 
position to postpone all attempts to do good to the country to 
some future day. Many Whigs thought they saw a prospect of 
having more power than they had. But there was a Whig 
majority in Congress, and the substantial fruits of the great victory 
of 1840 could, with moderate and prudent councils, still be secured. 
But nothing but cordial and fraternal union could save the party 
from renewed prostration."* 

Webster's speech, on this occasion, was powerful and convinc- 
ing, and had an effect on the sentiment of the people, but did 
not turn back the tide of public opinion then sweeping against the 
administration. In 1843 Webster, having finished the important 
negotiation just spoken of, quit Tyler's cabinet, and retired to 
private life. For some time he was occupied with professional 
business, or engaged on his farm. He loved rural occupations, 
and engaged in them with fondness and relish. Up with the lark, 
inhaling the sweet morning air at Marshfield, he enjoyed a most 
enviable respite from the harassing perplexities of public concerns. 
He always arose at dawn. The following letter, written at ad- 
vanced age, shows something of his habits, and appreciation of 
that purest hour of the day: 

Richmond, Va., ) 
Five o'clock, A. M., April 29, 1852. ^ 
"My dear Friend : — 

" Whether it be a favor or an annoyance, you owe this letter to 
my early habits of rising. From the hour marked at the top of the 
page, you will naturally conclude that my companions are not now 
engaging my attention, as we have not calculated on being early 
travelers to-day. 

"This city has a 'pleasant seat.' It is high; the James river 
runs below it, and when I went out, an hour ago, nothing was 
heard but the roar of the Falls, The air is tranquil and its 

* Lyman. Everett. 



840 DANIEL WEBSTER. 

temperature luiLl. It is luoniiiig, and a inoruing sweet and fresh, 
and delightful. Everybody knows the morning in its metaphori- 
cal sense, applied to so many occasions. The health, strength, 
and beauty of early years, lead us to call that period the ' moru- 
iug of life.' Of a lovely young M-oman we say she is ' bright as 
the morning,' and no one doubts why Lucifer is called 'son of the 
morning.' 

"' But the morning itself, few people, inhabitants of cities, know 
any thing about. Among all our good people, no one in a thousand 
sees the sun rise once in a year. They know nothing of the morn- 
ing. Their idea of it is, that it is that part of the day which 
comes along after a cup of cofiee and a beefsteak, or a piece of 
toast. With them morning is not a new issuing of light, a new 
bursting forth of the sun, a new waking up of all that has life 
from a sort of temporary death, to behold again the works of God, 
the heavens and the earth ; it is only a part of the domestic day, 
belonging to reading the newspapers, answering notes, sending 
the children to school and giving orders for dinner. The first 
Btreak of light, the earliest purpling of the east, which the lai'k 
springs up to greet, and the deeper and deeper coloring into 
orange and red, till at length the 'glorious sun is seen, regent of 
the day,' — this they never enjoy, for they never see it. 

"Beautiful descriptions of the morning abound in all languages, 
but they are the strongest perhaps in the East, where the sun is 
often an object of worship. 

''King David speaks of taking to himself the 'wings of the 
morning.' This is highly poetical and beautiful. The wings of 
the morning are the beams of the rising sun. Rays of light are 
"wings. It is thus said that the sun of righteousness shall arise 
'with healing in his wings,' — a rising sun that shall scatter life, 
health and joy throughout the Universe. 

"Milton has fine descriptions of morning, but not so many as 
Shakspeare, from whose writings pages of the most beautiful 
imager}', all founded on the glory of morning, might be filled. 

"I never thought that Adam had much the advantage of us 
from having seen the world while it was new. 

"The manifestations of the power of God, like His mercies, 
are ' new every morning,' and fresh every moment. 

"We see as fine risings of the sun as ever Adam saw ; and its 
risings are as much a miracle now as they were in his day, and 



DANIEL WEBSTER. 847 

I think a good deal more, because it is now a part of the miracle, 
that for thousands and thousands of years he has come to his 
appointed time, without the variation of a millionth part of a 
second. Adam could not tell how this might be. I know the 
morning, — I am acquainted with it, and I love it. I love it fresh 
and sweet as it is, — a daily new creation, breaking forth and call- 
ing all that have life and breath and being to new adoration, new 
enjoyments, and new gratitude. p^^^^^ Webster." 

To Webster, there was a high morality in labor; — cultivating 
industrious habits, and holding converse with the vast works of 
the Deity. He exemplified Nature's nobility, — possessed of a 
Bound, robust constitution, a well developed soul, with proper 
aicliuations to do right. The Bible was his daily companion, and 
Nature his grandest study. No man ever had greater depth of 
moral principle, or better conceptions of God and his works. 
Often at Marshfield, the wise and the good for his companions, 
wouKl conversation turn upon religion and religious subjects. 
On all such occasions, Webstek showed himself a profound scrip- 
turist, possessed of the deepest reverence for its sublime truths. 

On one occasion, talking upon this subject, Webster laid his 
hand on the Bible, saying : " This is the book, 1 have read 
through the entire Bible many times. I now make a practice to 
go through it once a year. It is the book of all others for lawyers 
as well as divines; and I pity the man that can not find in it a 
rich supply of rules for his conduct, — it fits man for life, it prepares 
him for death." Comparatively speaking, how few men there are 
who ever read the Bible through once during their lives.* 

Webster had a high admiration of the Book of Job, and as an 
" epic poem, regarded it far superior to the Illiad or Odyssey." 
He read it through, over and over again, and would often repeat 
favorite passages, — among others, the following: "Then the Lord 
answered Job out of the whirlwind, and said : Who is this that 
darkeneth counsel by words without knowledge? Gird up now 
thy loins like a man ; for I will demand of thee, and answer thou 
me. Where wast thou when I laid the foundations of the earth? 
Declare, if thou hast understanding," etc. Nothing, it is afinrmed, 

* It may be remembered that it only requires the perusal of something over 
three cliaptere a day to read through that book of books every year, — every one might 
do this. 



848 DANIEL WEBSTER. 

could be more delightful thau his recitations of this and other 
favorite portions, not only from the Bible, but the various authors 
of the world. Thoroughly versed in the ancient, and English 
classics, a ripe scholar and profound thinker, he at once caught 
the spirit of its author, and in reciting any production, glowed 
with the same inspiration that dictated it. 

On other occasions, conversation would seasonably assume a 
lighter turn, when his exhaustless fund of humor and anecdotes, 
related in a manner perfectly inimitable, would provoke the mirth, 
and promote the entertainment of his company for hours and hours. 
He used, in his happiest vein, to relate the following of himself, 
which he enjoyed as well as those he was entertaining : 

"A few years since, but before the great Northern Railroad 
passed through his farm, Webster was on his way to the old 
homestead; he took the stage at Concord, New Hampshire, and 
had for his companion a very old man. After some conversation, 
he ascertained that the old man was from the neighboring town 
of Salisbury, and asked him if he ever knew Captain Webster. 
'Surely, I did,' said the old man; 'and the Captain was a brave 
and good man, sir; and nobly did he fight for us, with General 
Stark, at Bennington.' 'Did he leave any children!' inquired 
Webster. 'O, yes; there was Ezekiel, and I think, Daniel.' 
'And what become of them?' asked Webster. 'Why, Ezekiel, 
— and he was a powerful man, sir: I have heard him plfcad 
in court often. Yes, sir, he was a powerful man, and fell dead 
while pleading in Concord.' 'Well,' said Webster, 'and what 
become of Daniel?' 'Daniel. — Daniel,' repeated the old man 
thoughtfully ; ' why, Daniel, I believe., is a lawyer about Boston 
somewhere.' "* 

The emphasis with which the old gentleman pronounced "J 
JeZ/eye," in regard to himself after knowing so much about his less 
distinguished brother was too much for the great statesman, and 
he preserved the joke. He used also to relate the following, with 
an equal degree of zest and good humor: 

" He was forced one night to make a journey by private con- 
veyance from Baltimore to Washington. The man who drove the 
wagon was such an ill-looking fellow, and told so many stories of 
robberies and murders that, before they had gone far, Webster 

* Lyman's Memoirs. 



DANIEL WEBSTER. 849 

was almost frightened out of his ui's. At last the wagon stopped 
in the midst of a dense wood, when the man, turning suddenly 
round to his passenger, exclaimed fiercely, ' Now, sir, tell me who 
yon are?' Webster replied, in a faltering voice, and ready to 
spring from the vehicle, ' I am Daniel Webstee, member of Con- 
gress from Massachusetts !' 'What,' rejoined the driver, grasping 
him warmly by the hand, ' are you Webster ? Thank God I thank 
God ! You were such a deuced ugly chap, that 1 took you for 
some cut-throat or highwayman,' "* 

His cotemporaries and intimate associates, all agreed that he "was 
the best story teller in the world," and possessed a greater variety 
of interesting reminiscences than any other American statesman. 

But we resume ; — Webster took an active part in the presi- 
dential canvass of 1844, and in common with the Whig party, 
felt deep mortification at the defeat of Clay. On the election of 
Polk to the Presidency, he was re-elected to the United States 
Senate, in the place of Rufus Choate. Congress convened in 
1845, and Webster took his seat among the most prominent men 
of the minority. The Oregon boundary question, left unsettled in 
the Ashburton treaty, and Texas annexation were the leading 
topics of discussion. To the latter measure he was firmly opposed. 
Upon the subject of tariff he occupied the old Whig gi-ound. 
Upon the Oregon question, after the division of the territory satis- 
factory to both America and England, and eflforts had been made 
to organize a territorial government to the portion belonging to 
us, — he insisted, in the Senate, that the Missouri compromise of 
1821, " excluding slavery above, and admitting it below the 
parallel of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north latitude," .should 
apply to the new territory also. He warmly contended for the 
exclusion of slavery from Oregon. " The Southern States," said 
he, "have peculiar laws, and by those laws there is property in 
slaves. This is purely local. The real meaning, then, in making 
complaint is, that they can not go into the territories of the United 
States carrying with them their own peculiar local law, — a law 
which creates property in persons. This demand, I, for one, shall 
resist." His speech on this subject was of profound ability, and 
created intense interest ; he closed by laying down the following 
propositions : 



» Ibid. 
57 



• 



850 DANIEL WEBSTER. 

"First. That when this Cuiistitution was adopted, nobody 
looked for any new acquisition of territory to be formed into 
slaveholding States. 

"Second. That the principles of the Constitution prohibited, 
and were intended to prohibit, and should be construed to prohibit, 
all interference of the general government with slavery, as it 
existed, and as it still exists, in the States. And 

"Third. Looking to the operation of these new acquisitions, 
which have in this great degree had the effect of strengthening 
that interest in the South by the addition oi Jive States, I feel that 
there is nothing unjust, nothing of which any honest man can 
complain, if he is intelligent ; I feel that there is nothing which 
the civilized world, if they take notice of so humble a person as 
myself, will reproach me when I say, as I said the other day, that 
I have made up my mind for one, that under no circumstances 
will I consent to the further extension of the area of slavery in 
the United States, or to the further increase of slave represen- 
tation in the House of Representatives." 

lie succeeded in carrying his point, — slavery was forever ex- 
cluded from the territory. 

Meantime annexation had taken place, and hostilities with 
Mexico, as "Webster early foresaw, had grown out of the measure. 
The war was prosecuted vigorously. Penetrating the enemies 
country, triumphant at every point, our arms had placed the 
American banner upon the Capitol of the ancient Aztec kings. 
The treaty of Hidalgo Gaudelupe was concluded, and presented 
to Congress for ratification. The provisions of this treaty stipu- 
lated the accession of immense territorial area to the United 
States, — California and New Mexico. The contest that had been 
carried on in the field, was now transferred to the halls of Con- 
gress. Webster was opposed to the treaty. He did not think 
we needed territorial extension, — and readily foresaw that the 
slavery question, with all its perilous influences, would be re- 
agitated. The acquisition of more slave States, he felt, M'ould 
establish a balance of power fearfully dangerous to the country, 
and destroy proper relationships between the two branches of the 
national legislature. "I think," said he, " I see a course adopted 
which is likely to turn the Constitution of the land into a deformed 
monster, into a curse rather than a blessing; in fact, a frame of 
unequal government, not founded on proper representation, not 



DANIEL WEBSTER. 851 

founded on equality, but on the grossest inequality ; and I think 
that this process will go on until the Union shall fall to pieces. I 
resist it to-day and always. Wnoever falters, whoever flies, I 
continue the contest." The treaty was speedily ratified, and high 
excitement followed. Slavery or no slavery in the newly acquired 
territories formed the issue of the next presidential contest, while 
the exercise of the veto power was one of minor consideration, in 
selecting the candidate. 

Zachary Taylor, purely upon considerations of his military fame, 
was brought out as the Whig candidate for President, in 1848, 
and elected over his opponent, Lewis Cass, by an immense 
majority. Webster refused to be a candidate for the vice-presi- 
dency in the contest; he was in fact a candidate for the first 
office, and much dissatisfied with the nomination of Taylor. That 
the claims of such men as Webster and Clay should have been 
Bet aside at that time, and one preferred who had never in the 
least, acquainted himself with the politics or institutions of his 
country, is a sad commentary upon the old Whig party, great as it 
was, — and that Taylor should have consented to quit the field 
where he had won so many laurels, to become a candidate for 
the highest office in the gift of man, knowing, as he did, that 
others had vastly superior qualifications for the position, must 
forever, in the minds of correct-thinking men, detract from his 
fame, — great as it was. Without detracting from Taylor, it is but 
just to affirm, that his supersedure in the command in Mexico, 
after his brilliant victories, by Clay or Webster, would have been 
more appropriate, than his elevation to the presidency over two such 
veteran statesmen ; and that the acceptance of the post of command- 
er of the army by either of tiiem, after the battle of Monterey, would 
have been equally generous, as was his acceptance of the nomination. 

On Taylor's inauguration into office, March 5th, 1849, dis- 
cussions incident to the treaty with Mexico immediately arose. 
Through the turmoil of the early part of Taylors administration, to 
which, from a variety of causes, he did not occupy the most 
friendly relation, Webster stood by the Union, combating with 
his mighty arm and mightier mind, the dangers of sectional strife. 
When the compromise measures were presented, he was found 
where he always stood, ready to make any reasonable concessions 
to preserve the Union. He made glowing and eloquent speeches 
favoring the admission of California, and the organization of 



852 DANIEL WEBSTER. 

territorial government for Utah without reference to the slavery 
question ; he also expressed a willingness to settle the Texas 
boundary question, by purchasing that portion of New Mexico 
claimed by Texas, and favored the fugitive slave law, preparing 
however a qualifying clause guaranteeing, in all cases, the right 
of the fugitive to trial by jury. On the accession of Vice-presi- 
dent Millard Filmore, to the Presidency, after the death of Taylor, 
Webster was called to the Cabinet as Secretary of State. Fillmore 
was bitterl}'' assailed by the North for appending his signature to 
the fugitive slave law, and it required all his wisdom and patriot- 
ism, seconded by the commanding influence of Webster, to allay 
the storm that swept over the country. This influence he had. 
The law was peculiarly odious to Massachusetts, particularly to 
the people of Boston. Notwithstanding all this, Webster fearlessly 
insisted upon its provisions being carried out. Though Webster 
contributed greatly to restore peace and harmony among the 
disafiected, his course drew upon him severe animosities from the 
opponents of the law, and afforded cause of regret among many 
of his warm admirers in New England. 

Soon after he became Secretary of State, he wrote his fomous 
Hulseman letter. Austria had applied the knife to the neck of 
Hungary, prostrate, and gasping in the last throes of her nation- 
ality. Mr. Mann was sent to Austria and Russia on a mission 
of observation. In his reports to this government he indulged in 
reflections of just severity upon the despotism of the two countries. 
Chevalier Hulseman wrote to the State department, denouncing all 
such interference. This insolent demand provoked from Webster 
the celebrated reply known as the Hulseman letter. The tone of 
this document is haughty and uncom])romising. Treating con 
temptuously the Chevalier's disposition to have a controversy about 
the matter, it laid his arguments low as the despotism of which 
he was the minion. Vindicating the entertainment of active 
sympathy, on the part of America, toward any people struggling 
for independence, he hurled against his tyrannical masters, indig- 
nation deep as scorn could make it. It breathes a love of liberty, 
a fervid patriotism, a bold frankness, and a proud republic? lism 
in every line and word. It is among the finest specini' ns of 
literary composition and eloquent diction to be found in the 
language. Taken as a whole, it is a remarkable State paper, 
worthy the careful study of statesmen, scholars and diplomatists. 



DANIEL WEBSTER. 853 

In 1851, with the President and other members of the Cabinet, 
Webster took a brief tour tlirough western New York, and was 
honored in Buffalo with a public dinner and other testimonials of 
regard. On resuming his official duties at Washington, our affairs 
with Spain demanded attention. The fiUibustering expeditions 
of Lopez against the Island of Cuba, brought about unpleasant 
difficulties. The disastrous results of his attempts are well known. 
A number of prisoners were detained upon the Island, for whose 
relief Webster promptly interposed, and secured the release of 
many. Some of these were of doubtful citizenship, a consider- 
ation that provoked a correspondence with the Spanish consul, in 
which the Secretary fully maintaineji his diplomatic ability. 

Among his last services was the adjustment of the fishery 
question with England. Also the Tehuantepec treaty, and afiairs 
with Central America, became subjects of moment and import- 
ance. In regard to Central America, the renewed operation of 
the Clayton and Bulwer treaty engrossed his attention. 

Warmly enlisted in behalf of liberty the world over, he felt a 
deep interest in the cause of Hungary, and used every exertion 
to secure to Kossuth a safe passage to this country, having given 
our minister at Constantinople instructions to prevent his capture 
by the Austrians. After his arrival here, he visited the Capitol. 
A public dinner was given him at Washington, in January 
1852. Webster was present, and made an eloquent speech 
welcoming the exile patriot to the hospitalities and freedom of 
America, and expressing the warmest sympathies for his country 
and the glorious cause in which she had been engaged, without 
however indicating a desire of active participation, on the part of 
America, in the concerns of other and foreign nations. 

These were among the last services of Daniel Webster. He 
continued in his official position, discharging every duty with 
fidelity and consummate wisdom till the latter part of the year 
1852, when, in consequence of ill health, he was forced to repair 
to Marshfield. He had not long been at his old home, whence 
had irradiated rarest gems of intellect, the most vivid flashes of 
genius, and purest blossoms of afiection, when it became evident 
that his mortal race was nearly run. He steadily grew worse, and 
on the l-lth of October, his life was despaired of. His condition was 
telegraphed over the country, and a Union's heart throbbed mourn- 
fully toward Marshfield, and a Union's ear bent in eager listening 



854 DANIEL WEBSTER. 

for latest intelligence from the dying statesman. Intelligence 
came, but no hope. He sank rapidly till the 24th, when he called 
his family and friends to his bedside to say a last farewell, request- 
ing they should all remain at the mansion till the scene was over. 
He asked how long before the time of final departure would arrive. 
Being answered two or three hours, he said : "I suppose I must 
lie here quietly till it comes." He then commenced vomiting 
with great pain and difficulty. A simple medicine was given him 
by Dr. Jeffries, when Webster said: ''Something more Doctor, 
more, — I want restoration." Near eleven o'clock, the '* Elegy in 
a Country Churchyard," recurring to his mind, he repeated the 
words, " Poet, Poetry, Gray, Gray." His son, Fletcher, repeated 
the first line: 

" The curfew tolls the knell of parting day." 

"That's it, that's it," exclaimed his father. Several verses were 
then read, to which he listened with evident pleasure. He sank 
calmly until about two o'clock, expressing a hope that he might 
retain his mental faculties to the last; — he also mentioned the 
difficulty of dying. Dr. Jeffries repeated the consoling passage 
from the 23d Psalm: "Though I walk through the valley of the 
shadow of death, I will fear no evil ; for Thou art with me : Thy rod 
and Thy stafi', they comfort me." " The fact, the fact," exclaimed 
the dying man. " That is wliat I want, — Thy rod. Thy rod, — Thy 
staff, Thy staff." His breathing now became difficult, — the final 
moment had come. The orator, statesman and scholar, with his 
intellect unclouded breathed his last, truthfully saying: " I still 
LIVE."* He was buried at Marshfield, where after generations 
will make pilgrimages to do homage to the " Defender of the 
Constitution," and claim from Massachusetts a part of his fame, 
as much American as her own Plymouth Rock. 

* Lyman's Memoirs and Reminiscences. 




WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 



WILLIAM HENRY HAERISON. 



The war of the Revolution, justly regarded as the most import- 
ant event in American history, attaches to the heroes whose 
energies and capacities it developed, a veneration not fully 
accorded to the leaders of our arms since that period, and pro- 
duces in the mind of the people a disposition to give their admir- 
ation to those connected with the first great struggle, and overlook, 
comparatively, the merits of men who victoriously consummated 
more recent events. Yet in the study of the times since that 
period, we see that men have arisen, whose talents, firmness, and 
patriotism, might have found them equal to its momentous crises, 
had the emergencies of their day and generation called them into 
action. Among these we find recorded on the pages of our mili- 
tary history the name of William Henry Harbison. 

Harrison is a name, ancient and honorable, traceable back to 
coveted connections among the first families of old England. 
They early emigrated to Virginia, of which Benjamin Harrison, 
father of our subject, was at one time governor. He subse- 
quenty filled several important posts, and finally became one of 
the signers of the Declaration of Independence. His son William 
Henry Harrison, was born at Berkley, Yirginia, February 9th, 
1773, soon after which event, his father died. 

On the death of his father he became the protege of Robert 
Morris, the great Revolutionary patriot. He received a fair- 
education, and read medicine with a view of devoting himself to 
its practice. While poring over books of anatomy and materia 
medica, the war-whoop of hostile Indians fell upon his ear and 

( 855 ) 



856 WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 

echoed over the westeru borders. Coutrary to the wishes of his 
friends, he determined to shoulder his gun and fight the savages. 
Receiving frona Washington himself the commission of ensign, in 
his twentieth year he was regularly mustered into service in an 
artillery regiment. His first duty was to escort reinforcements 
from Fort Hamilton, through a dense forest full of Indians, to the 
Miami, which was accomplished with great courage and dexterity, 
— so much so, that he was advanced to a lieutenant's commis- 
sion. 

In 1793, he attached himself to the army under the immediate 
eye of Anthony Wayne. The condition of the settlers of our 
frontier was distressing, — the Indians had been frequently victori- 
ous, and perpetrated their savage deeds with merciless rapacity. 
In the language of Congress, giving instructions to Wayne, 
" Another defeat would prove inexpressibly ruinous to the coun- 
try." Wayne immediately hastened on to Pittsburgh, a spot already 
renowned in Indian warfare, as being the site of old Fort Du- 
quesne. Desertion was common among the troops, to prevent 
which, Wayne was forced to adopt rigorous measures. Such was 
the discipline under which young Harrison w^as trained for mili- 
tary duties. Having determined on active operations, Wayne 
broke up his quarters at Pittsburgh, and descending the Ohio river 
in boats, stopped at Fort Washington, a spot now covered by the 
flourishing city of Cincinnati. 

Remaining here for some time, in the fall of 1793, he repaired to 
the Miami river, and erected a fort, which he called Fort Green- 
ville. Thence Harrison was dispatched with a body of men to 
take possession of the old battle ground that witnessed the bloody 
defeat of St. Clair, which was done without bloodshed ; the bones 
of the slain that had long whitened the field were appropriately 
buried, and Harrison returned to camp, where he received the 
compliments of his commander, and was afterward favorably 
mentioned in the official proceedings. Being reinforced with a 
body of Kentucky troops, Wayne penetrated the heart of the 
Indian country to the junction of the Maumee and Auglaize rivers, 
where he built a fort, to which he gave the name of Fort Defiance, 
— a name in perfect keeping with his intrepid character. Here, 
after fruitless overtures of peace, a bloody and decisive battle took 
place, favorable to the American arms, which resulted in a treaty 
of peace and vast territorial acquisitions to the United States. 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 857 

Wayne, iu his official reports, mentions Harrison in the most high 
and complimentary terms. 

Upon the successful issue of this expedition, so favorable a hold 
had Harrison's military capacities taken upon the superior officers 
and War department, he was promoted to the rank of captain, and 
placed in command of Fort Washington. While in this command 
he married. His wife was the daughter of John Cleves Symmes, 
the father of the Miami settlement. She was a lady of strong 
sense and sterling worth. Through the long and eventful life 
of her husband, she was the faithful partner of his joys and 
sharer of his trials. She still survives, and lives at North Bend, 
Ohio, the venerable relict of the hero of Tippecanoe. She was 
residing at the old homestead, at that place, when the house was 
destroyed by fire in the spring of 1858. 

In 1797, his services in the field being no longer needed, he was 
appointed by President Adams, Secretary of the North-western 
territory, which position he held till his election to Congress, from 
the territory, in 1799. He then resigned his secretaryship, and 
took his seat in the Sixth Congress. About this time, the terri- 
tory filling up with rapidity, had become sufficiently settled to take 
some part in the strifes of party politics. Jefierson and Adams 
were each aspiring to the presidency, Harrison preferring the 
former. While a member of Congress, he secured the passage of 
a bill which became law, providing for the subdivision and sale of 
the public lands in the territory in small parcels, enabling the honest 
working emigrant to secure a homestead upon easy terms. In 
this, though opposed by the monopolist and the speculator, he 
met the approval of the people. He also procured the passage 
of a bill, protective of preemption rights, that was of much service 
to the settlers. The territory of Indiana was organized by the 
same Congress, and Harrison received the appointment of gover- 
nor. The new territory embraced then a vast area, including 
Wisconsin, Michigan and Illinois, the capital being on the 
Wabash, where now is seen the thriving city of Vincennes. 
Over this wide range of country, with its then sparse population, 
Harrison possessed, as is in one sense the case with all territorial 
governors, almost absolute power. The confirmation of grants, 
the veto of legislative acts, the appointment of magistrates, and 
the enforcement of law were each powers which he possessed to 
an unrestricted extent. His ermine honor, and upright character 



858 WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 

in every element, eminently fitted him for the exercise of these 
powers without view of elevating himself, but solely for the public 
good. Conjoined with his civic duties, he was made major-general 
of the militia, and had the appointment of all officers in the terri- 
tory below the rank of general. 

In 1804, being duly vested with authority by President Jeffer- 
son, he negotiated a treaty with the Sacs and Fox Indians, whereby 
all the land between the Mississippi and Illinois rivers, extending 
from the source of Fox river to Wisconsin, came into the posses- 
sion of the United States. Other purchases of lands in the Mis- 
sissippi valley were obtained by satisfactory negotiation. With 
the perfect good will, — and indeed the strongly expressed wishes 
of the people, he was continued governor of the territory through 
the successive administrations of Adams, Jefferson, and a part of 
Madison's, — embracing a period of thirteen years. Pacific and 
sincere, however, as were the wishes of the United States toward 
the Indians, hostilities were not done with. In 1806, Tecumseh, 
the most eloquent, persuasive, and daring warrior of all the Indian 
tribes, conceived the bold design of uniting all the tribes in a 
league of extermination against the whites. In this he was 
assisted by his cunning brother, the Prophet. His boldness and 
address, coupled with an iron will and an untamable spirit, gave 
him great influence over his brethren. He went from post to post, 
and by every conceivable means, tried to stir up a war spirit. It 
was also supposed, and no doubt truly, that he was aided by 
British emissaries, who were secretly at work on the northern 
frontier. Harrison immediately took steps to counteract Tecura- 
seh's designs, and sent special messengers to the pacific Indians, 
reprimanding them for their course. These messengers were 
rejected. The tomahawk was unburied, and they gathered in vast 
numbers around Fort Wayne. Neglecting other pursuits, they 
reached a point of utter destitution, and were suffering for food. 
Hoping still to reconcile them by a material proof of esteem, 
Harrison sent them a supply of provisions. It was all in vain. 
The Prophet took up his quarters at Tippecanoe, where his savage 
followers thirsting for blood, gathered around him. Soon after, he 
had an interview with Harrison, at which, though he pretended 
to desire, above all things, peace with the whites, he asserted the 
Indian claim to the territory, upon the grounds that a legitimate 
cession required the consent of all the tribes, which he said had 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 859 

been withheld. Harrison maintained the claims of the United 
States, and asserted a determination to defend them. They parted, 
the chief entertaining more warlike feelings tlian before. He 
concentrated his braves with a sweeping rapidity, and soon had 
over a thousand butchering warriors at his beck. In 1809, at a 
council held at Fort Wayne, Harrison procured, by purchase from 
the Miamies, an additional extent of territory, stretching along the 
AVabash above Vincennes. Tecumseh who was absent at the time 
sounding the war note to other tribes, on his return was very 
indignant, and threatened condign punishment upon the chiefs 
of the tribes who had sold the lands. Things growing darker, 
Harrison soon after invited Tecumseh to Vincennes, to hold a 
council together, limiting his escort to thirty men. Disregarding 
the limitation, the chief went accompanied by four hundred 
painted warriors, armed to the teeth. Sullenly refusing to hold 
council in the governor's house, he insisted that they should go to 
some trees near by. The governor was forced to submit. This 
meeting took place, August, 1810. Tecumseh opened the dis- 
cussion, by reiterating the injustice of the occupancy of the land 
of the aborigines. Harrison replied by saying, that if the 
Miamies thought it to their interest to sell their lands, the 
Shawnees had no right to complain, — the two tribes being remotely 
situated. Tecuinseli's eye rolled like a ball of fire. Every muscle 
of his frame was agitated as he sprang to his feet, and with 
quivering lip and chattering teeth, hissed, " It isfalse^'''' upon the 
ears of the governor. In an instant four hundred warriors were 
on their feet with brandished tomahawks and flourishing war- 
clubs, looking fiercely and menacingly upon Harrison and his 
escort of twelve soldiers. The escort was about to fire, but the 
coolness and address of Harrison prevented. With great calm- 
ness and self-possession, he said to Tecumseh : " You are a bad 
man: I M'ill have no further talk with you. You must now 
take your departure from these settlements and hasten immediately 
to your camp." The wily chief fearing he had been too hast}' in 
his insolence to Harrison requested another interview. Tliis was 
granted, but the precaution was had of assembling two companies 
of armed militia. At this interview the chiefs of several powerful 
tribes announced their intention of adhering to the fortunes of 
Tecumseh. To which the governor replied, that he would inform 
the President of their determination. The next day, Harrison, 



860 WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 

Still conciliatory, paid Tecumseh a visit at his camp, but nothing 
satisfactory resulted from the interview with the haughty chief, who 
said to the governor, he only hoped that the Great Spirit would put 
sense enough in his head to make him give up the lands in question. 
Tecumseh now retired to Tippecanoe and joined the Prophet, wdiere 
they both continued with untiring energy the concentration of forces. 
The Indians after this became blood-thirsty and terribly desperate. 
Indiscriminate depredations were committed as though definite 
hostilities were raging. Murders were committed upon innocent 
border settlers, and the demand for satisfaction resolutely refused. 
So troublous had the times become, that Harrison received orders 
to march in force against the combination at Tippecanoe, but not 
to strike a blow while it could possibly be avoided. These 
injunctions were obeyed, though they gave the Indians much the 
advantage by placing the Americans on the defensive, thus depriv- 
ing them of all favorable opportunities resulting from skillful 
manoeuvring. His force, nine hundred strong, marched from 
Fort Harrison, some twenty leagues above Yincennes, October 28th, 
1811. Universal joy prevailed among the settlers as these efforts 
were made to destroy the bands of midnight murderers, that hover- 
ing and prowling about the country, only made themselves known 
by the crack of a rifle, the gleam of a tomahawk, or shrill war- 
cry. Their march lay through a country, sometimes gullied 
with deep ravines, then opening into stretching prairies, and 
anon shaded with thick woods filled with every variety of ob- 
struction. 

Vigilantly guarding against surprise, they proceeded with that 
caution and order indicative of experienced generalship, and a 
complete knowledge of the foe, until near the enemy's head-quar- 
ters. Indians now began to appear in great numbers, exhibiting a 
"warlike appearance and the most determined ferocity. Being 
worn down by their march, it was deemed best to halt, take some 
rest and refreshment, and hold a council of war. Knowing per- 
fectly well that an attack might probably be made upon them that 
night, every effort was made to prevent surprise. The soldiers 
rested in their clothes with loaded firelocks in their hands, while 
an unusual number of outposts were stationed at proper distances 
to give notice of the approach of the foe, and the governor's 
horse kept saddled ready to be mounted at a moment's warning. 

In this condition they remained until near day-light. About 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. ggj 

four o'clock, the moon shining dimly, Harkison and his oflBcers 
were seated around the fire conversing upon the probable results 
of the expedition, not dreaming of an immediate attack, though 
well prepared to sustain one. The Indians, meanwhile, had crept 
stealthily along in the grass until within a few yards of the army. 
On they came, a thousand strong, expecting to overcome the senti- 
nels and accomplish the butchery of a sleeping army. At length 
one of the sentries descried something crouched close to him; 
judging rightly that it was an Indian, he instantly discharged 
the contents of his gun into his body. In an instant a thousand 
yells were raised, and as many balls hissed among the troops of 
Harbison. The savages then rushed fiercely upon the camp, little 
thinking that every man reposed on a loaded gun, prepared to 
give them a bloody welcome. Harrison immediately formed hia 
men and extinguished the tires, which had served to direct the 
Indian shots. Every man was ready for the foe, and though the 
contest on the left flank raged, for a time, fierce and bloody, the 
Indians were forced to give back. They screened themselves 
among some trees near at hand, when rallying, they again rushed 
to the charge. The scene was now terrific. Harrison was here, 
and there, regardless of danger, amid perfect showers of balls and 
unceasing sword clashes; his men like veterans of a hundred 
fields, true as steel, quailed not before the yell, the tomahawk 
gleam, and the death shot. Guided by the rattle of dried deer's 
hoofs, the savages would rush forward with loud shouts, and 
recoil to the same ominous noise. Perched on an eminence at 
some distance, their infatuated Prophet sang his wizard-like in- 
cantations, at which his wretched followers would rush again to 
the embrace of death. Thus the battle raged, till daylight like 
"a messenger of mercy" broke over the scene. Victory was 
seen in the faces of the Americans, — defeat marked the counte- 
nances of the Indians. Conducting the movement in person, 
Harrison led his men to the attack, — the cavalry at the same time 
charged upon them with an impetuosity they could not withstand. 
The enemy broke and fled in confusion, until reaching a swamp, 
inaccessible to cavalry, they came to a halt, more fiom exhaustion,, 
than policy or a desire to renew the contest. They were every- 
where repulsed, and so completely, that a check was forever given' 
to the formidable league being consummated by Tecumseh and 
his brother the Prophet. Such was the battle of Tippecanoe, — 



862 WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 

oue of the most splendid and decisive victories in the records 
of Indian warfare. 

It will be readily perceived that the extreme caution of Harrison, 
his thorough knowledge of his enemy, and the proper mode of 
fighting them, were all that kept his army from annihilation. 
Had they lain on their blankets, — had they not kept their 
guns ready for any emergency, and the most vigilant watch, it 
would have been very easy for their stealthy foe to have overcome 
the sentinels and accomplished the butchery of the entire party, in 
which event, the whole north-western territory would have been 
overrun, and subjected to horrors and devastations, at which 
humanity recoils. Too much credit can not well be ascribed to 
the gallant Harrison and his courageous men for their behavior 
in this desperate action. 

Tecumseh was not present when this battle was fought ; follow- 
ing the war trail and keeping eye upon the favorite scheme of con- 
Bolidatiug all the tribes in hostilities with his whites, he had gone 
among his southern brethren, where he hoped to make his appeals 
and efforts as eflScient as he had elsewhere done. On his return, 
however, he was not discouraged at the disastrous turn things 
had taken. Souls like his may be subdued, but conquered, never. 
Though many of the tribes who had ejitered into the league at 
the solicitations of the Prophet, now laid down their arms and 
renounced further hostile movements, the intrepid Tecnmseh, still 
roused them to activity and stirred the elements of strife among the 
unfriendly tribes. He was further encouraged by the tlireatening 
aspect of aflrtirs with Great Britain, against which nation, it will 
be remembered, war was formally declared in June, 1812. 
Indian hostilities, after this, increased to an alarming extent. 

Soon as war was declared, the people of the West, with great 
unanimity and a well-placed preference, chose Harrison leader 
of their forces. He repaired to Frankfort, Kentucky, and in con- 
ference with men acquainted with the condition of the country, 
devised plans for a campaign, which, had tliey been put into 
execution it is said would have prevented the surrender of Hull, 
the capture of Detroit, and the disastrous consequences that 
followed. This event being succeeded by wanton depredations 
in the north-western territory, a large portion of which was 
left open to the enemy, Harrison immediately received the rank* 
of brigadier-general, and was instructed to make head against 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISOK. 8g3 

the savages. Great difficulties were occasioned by the scarcity of 
clothes and provisions, and the newly-created general found that 
his commission involved him in a situation extremely delicate and 
important. His first movement was upon Fort Wayne, which 
was menaced by a large body of Indians and in imminent peril. 
He reached the post, December 9th, 1812, immediately after which 
he was invested with the supreme command of the entire north- 
western army, amounting to about ten thousand men. These, 
however, were scattered in comparatively small bodies over a wide 
range of country, and nothing but the exercise of the authority 
given him by the War department, to draw from the public funds 
and select his own officers, and do whatever his discretion might 
dictate, enabled him to relieve the country. 

His next objects were to drive the British from Detroit, get 
command of Lake Michigan, frustrate their plans in Canada, and 
relieve the frontiers. All the country between Upper Sandusky 
and Fort Defiance was embraced in his theater of action. Learn- 
ing that General Winchester was making a movement against the 
enemy and wishing to further his designs as much as possible, 
Hakrison hurried a body of three hundred men to the Miami 
Rapids. He went, in person, and joined Pitkin, whose troops 
were preparing for a demonstration against the Indians. The bad 
condition of the roads however, and other causes, produced sucb 
delay that the battle of Raisin was fought and won by the enemy^ 
It is thought, had Harrison been earlier invested with the com- 
mand, that fearful massacre would have been averted. 

Harrison now proceeded to the Miami to ascertain the con- 
dition of General Winchester and the reinforcement he had sent 
to him. He arrived at his quarters on the 20th of January, 1813, 
soon after which, he fell in with the frightened fugitives flying 
from the field of Raisin. He had urged every possible endeavor- 
to prevent that disaster, but was too late, — Winchester's men 
were utterly defeated before his arrival. Gloom and depression 
now prevailed among them. Harrison set about infusing new 
hope, and collecting together the broken bands of the dispersed. 
Through ceaseless energy and unwearying perseverance, by the 
first of February he had succeeded in reorganizing the army, 
which seemed reanimated by his presence. 

Having completed these arrangements, he went into winter 
quarters at Fort Meigs, so called in honor of the governor of Ohio. 
68 



864 WILLIAX HENRY HARRISON. 

Keceiving at this time the rank of major-general, he went to 
Cincinnati to procure supplies necessary to prosecute the campaign. 
The spring campaign of 1813 opened by demonstrations on the part 
of the enemy against Fort Meigs. The British, sanguine of success, 
were marching directly upon it, while- Tecumseh, elated at the 
success at Raisin, and smarting under the defeat at Tippecanoe, 
with over five hundred fierce warriors of his own race, joined the 
expedition, eager to glut his appetite for blood. Harrison was 
on the alert. Not at all intimidated, he hurried back to the fron- 
tier and called on Kentucky for three thousand men. These 
reached the camp in May, about the time he in person returned. 
He was just in time. The enemy, numbering almost double his 
own forces, were full of exultation. They commenced a severe 
attack upon the little fort, which, for near a week, withstood a 
perfect shower of balls. Though sometimes riddled, and made to 
tremble by the exultant shout of the assailants, the skill, activity 
and boldness of the commander repaired every breach and kept the 
Indians at bay. The ardor first exhibited by them, at length 
began to subside. The whizzing bullet, the savage yell, and 
brutal face had became familiar to the men in the fort, who 
imitating the example of their brave general were cool and fear- 
less. Seeing the hopefuless of his men, Harrison determined 
to assume the defensive, and attack the enemy's batteries. His 
arrangements being judiciously planned, the assault was made with 
great boldness. The troops from the fort rushed in solid phalanx 
upon the batteries. They were soon captured and silenced, the 
enemy being driven back at every point. The charge was resist- 
less as a tornado, and bore down everything before it; so 
desperate was the rush that a hundred and fifty of Harrison's 
men were killed in almost half an hour's time. Sanguinary 
however as it was the victory was complete, and the defense 
glorious. The enemy being beaten, Harrison left the command 
of the place to General G. Clay, and devoted his attention to other 
matters. 

Tecumseh, however, was not to be subdued thus easily, — stung 
with his defeat, and burning for revenge, he leaped like a raging 
tiger in search of prey through bush and brake, hunting his 
warrior bauds. So successful was he that by the first of July of 
the same year, he had collected an army of five thousand savages. 
With these he again invested Fort Meigs, — remaining but a short 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 8g5 

time, he raised the siege and left for Lower Sandusky. Harrison, 
in the meantime, for the protection of his stores above, had built 
a fort at Seneca as a post of reserve. Learning the rout Tecum- 
seh had taken, and knowing the importance of keeping Sandusky, 
he concentrated his forces with all possible alacrity for that pur- 
pose. The Indians attacked the upper fort, commanded by Colonel 
Crogan, but were repulsed with heavy loss, — Perry's brilliant 
victory on Lake Erie shortly afterward left matters in this quarter 
in a condition of comparative safety. Giving proper instructions 
to Colonel R. M. Johnson, of Kentucky, Harrison, about the 
middle of September, embarked with two brigades for Bass 
Island. Soon after he was in possession of Maiden, in Canada, 
now the dismantled fortress, whence the British and their savage 
mercenaries had poured death and destruction over the frontiers. 
The enemy headed by Proctor and Tecumseh were in rapid retreat 
through Canada. "I will pursue them," says Harrison, in his 
dispatch, " to-morrow, (the 28th of September,) although there 
is little hope of overtaking them, as they have upward of one 
thousand horses, and we have not one in the army." In council, 
soon after, Harrison said : " There were but two ways of accom- 
plishing their object; one of which was to follow him up the 
strait by land ; the other to embark and sail down Lake Erie to 
Long Point, then march hastily across by land twelve miles to 
the road and intercept them." Being decided to follow them 
by land, they pushed rapidly forward in pursuit. They came up 
with the enemy on the fifth of October. Proctor's force was, as 
he thought, admirably arranged to secure a good defense. His 
left was protected by the Thames river, his right by a large swamp, 
and Tecumseh with his Indian hordes. Harrison's mode of 
attack was quickly decided. With the perception of true military 
intuition he saw his advantage. He directed one division of his 
infantry to take position opposite Proctor, extending the line from 
the river to the swamp, facing which, at right angles with these, he 
placed the other division. Having made these arrangements, he 
ordered Colonel Johnson, whose cavalry had joined hira, to charge 
the enemy's front. The order was executed in gallant style. The 
British being in open file, and the cavalry dashing ahead in a solid, 
compact body, with impetuosity, they were forced to give way. 
The infantry, the moment the enemy were thrown into confusion, 
closed in upon them, and they were forced to surrender. The 



8(36 WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 

Indians fought like hyenas, directing a sharp and galling fire upon 
the troops. In the midst of their heroic feats, however, their 
brave leader, the indomitable Tecumseh, fell dead upon the field 
while urging his braves. His voice no longer heard, his sturdy 
form ceasing to direct their movements, they threw down their 
arms and fled in indiscriminate confusion. Such was the battle 
of the Thames, a complete victory gained by exhibitions of 
superior generalship, almost without blood-shed. The Ameri- 
cans took about six hundred prisoners in the action, with the loss 
of but few men. The results of the battle were highly favorable. 
The surrender of the British, and the fall of Tecumseh, induced 
the Indians to ask for peace, while the victory of Perry and other 
disasters of the English, produced a similar desire on their part. 
Thus this battle was virtually the close of the war. Harrison 
was now at the hight of his fame. President Madison in his next 
annual message spoke of him as having " signally honored " him- 
self and the cause of the country. Members of Congress spoke 
of his victories as " such as would have secured to a Romam 
general in the best days of the republic, the honors of a triumph." 
Governors of States said, that "the blessings of thousands of 
women and children, rescued from the scalping knife of the ruth- 
less savage of the wilderness, and from the still more savage 
Proctor, rest on General Harrison and his army." In addition 
to these evidences of high merit. Congress proposed the follow- 
ing complimentary resolution : 

" Resolved — By the Senate and House of Representatives of 
United States^ in Congress assembled ; tliat the thanks of Con- 
gress be, and they are hereby presented to Major-General "William 
Henry Harrison, and Isaac Shelby, late governor of Kentucky, 
and through them to the officers and men under their command, for 
their gallant and good conduct in defeating the combined British 
and Indian forces, under Major-General Proctor, on the Thames, in 
Upper Canada, on the 5th day of October, 1813, capturing the 
British army with their baggage, camp equipage, and their artil- 
lery ; and that the President of the United States be requested to 
cause two gold medals to be struck, emblematical of this triumph, 
and presented to General Harrison and Isaac Shelby, late gover- 
nor of Kentucky.* 

* Statesnau's Manual. 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 357 

This was Harrison's last military engagement. He went with 
his army to the Niagara frontier, whence he proceeded to Sackett's 
Harbor, but being beyond the limits of his military jurisdiction, 
he went to Washington city, receiving everywhere on his route, 
various manifestations of profound esteem and regard. From 
"Washington he proceeded to Ohio, to participate in whatever 
military movements might be deemed advisable. He, soon after, 
from some misunderstanding with the Secretary of "War, Arm- 
strong, who, it has been alleged, from causes not assigned, did his 
utmost to cripple Harrison's movements, resigned his commission. 
He would not have done this under any circumstances, had he not 
seen that further services were not required at his hands, and that 
hostilities were about to cease. His resignation was accepted at the 
War department, though had President Madison been at Washing- 
ton it would not have been, as he afterward expressed unfeigned 
regret at the step, wishing that earlier intimation had been given 
of such design. Other prominent men, too, expressed sincere 
regret at the acceptance of his resignation. He continued how- 
ever to retain the entire confidence of the people and the govern- 
ment. In 1814, conjoined with Lewis Cass and Isaac Shelby, ho 
was despatched to Fort Greenville to treat with the Indians and 
was in the ensuing year, also placed at the head of an important 
embassy upon similar business. Having performed these labors 
with the same degree of fidelity and promptitude that had charac- 
terized his transactions heretofore, he retired to private life. 

He was, however, soon called again to public duties, and was 
elected in 1816 to Congress, from his own district in Ohio. 
He occupied this position the next term, also being originally 
elected to fill a vacancy. At the instigation of some one actuated 
by envy or prejudice, as soon as he took his seat in that body, he 
was charged by an army contractor with misplacing the supplies 
furnished. The accuser could not tarnish such fame as his. At 
Harrison's own request a committee was appointed and a full 
investigation had of his conduct while connected with the army, 
which resulted not only in a verdict of public agi^uittal, but the 
bestowal of high and well-deserved eulogiums upon his integrity, 
firmness, and patriotism. 

In Congress as in the field, the acts of Harrison showed that he 
was by nature more of a military than a civic leader. He warmly 
advocated the enactment of such laws as would lend greater and 



368 WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 

more ready efficiency to the militia of the country, and advocated 
with earnestness measm-es to secure pensions to the surviving 
soldiers of the Revolutionary war. In the former object he failed 
entirely, Congress having always exhibited a degree of tardy legis- 
lation upon the subject, — he succeeded, however, in his wishes in 
regard to the latter, and was gratified to see that adequate pro- 
vision was made for those veterans who poured out their blood 
like water in our early struggles. Upon the resolutions of censure 
introduced against Jackson for his conduct in the Seminole war, 
he expressed himself as feeling that he had transcended the powers 
conferred by his command, but accorded to him all praise for his 
bravery and heroism. He agreed and voted with Clay upon the 
resolutions extending sympathy to the Greeks in their struggle for 
independence. 

Serving out his term in Congress with credit to himself and 
profit to his constituents, he was, in 1817, sent to the State Senate 
from Ohio, where he proved the same zealous, energetic public 
servant. In 1524, he was chosen presidential elector from Ohio, 
and gave his influence, and finally his vote for Henry Clay. 
During the same year he was sent from that State to the Senate of 
the United States, after taking his seat in which body he was made 
chairman of the committee of military afiiiirs. Of Harrison as 
a statesman not much can be said. He possessed an incorruptible 
integrity, high moral tone, a clear head and well informed, — was 
always at his post, and endeavoring to subserve the interests of the 
people. Yet among men renowned for their knowledge of politi- 
cal economy and sagacity, whose entire lives had been devoted to 
civic pursuits, he was not one of those who would make an indi- 
vidual and distinctive mark. He was a friend and supporter by 
his vote and acts, of the administration of John Quincy Adams, 
than which, few have been of more benefit to the country or 
signally prosperous. 

In 1828, he was appointed Minister to Bogota, which he reached 
in December. The country he found convulsed, the people 
wholly ignorant of their rights, and ground down by an absolute 
despotism. He was warmly received by the natives, and entered 
upon his duties with the spirit and simplicity of a pure and tried 
republican. He was recalled by Jackson on his accession to the 
presidency in 1829 ; but before his return, he prepared for Simon 
Bolivar, the South American Liberator, an address upon con 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 869 

stitutional liberty, to which considerable merit has been attached, 
not only for the soundness of the principles it inculcates, but for 
the purity and chasteness of the style in which they are conveyed. 
On his return from this mission he again retired to North Bend, 
a beautiful spot on the Ohio, some fourteen miles below the city 
of Cincinnati. In 1835 he was presented as a candidate for the 
presidency against Martin Van Buren, and though no thorough 
organization was effected or concert of action secured, he received 
seventy-three electoral votes, enough at least to show his exten- 
sive popularity. In 1839, the Whig national convention again 
assembled at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, and re-nominated him as 
their candidate. Harrison, at the time he received this nomi- 
nation was clerk of the Hamilton County Court, a position which 
he was induced to accept from pecuniary considerations, on his 
return from Bogota. Van Buren was again his opponent. The 
campaign opened with unprecedented popular excitement, which 
continued up to the day of election. Never before or since has a 
presidential campaign created such universal interest. The result 
was, Harrison received two hundred and thirty-four, and Van 
Buren sixty electoral votes, — securing the election of the former 
by a vote of nearly four to one. 

Wide spread and universal joy prevailed over the country as the 
result became known, — guns were fired, drums beat and bonfires 
kindled. He left North Bend in January, 1841, to assume the 
duties of his high office, and reached the seat of government on 
the 9th of the same month. March 4th, 1841, he was inducted 
into office and delivered his inaugural, in presence of an immense 
and highly enthusiastic assemblage. After these proceedings, and 
the festivities incident to the occasion were over, the new Presi- 
dent selected his cabinet, which was composed as follows: 

Secretary of State, Daniel Webster ; 

Secretary of the Treasury, Thomas Ewing ; 

Secretary of War, John Bell; 

Secretary of the Navy, George E. Badger ; 

Post-Master General, Francis Granger ; 

Attorney-General, John J. Crittenden. 

On the 17th of March, 1841, the President called an extra^ 

session of Congress to meet the first of the ensuing May, to take 

in consideration the financial condition of the country. A Whig 

President was now duly installed, his Cabinet selected , and Congress 



870 WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 

would soon be in session. The land was full of joy, and every- 
thing indicated a prosperous administration of the government. 
The President himself, grateful to the Supreme Ruler of all things 
for the peaceful condition of the country, his heart overwhelming 
with gratitude to his fellow-citizens for the trust reposed to his 
keeping, looked for support to the mighty champions he knew 
would rally to his administration. All was joy, — all was peace. 
But alas for the mutability of human affairs ! — how soon were the 
banners streaming in triumph to turn to weeds of mourning, and 
the sun that rose in splendor to sink in the darkness of discord. 
On the 29th of March Harrison had a severe chill, which was 
accompanied by a fever. This attack was followed by one of 
pneumonia and pleurisy. He grew worse, and despite the best 
medical skill, it was feared his death was near. These fears were 
not unjustifiable. He failed rapidly for several days. On the 
4th of April, just one month after he was inaugurated into the 
highest and most responsible office in the gift of man, speaking as 
though to his successor, he said: ^'' Sir, Iivish you to understand 
tJie principles of the government. I ivish them carried out. I 
ask nothing more.'''' These were his last words, — he immediately 
expired. The country that one mouth before was so full of 
rejoicing, was filled with mourning at the sad and unlooked for 
event. Tributes of respect were everywhere paid to the illustrious 
dead, and universal sorrow prevailed. His funeral obsequies took 
place on the 7th ; Rev. Mr. Hawley performed the Episcopal funeral 
service, when his remains were laid in the Congressional burying 
ground. They were subsequently removed to North Bend, where 
they still repose on the sloping hill-side, marked by a plain tomb- 
stone, according well with the republican simplicity of his char- 
acter. "In person, Harrison was tall and slender. Although 
he never had the appearance of possessing a robust constitution, 
yet such had been the efl:ect of his habitual activity and temper- 
ance, that few men enjoyed such bodily vigor. He had a fine dark 
eye, remarkable for its keenness, fire and intelligence, and his 
face was strongly expressive of the vivacity of his mind and the 
benevolence of his character. The most remarkable traits of his 
character, and those of which he was most distinguished through- 
out his whole career, were his disinterestedness, his regard for the 
rights and comforts of others, his generous disposition, his mild and* 
forbearing temper, and his plain, easy and unostentatious manner." 




JAMES K. POLK. 



JAMES K. POLK. 



Few administrations of this government have been more pros- 
perous, marked with a higher degree of energy, or have resulted in 
more lasting advantages than did that of James K. Polk. Elected 
upon his indorsmeut of a measure among the most important ever 
presented for political consideration, and over a man conceded 
the most popular in the nation, at a time when the two parties 
were about equally divided, and full of mighty interests, — and 
possessing marked decision and firmness of character, his official 
term brought to his name honorable distinction and renown. 
Reared in the political schools of the Democratic party, he con- 
sistently adhered to its principles, studied deeply the history of 
his times, and came into power, though from comparative obscurity, 
well prepared to execute its exalted trusts. 

He was born November 2d, in the County of Mecklinburg, 
North Carolina, in the year 1795. The Polks, M^hose name it is 
claimed was formerly Pollock, were originally from Ireland, where 
Robert Polk and his wife resided centuries ago. James Knox 
Polk, the greatgrandfather of our subject, removed from Ireland to 
Somerset County, Maryland, at an early day. The family increased 
and became quite numerous. They were noted for their sterling 
independence, and unwavering fidelity to the Democratic party. 
being early designated as the " Democratic family. "Many of 
them became distinguished, — some as participants in the Revo- 
lution, and others in civic capacities. One branch of the family 
removed to the East and thence to the county and State above 
named. From this branch descended the eleventh President. 

(871) 



872 JAMES K. POLK. 

His father was a man of strong will, and a warm supporter of 
the administration of Jefferson during both his official terms. 
In 1806, he removed with his family from North Carolina to 
Tennessee, and settled on Duck Creek, then the midst of a dense 
though fertile wilderness, where Polk's youth and early manhood 
were passed. Notwithstanding the scanty means of instruction 
existing in that rugged and unpopulous part of the country, young 
Polk acquired a tolerable English education. His father designed 
him for a merchant, but adopting the maxim, "once a clerk always 
a clerk," the future President was decidedly opposed to yard sticks, 
retail scales and account books. Yielding however, he was placed 
for a time in charge of a merchant, with a view of preparation for 
that kind of life. He did not remain long in this situation. His 
young ambition rebelled, — he came from behind the counter, and 
after earnest supplication was sent to an academy at Murfrees- 
borough, where in the summer of 1813, he was eagerly poring 
over books and studies, and fairly on the road to his high destiny. 
After two years' intense and profitable application, in his twentieth 
year, he entered the University of North Carolina. Here, after 
bearing away the prize each year from all competitors, he gradu- 
ated with the first honors, in 1818, and was pronounced one of the 
finest scholars in that part of the country. Though agood linguist, 
his passion was for mathematics, in which branch of science he 
excelled. After graduating, his health broke down, in conse- 
quence of close confinement and mental application. 

He returned to Tennessee and commenced reading law under 
charge of the renowned Felix Grundy, and obtained license to 
practice in 1820. He then went to Maury County and entered 
upon his professional career. He had many personal friends there, 
and wearing high academic honors, and of plain, undisguised 
manners, he began his career under auspicious circumstances. 
Aided by these advantages, he devoted himself incessantly to the 
duties of his profession, and rose rapidly into position. He con- 
tinued to enjoy an increasing and profitable practice until 1823, 
when he launched upon the stormy sea of party politics. 

In that year he entered public life as the representative from 
Maury County to the State Legislature. He soon gave greater 
evidences of capacity for the halls of legislation than the forum. 
He was elected for the two successive terms by large majorities, 
and soon established a wide-spread reputation. In 1823-21, he 



JAMES K. POLK. 873 

espoused the fortunes of Andrew Jackson, in whose elevation to 
the presidency he took an active part. His attachment to that 
statesman was warm and disinterested. 

Having passed an honorable political novitiate as a State legis- 
lator, he was in 1S25 elected to the Congress of the United States, 
and took his seat the ensuing December. This was the commence- 
ment of John Quiucy Adams' administration, and the Demo- 
cratic party had just failed in the election of a favorite leader. 
Folk took his seat true to his early principles, a consistent and 
unflinching democrat, fully prepared by prior legislative experi- 
ence, and a thorough knowledge of the fundamental principles of 
government and constitutional law, to make himself a prominent 
and influential member. Though not a nullifier, nor in any way 
an extremist, he regarded federal assumptions with a jealous 
eye, and viewed the national Constitution as possessing powers 
limited and susceptible only of specific construction. He was 
opposed to indiscriminate appropriation of public funds for pur- 
poses of internal improvement, and distinguished himself by his 
hostility to a too liberal construction of the fundamental Consti- 
tution. He was opposed to a national bank, and indicated his 
opposition prior to the reception of Jackson's first ominous mes- 
sage upon that subject. He arrayed himself against a protective 
tarifi", and advocated the most economical system of public ex- 
penditures. Thus it will be seen that upon most or all the excit- 
ing political questions of the day, he was hostile to Adams' 
administration, and in opposition to the leading members on the 
floor. Though one of the youngest members in the House, he 
took an immediate and popular stand. He first distinguished 
himself in a speech called out by a proposition to prevent, by 
Constitutional provision, in any circumstances, the election of 
President by Congress. The whole nation had been disturbed by 
the excitement growing out of the choice made in the House, re- 
sulting in the selection of Adams over Jackson, and the subjec*. 
had assumed a phase of considerable importance. His speech on 
the occasion won for him brilliant parliamentary laurels. It 
evinced the rigid logician, the close reasoner, and a well informed 
mind, and an excellent adherent to his party. Upon the subject 
of the Panama Mission he was opposed to the administration, 
declaring that the subject was entirely one of executive and 
senatorial jurisdiction, involving as it did the treaty making 



874 JAMES K. POLK. 

power, of which those two branches of the legislature were the 
coustitutioually recognized custodians. 

He was now rapidly reaching that distinction destined to identify 
his name forever with the political history of the country. During 
Adams' entire official term he continued in opposition, taking an 
active part on 'all questions coming up in the House for deliber- 
ation. 

Succeeding John Quincy Adams to the presidency, Jackson 
was inducted into office at a time favorable to the development of 
Polk's rising fortunes. Having won his way to respectable position 
as a State legislator, and proven one of the most formidable 
opponents of the former administration, he was well prepared to 
render essential service as supporter of Jackson's executive acts. 
At the session of 1827, Polk was appointed to the committee of 
foreign atfairs, and soon after made chairman of a select committee. 

Always contending that the revenue should be no higher than 
the absolute necessity of expenditure required, he presented a 
report denying in strong terms the existence of congressional 
power to collect beyond that limit for purposes of indiscriminate 
distribution. Tlie internal improvement policy of Jackson as 
elsewhere stated, was indicated in his veto, in 1830, of the bill 
making appropriation for the completion of the Maysville road. 
He was deeply censured by the friends of internal improvement 
by the general government, but proudly sustained by his friend 
and leading supporter James K. Polk. 

In 1832, being placed on the Committee of Ways and Means, 
the duties of which were more onerous and complicated than 
those of any other in the House, he prepared a report embodying 
the same views afterward asserted and so fearlessly carried out by 
the President himself. 

His course upon this question raised up a host of enemies, 
particularly in the city of Nashville, then just rising into com- 
mercial influence, and he was bitterly denounced through the 
public prints, and even by some of his immediate constituents. 
He was returned to Congress, however, after a violent contest, into 
which the merits of the bank question entered largely, by a foir 
majority. In 1833, Jackson's removal of the deposits filled the 
country with the most heated animosities; Polk being still chair- 
man of the Committee of Ways and Means, stood by the Presi- 
dent, vindicating his course on all occasions with boldness and 



JAMES K. POLK. 875 

ability, and successfully pushing through resolutious commenda- 
tory of his acts. Continuing a warm friend and supporter of 
Jackson's public policy througii 1834, Polk was the ensuing year 
chosen speaker of the House, a position to which he was again 
called at the extra session, convened by Van Buren on his acces- 
sion to the Presidency as successor to Jackson. To this position 
he was annually elected for a number of years, and conferred upon 
it a dignity and honor surpassed by no prior incumbent. Various 
appeals were made from his decisions to the House, which rarely 
failed to sustain him, with a degree of unanimity that evinced 
appreciative indorsement of his views and judgment. Though 
at times during his speakership party feelings were deep and bitter, 
and he was assailed with virulence. Congress never failed at the 
close of each session to pass a resolution to the effect, " that the 
thanks of the House be presented to the Hon. James K. Polk for the 
able, impartial, dignified manner in which he has presided over 
its deliberations and performed the arduous and important duties 
of the chair." His incumbency of this office closed in the spring 
of 1839, on which occasion with evident emotion, he said : " When 
I look back to the period when I first took my seat in this House, 
and then look around me for those who were then my associ- 
ates here, I find but few very few remaining. But five members 
who were with me here fourteen years ago continue to be members 
of this body. My service here has been constant and laborious. 
I can, perhaps, say what but few others if any can, that I have 
not failed to attend the daily sittings of this House for a single 
day since I have been a member of it, save on a single occasion, 
when prevented for a short time by indisposition. In my inter- 
course with the members of this body whoii I occupied a place on 
the floor, though occasionally engaged in debates upon interesting 
public questions and of an exciting character, it is a source of 
unmingled gratification to me to recur to the fact, that on no 
occasion was there the slightest personal or unpleasant collision 
with any of its members. Maintaining and expressing at all 
times my own opinions firmly, — the same right was fully con- 
ceded to others. For four years past the station I have occupied, 
and a sense of propriety in the divided and usually excited state 
of public opinion and feeling which has excited, both in this 
House and the country, have precluded me from participating in 
your debates. Other duties were assigned me 



870 JAMES K. POLK. 

" The high office of speaker, to which it has been twice the 
pleasure of this House to elevate me, has been at all times one of 
labor and high responsibility. It has been made my duty to 
decide more questions of parliamentary law and order, many of them 
of a complex and difficult character, arising often in the midst of 
high excitement, in the course of our proceedings, than had been 
decided, it is believed, by all my predecessors since the foundation 
of the government. This House has uniformly sustained me, 
without distinction of the political parties of which it has been 
composed. I return them my thanks for their constant support in 
the discharge of duties I have had to perform. 

"But, gentlemen, my acknowledgments are especially due to 
the majority of this House for the high and flattering evidence 
they have given me of their appreciation of my conduct as their 
p)residing officer, by the resolution you have been pleased to pass. 
I regard it as infinitely of more value than if it had been the common 
matter-of-course and customary resolution which in the courtesy 
usually prevailing between the presiding officer and the members 
of any deliberative assembly, is always passed at the close of their 
deliberations. 

"I regard this as the highest and most valued testimonial] 
have ever received from this House, because I know that the 
circumstances under which it has passed have made it a matter of 
substance, and not mere form. I shall bear it in grateful remem- 
brance to the latest hour of my life. 

"I trust this office may in future times be filled, as doubtless 
it will be, by an abler man. It can not, I know, be filled by any 
one who will devote himself with more zeal and untiring industry 
to do his whole duty than I have done." 

Thus closed his congressional career of fourteen years, during 
which, with tenacious consistency he adhered to the principles of 
the Democratic party. He would- not join the majority of his 
party in Tennessee, in 1836, which gave the electoral vote of the 
State to Hugh Lawsou White, but supported Van Buren as the 
national candidate for the presidency. Having declined a re- 
election to Congress, he was presented as the candidate for gover- 
nor of Tennessee, and elected over his opponent, Newton Cannon, 
in August 1839, by large majority. He was next nominated for 
the vice-presidency by the legislature of his adopted State, to be 
placed on the ticket with Yan Buren, the candidate for re-election 



JAMES K. POLK. 877 

in 1840. Both candidates were badly beaten, — Polk receiving 
but one electoral vote. The election of Harrison to the presi- 
dency by a majority so overwhelming produced a reaction favor- 
able to the Whigs, and diminished the Democratic strength in the 
State of Tennessee. Under these circumstances, Polk was next 
presented as a candidate for governor in 18il. His opponent, 
James C. Jones, was justly regarded among the ablest men of the 
State. The returns showed the election of Jones by a majority 
of over three thousand. Polk now retired to private life, in the 
enjoyment of which he remained till 1843, when he was again 
brought forward as a candidate for governor against his old com- 
petitor, Jones. He was again beaten and by a larger majority 
than before. The warm, political and personal friend of Andrew 
Jackson, in the full and entire confidence of his party, he now 
again retired to private life. His mind, however, could not remain 
inactive, and he studied well and deeply the great political ques- 
tions of the day. In 1844 the annexation of Texas came up. 
Though Polk had declared his intention of finally withdrawing 
from the perplexities of party questions he felt deeply the interest of 
this. In many sections of the Union the people had expressed 
themselves in emphatic terms as opposed to the measure. He was 
asked to coincide with their views in regard to the matter. So far 
from doing so, with characteristic firmness of purpose, he replied : 
" Let Texas be annexed, and the authority and laws of the 
United States be established and maintained within her limits, as 
also in Oregon territory, and let the fixed policy of our govern- 
ment be not to permit Great Britain to plant a colony or hold 
dominion over any portion of the people or territory of either. 
Tliese are my opinions; and without deeming it necessary to- 
extend this letter by assigning the many reasons which influence- 
me in the conclusions to which I come, I regret to be compelled 
to differ so widely from the views expressed by yourselves." 

As the avowed advocate of annexation, in May 1844, he was 
nominated by the Baltimore Democratic convention as their candi- 
date for the presidency, against the Whig nominee, Henry Clay. 
The annexation question was the principal issue in the exciting 
campaign that followed. The canvass resulted in the election of 
Polk to the presidency and George M. Dallas to the vice-presi- 
dency, over Clay and Theodore Frelinghuysen, by a majority of 
sixty-five electoral votes. He went to the Capitol, delivered his 
59 



878 JAMES K. POLK. 

inaugural and was inducted into office as President of the United 
States, on the 4th of March, 184:5. In his inaugural address he 
indicated the policy of his administration and invoked the othei 
branches of the national legislature to aid in preserving the peace, 
prosperity, and harmony of the country. It closed as follows : 

" None can fail to see the danger to our safety and future peace, 
if Texas remains an independent State, or becomes an ally oi 
dependency of some foreign nation more powerful than herself. 
Is there one among our citizens who would not prefer perpetual 
peace with Texas to occasional wars, which so often occur between 
bordering independent nations? Is there one who wonld not 
prefer free intercourse with her, to high duties on all our products 
and manufactures which enter her ports or cross her frontiers ? Is 
there one who would not prefer an nnrestricted communication 
with her citizens, to the frontier obstructions which must occur if 
she remains out of the Union ? Whatever is good or evil in the 
local institutions of Texas will remain her own, whether annexed 
to the United States or not. None of the present States will be 
responsible for them, any more than they are for the local insti- 
tutions of each other. They have confederated together for certain 
specified objects. Upon the same principle that they would refuse 
to form a perpetual union with Texas because of her local insti- 
tutions, our forefathers would have been prevented from forming 
our present Union. Perceiving no valid objection to the measure, 
and many reasons for its adoption, vitally affecting the peace, the 
safety, and the prosperity of both countries, I shall on the broad 
principle which formed the basis and produced the adoption of our 
Constitution, and not in any narrow spirit of sectional policy, 
endeavor, by all constitutional, honorable, and appropriate means, 
to consummate the expressed will of the people and government 
of the United States, by the re-annexation of Texas to our Union 
at the earliest practicable period. 

"Nor will it become in a less degree m}^ duty to assert and 
maintain, by all constitutional means, the right of the United 
States to that portion of our territory which lies beyond the Rocky 
mountains. Our title to the country of the Oregon is "clear and 
unquestionable," and already are our people preparing to perfect 
that title by occupying it with their wives and children. But 
eighty years ago our population was confined on the west by the 
ridge of the Alleganies. Within that period, — within the life- 



JAMES K. POLK. 879 

time, I might say, of some of m}' hearers, — our people increasing 
to many millions, have filled the eastern valley of the Mississippi ; 
adventurously ascended the Missouri to its head springs ; and are 
already engaged in establishing the blessings of self-government 
in valleys, of which the rivers flow to the Pacific. The world 
beholds the peaceful triumphs of the industry of our emigrants. 
To us belongs the duty of protecting them adequately wherever 
they may be upon our soil. The jurisdiction of our laws, and 
the benefits of our republican institutions, should be extended 
over them in the distant regions which they have selected for their 
homes. The increasing facilities of intercourse will easily bring 
the States, of which the formation in that part of our tei*ritory can 
not be long delayed, within the sphere of our federative Union. 
In the meantime, every obligation imposed by treaty or con- 
ventional stipulations should be sacredly respected. 

" In the management of our foreign relations, it will be my aim 
to observe a careful respect for the rights of other nations, while 
our own will be the subject of constant watchfulness. Equal 
and exact justice shall characterize all our intercourse with foreign 
countries. All alliances having a tendency to jeopard the welfare 
and honor of our country, or sacrifice any one of the national 
interests, will be studiously avoided ; and yet no opportunity will 
be lost to cultivate a favorable understanding with foreign govern- 
ments, by which our navigation and commerce may be extended, 
and the ample products of our fertile soil, as well as the manufac- 
tures of our skillful artisans, find a ready market and remunerat- 
ing prices in foreign countries. 

"In taking 'care that the laws be fully executed,' a strict per- 
formance of duty will be exacted from all public oflScers. From 
those officers, especially, who are charged with the collection and 
disbursement of the public revenue, will prompt and rigid account- 
ability be required. Any culpable failure or delay on their part 
to account for the moneys intrusted to them, at the times and in 
the manner required by law, will, in every instance, terminate the 
official connection of such defaulting oflScer with the government. 

"Although, in our country, the chief magistrate must almost 
of necessity be chosen by a party, and stand pledged to its prin- 
ciples and measures, yet, in his official action, he should not be 
the President of a part only, but of the whole people of the United 
States. While he executes the laws with an impartial hand, 



880 JAMES K. POr. K. 

shrinks from no proper responsibility, aud fciltlifullj carries out in 
the executive department of the government the principles and 
policy of those who have chosen him, he should not be unmindful 
that our fellow-citizens who have difiered with him in opinion are 
entitled to the full and free exercise of their opinions and judg- 
ments, and that the rights of all are entitled to respect and regard." 
On the 5th of March the new President selected his Cabinet as 

follows : 

Secretary of State, James Buchanan ; 

Secretary of Treasury, Robert J. Walker ; 

Secretary of War, William L. Marcy ; 

Secretary of Navy, George Bancroft ; 

Post-Master General, Cave Johnson; 

Attorney-General, John Y. Mason. 

The first question that came up was the annexation of Texas. 
Among the last acts of the precedent administration was the pas- 
sage and approval of resolutions favoring annexation. These 
resolutions met with some opposition, but finally passed under the 
idea that Tyler would favor annexation by treaty, the objections 
to them originating from some who favored that mode of proceed- 
ing. Contrary to expectation, Tyler hurried off the resolutions to 
Donaldson, charge d'afiairs to Texas, w^ith instructions to bring 
about speedy annexation. These proceedings forestalled the 
action of the new President. The resolutions admitting Texas, 
were laid before the convention assembled for the purpose 
of forming a State constitution, and recognized, July 4th, 1845. 
Texas being thus a part of the United States had a right to claim 
her protection. The frontiers of the new State were much ex- 
posed, and post roads needed. Eequisition being made to the 
government for these purposes, General Taylor was dispatched 
to the State with an army of occupation, and in the latter part of 
July, on St. Joseph's Island, unfurled for the first time on Texian 
soil the American flag. Mexico resented indignantly not only the 
occupation, but the annexation of Texas, and began immediately 
to prepare for war. Other difiiculties with that dusky people early 
presented themselves. Indemnity to the amount of six millions 
of dollars had long been claimed by the United States for depre- 
dations upon our commerce by Mexico during her old external 
and internal wars. Our vessels had been seized and their cargoes 
confiscated. In a conference of commissioners from the respective 



JAMES K. POLK. 3g2 

parties, conveued in 1840, a part of the six million claim was 
acknowledged but not liquidated. Commissioners again met in 
1843, and Mexico agreed through hers to pay off the amount in 
twenty installments. But three of these were paid. The pay- 
ment of the remainder was to commence in April 1844, about a 
year before Polk's accession to the presidency. Failing to com- 
ply M'ith her agreements, the subject demanded and received 
executive attention. 

The hostile feelings of Mexico, engendered by the resolution of 
annexation, being increased by the military occupation of Texas, 
Almonte, her minister to our government, early in March demanded 
and obtained his passports, while our minister, Slidell, being 
refused further audience with the Mexican officials, was, in one 
sense, peremptorily dismissed from the country. Ilerrera, then 
president of Mexico, though his power was evidently tottering to 
its fall, immediately issued a proclamation, asserting the Mexican 
right to the territory between the Neuces and Rio Grande, and 
calling out the forces of the country to resistance. Thus all 
government relations were destroyed, and the two nations con- 
tinued to approach open hostilities, which actively commenced 
around Matamoras in 1846. 

Congress convened December 1845, the Democrats being in the 
majority in both branches. The House organized by the election 
of a Democratic speaker, John M. Davis, of Indiana. Thus the 
administration bid fair to be strongly sustained. The President 
in his message urged upon Congress the revision of the tariff of 
1843, insisting upon a reduction of duties, — the establishment of 
an independent treasury system, and the assertion of our claim to 
the entire territory of Oregon after the expiration of one year. 
He also touched upon our affairs with Mexico, urging active 
preparations for any emergency that might occur from that quarter. 
The tariff question was immediately taken up. A new tariff was 
devised looking to revenue, not protective interests, and passed to 
go into operation December 1846. Many commodities were 
imported into the country, upon which only storage duties were 
paid until required for consumption. For the accommodation of 
such a "warehouse bill " was passed. These acts operating detri- 
mentally to the Pennsylvania iron interests, created great dissatis- 
faction among some of the eastern cities. 

Difficulties with Mexico at length approached a crisis, and 



882 JAMES K. POLK. 

actual hostilities commenced. In the spring of 1846 war was 
formally declared against that country, and immediate steps taken 
for its vigorous prosecution. The strength of the army was 
augmented, the navy increased, fifty thousand volunteers were 
called for and money appropriated within a brief period. The 
manner in which the war was prosecuted and brought to a close, 
covering our arms with glory, belongs to other pages. 

The Smithsonian Institute at Washington, a monument in the new 
world to the liberality of an educational philanthropist of the old, 
was incorporated and placed under congressional regulation, during 
the session. Provision for the reception of delegates from Texas, 
and the admission of "Wisconsin and Iowa was also made. A 
bill, authorizing the collection of indemnity from the French for 
depredations committed upon our merchant vessels, and a bill 
providing for the improvement of rivers and harbors also passed 
and were submitted to the President, — they both received his veto. 
It was at this session of Congress also, that the Wilmot Proviso 
originated. 

The bill requiring three millions of dollars to negotiate a treaty 
with Mexico was being considered, when Wilmot of Pennsylvania, 
an administration member, moved the following proviso: "That 
there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in any 
territory on the continent of America which shall hereafter be 
acquired or annexed to the United States by virtue of this appro- 
priation or any other manner whatever, except for crimes whereof 
the parties shall have been duly convicted : Provided always^ 
That any escaping to such territory from whom labor or service 
is lawfully claimed in any of the United States, such fugitive may 
be lawfully reclaimed and conveyed out of said territory to the 
person claiming his or her labor or service." This provision, after 
meeting considerable opposition from the southern members, 
passed the House and was sent to the Senate. It was, perhaps, 
only prevented from becoming a law by one man. The adjourn- 
ment of the session was fixed at twelve o'clock on the day the 
Proviso was being discussed in the Senate. Dixon H. Lewis, 
from Alabama, met it boldly and squarely. He moved in the 
Senate that it be stricken out, and made an able speech in support 
of the motion, Davis from Massachusetts arose to reply, and 
was making a speech in favor of the Proviso. The clock in the 
House was either too fast or that in the Senate too slow ; while 



JAMES K. POLK. 333 

Davis was speaking, word was brought that the House had ad- 
journed, — it being twelve o'clock by their time, but not by that of 
the Senate. Thus the bill failed, showing on what small things 
great matters often hinge. 

The Oregon boundary question next presented itself. It was 
definitely settled by formal treaty, concluded by the Secretary of 
State, James Buchanan, and Pakenham, the British minister, by 
fixing the boundary line on the forty-ninth degree of north latitude. 
The treaty was acquiesced in by the Senate, June 1846, which left 
us on terms of entire amity and good will toward Great Britain. 

The congressional election of 184:6 showed that the adminis- 
tration had waned in popularity, resulting in large accessions of 
strength to the Whig party. The main causes of this were 
opposition in many portions of the country to the Mexican war, 
and the change from the protective tariff of 1842, to the revenue 
principle. In the House, therefore, a majority of the members 
were opposed to the administration, while the Senate was still 
Democratic. Congress met December 1817 ; the House organized 
by the election of a Whig speaker, R, C. Winthrop, of Massa- 
chusetts, who beat Lynn Boyd, of Kentucky, forty-six votes. The 
session was comparatively inactive and unimportant. The terri- 
tory of Oregon was organized, a sixteen million loan was provided, 
and the State papers of President Madison were purchased by the 
government. 

The year of 1848 brought with it another presidential election. 
The Democratic national convention which met at Baltimore in 
May, nominated as their candidates, Lewis Cass, of Michigan, for 
President, and William O. Butler, of Kentucky, for vice-president. 
The Whig national convention met the June following in the city 
of Philadelphia, and nominated Zachary Taylor, of Louisiana, for 
President, and Millard Fillmore, of New York, for vice-president. 
The claims of Clay were warmly urged by his friends in the con- 
vention, but sacrificing his fitness to availibility, Taylor received 
the nomination. The Mexican war had been concluded, and 
the country was dazzled with the fame of the gallant hero, who 
had achieved so many brilliant victories and conferred such honor 
upon our flag. The friends of the Wilmot Proviso, organizing 
themselves into a "Free Soil Party," also met in convention in 
the city of Bufialo, New York, in August, and nominated Martin. 
Van Bnren and C. F. Adams, of Massachusetts, as their candi- 



384 JAMES K. POLK. 

dates for the presidency. The canvass resulted in the election of 
Taylor and Fillmore, each of whom received a hundred and sixty- 
three electoral votes. Cass and Butler received each a hundred and 
twenty-seven ; while the Free Soil candidates received none, though 
their popular vote at the polls was near three hundred thousand. 

The last session of Congress under Polk's administration 
assembled December 4th, 1848, and continued until March of the 
ensuing year. The principal subject of consideration before this 
Congress, was providing governments for the territories just 
acquired by treaty with Mexico; but the excitement concerning 
restriction or no restriction of slavery, as expressed in the Wilmot 
Proviso, and its application to these territories, prevented definite 
action on the various propositions submitted, and all efibrts to 
organize territorial governments at this session were unsuccessful. 

After the accession of his successor, Polk returned to Tennessee 
and took up his residence at his new mansion, situated in the 
most beautiful part of the city of Nashville. He determined to 
devote the balance of his life to domestic ease and quiet. He was 
married about the year 1828 to Sarah Childers, daughter of Joel 
Childers, of Rutherford County, Tennessee. They had no children. 

Polk did not long survive his retirement. Early in June, 1849, 
he was prostrated by a severe chronic diarrhea, of which he died 
in great pain on the 15th, in the 54th year of his age. His re- 
mains were deposited in the Nashville Cemetery, but subsequently 
removed to a plain, substantial family vault, constructed to re- 
ceive them, upon the mansion grounds. The ceremonies of 
removal were solemn and imposing, the remains being accom- 
panied by one of the largest Masonic processions ever witnessed 
in the South, composed in part, of distinguished men from all 
sections of the country. 

" In person Polk was of middle stature, with a full, angular 
brow, and a quick, penetrating eye. The expression of his 
countenance was grave ; and at the close of his presidential term 
he appeared care-worn. The serious cast of his countenance 
was often relieved by a pleasant smile, indicative of the amenity 
of his disposition. In private life he was much esteemed. He 
was unostentatious in his deportment, and in his last illness indi- 
cated his religious views by receiving the ordinance of baptism 
from a clergyman of the Methodist church." 




ZACHAHY TAYLOR. 



ZACHAEY TAYLOK. 



Zachary Taylor, one of five children, and son of Richard and 
Sarah Taylor, was born November 24th, 1784, in Orange County, 
Virginia. His ancestry were from England, whence they emi- 
grated to this country in 1692. The father of Zaciiaky served 
bravely as a colonel through the Revolutionary war. He went to 
Kentucky in 1785, a year after the birth of his son, who was to 
bring such distinction to his name, and settled where now stands 
the flourishing city of Louisville. Success attended his change of 
residence, and through correct deportment and continued energy, 
he soon accumulated a very handsome property. As Louisville 
rose into commercial importance, and the State began to assume 
politically prominent influence and position, he became a man of 
considerable note. He took part in forming the State constitution, 
and several times represented Jefierson County in the assembly. 
After proving himself an honored and valuable citizen for a 
number of years, both in public and private capacities, he died at 
his farm, regretted by all conversant with his sterling qualities. 
Previous to his death he showed a strong desire to see his children 
educated to walks of usefulness and honor. His son Zachaky, 
therefore, when a small boy, was sent to school to a Mr. Ay res, 
who taught in the immediate neighborhood. At that time the 
country was infested with Indians, and no small degree of care 
and solicitude were felt by parents and guardians for children 
attending school. 

Young Taylor was also taught to labor, being confined when 

not at school to the healthful, exhilarating exercise of farming till 

( 885 ) 



88G ZACHARY TAYLOR. 

he reached his majority ; this accouuts to a great degree for his 
strong, unbeudiug coustitution, which nothing could subdue 
during all the privations of a long and checkered military life. 
He first turned his thoughts to military affairs at the time when 
the people of Kentucky were inflamed in regard to the alleged 
machinations of Aaron Burr, having been induced by the 
suspicions attached to that noted man to join a body of Ken- 
tucky volunteers. Ilis service however not being required, he 
again engaged in rural occupations. 

Id 1808, through the intervention of influential kinsmen, he 
was appointed lieutenant in the United States army, to fill the 
vacancy caused by the death of his brother, Hancock Taylor, who 
had held that commission for some time. lie was then twenty- 
three years old when opportunity opened for the gratification of 
his military propensities. He took great pride in his new com- 
mission, and hastened to join General Wilkinson at New Orleans. 
On arriving in that city he was attacked with yellow fever, and 
forced to return home. He remained inactive for some time, but 
devoted himself closely to the study of military tactics. In 1810 
he was married to Margaret Smith, daughter to Major R. S. Smith, 
of Maryland, a lady every way adapted to his tastes and feelings. 

In 1812, after the formal declaration of war between the United 
States and Great Britain, Taylor was advanced in rank, and took 
command of Fort Harrison, built by the general of that name on 
the Wabash, near Vincennes, during operations already mentioned 
against the combined forces of Tecumseh, the Prophet, and the 
British. Against this fort the Indians made early preparations 
for an attack. After vainly trying to deceive Captain Taylok 
and his party, many of whom were disabled by sickness from 
making resistance, the savages, on the night of the 6th of Sep- 
tember, made a desperate assault. The littk garrison numbering 
in all but fifty, including invalids, were aroused in the night by 
the muskets of the foes. The fort was fired, and but for tlie 
intrepidity and coolness of the commander would have been 
destroyed. Under his directions water was thrown upon the fire 
by some of the party, while others opened upon the assailants a 
continuous fire that had destructive efiect. This attack lasted 
about eight hours, during which, owing to the superior skill and 
composure of Taylor, but three or four of his men were killed, 
while quite a number of the Indians fell at every discharge from 



ZACHAEY TAYLOR, 887 

the furt. Seeing the utter futility of further efforts, the savages at 
length withdrew, leaving the fortress in possession of its occu- 
pants. General Hopkins soon after arrived with a reinforcement, 
as the garrison were still apprehensive of another attack. Taylor 
in this aifair behaved with such coolness and showed such mili- 
tary knowledge, that he was advanced to the rank of Major ; while 
in letters to the executive of Kentucky, it was said: "The firm 
and almost unparalleled defense of Fort Harrison, by Captain 
Zachaey Taylor, has raised for him a fabric of character not to 
be exalted by eulogy." Soon after an expedition was planned 
by Hopkins against the settlements of the Winnebagoes, which, 
after considerable skirmishing was entirely successful. In this 
Taylor behaved with much bravery, and received the highest 
praises of his commander, and the admiration of his subordinates. 

Major Taylor remained on the northern frontier, co-operating 
efficiently with Harrison and others, until the successful termin- 
ation of the war of 1812. After the close of the war, the army 
was reduced, and former promotions done away with. In conse- 
quence of this, Taylor, from the rank of major, sank to that of cap- 
tain. Displeased with the policy that dictated such a course he left 
the service, and returning home resumed his farming avocations. 
He was soon after, however, restored to his former commission 
and returned to the army. After some two years meritorious 
service on Lake Michigan, whither he M'as ordered in 1816, he 
returned to Kentucky. Remaining in that State about a year 
he was sent to New Orleans. In connection with Colonel Kussel, 
an old friend and associate, he continued in the southern service 
a number of years, his principal duties being the opening of roads 
and the erection of military posts. In 1819 he was promoted to 
the rank of lieutenant-colonel, which he held without opportunity 
of signalizing himself until 1824, when he went to Louisville on 
the recruiting service. Conjoined with General Winfield Scott and 
other military officers, in 1821, he w^as actively engaged in organ- 
izing the national militia so as to render them more effective. 

These labors, although they gave opportunity for the exercise of 
militai'y judgment, resulted in no permanent or solid benefits. 
He now again embarked in the duties of the north-western frontier, 
in the discharge of which he continued for a period of five years. 
Drilling his troops through the various military evolutions pertain- 
ing to the service, in the northern wilds of Wisconsin, and studying 



ggS Z A CHARY TAYLOR. 

army tactics, Colonel Taylor was preparlug himself for the 
important position awaiting him. He has been described at this 
time as open in his disposition, frank, generous, intelligent, and 
liberal-minded, but a rigid disciplinarian, whom nothing could 
subdue or dishearten. 

In 1832 the difficulties of the Black Hawk war called him to 
more laborious service. The Sac Indians urged on, it has been 
asserted, by mercenary white men, committed various outrages 
upon the frontier settlers of Illinois. They were led by the 
famous chief, Black Hawk, and caused fearful alarm among the 
people. 

General Scott was immediately ordered with a thousand men 
to the scene of operations, with instructions to arrest further 
depredations. This force was subsequently increased by the acces- 
sion of two thousand five hundred men, among whom were four 
hundred regulars, commanded by Colonel Taylor. The Indians 
retreating into the back woods, Atkinson and Taylor, about the 
last of July, 1832, in obedience to instructions, were ordered to 
pursue them. After a toilful march, they came up with the Indians, 
at the confluence of the Iowa and Mississippi rivers, where after a 
sanguinary struggle, they were entirely routed with great slaughter. 
Tay'lor behaved in the action with all the coolness and courage 
of a veteran warrior. The chief, Black Hawk, and a numerous 
retinue of prisoners were conveyed by Taylor to Jefferson bar- 
racks, where they remained till preliminaries for peace were 
arranged. Thus closed tiie Black Hawk war. Taylor after these 
transactions visited his family at Louisville, Kentucky, whence 
after a brief but pleasant sojourn he assumed the command of Fort 
Crawford at Prairie du Chien, which he had hastily constructed 
during former operations in that quarter. He remained at that 
point for some time. In 1836, in view of the menacing attitude 
of the Seminole Indians in Florida, he was ordered to that State, 
whither he went without delay. Refusing to comply with treaty 
stipulations entered upon in 1832, to evacuate the territory, but 
manifesting no hostile intentions, they had lived on terms of amity 
with the white settlers, the latter indicating no great anxiety to en- 
force the treaty. These peaceful relations, however, were destined 
to speedy destruction. Osceola, a bold and daring chief, incited 
his brethren to rebellion, and a bloody crusade against the whites 
was commenced, — another evidence of the utter impossibility of 



ZACHAEY TAYLOR. 889 

two distinct races, the one inferior to the other, occupying the 
same soil without servitude or rebellion. Listening to the war 
appeals, the entire Semiuoles were in arms, and murders and 
outrages of various grades were committed in the territory. 
Taylor reached Florida at a time when matters looked more dis- 
couraging than otherwise. All efforts of General Jessup to bring 
the war to an end had proved abortive, and tended to embolden the 
savages. Operations were now to be pursued on a difTerent plan. 
Taylor was instructed to ferret out the foe and overcome them 
wherever found, without reference to further attempts at negoti- 
ation. 

In December 1837, therefore, in company with General Jes- 
sup, and eleven hundred men, he set out for the tliickets and 
swamps, resolved to exterminate or bring to terms of accomo- 
dation the lurking enemy. They came up with the Indians on 
Christmas day. They were concealed among the hummocks, in a 
prairie bordered by a thick cypress swamp. Taylor, after arrang- 
ing matters for the attack, led his troops across the swamp and pene- 
trated the prairie. Just as they had got fairly into the glade, the 
sharp crack of several hundred rifles and as many wild yells from 
the foe gave them a bloody and hideous greeting. The effect was 
perfectly stunning. Nothing can be more inconceivably startling 
than to be thus suddenly attacked by blood-thirsty savages, to 
whom slaughter is a feast and the cries of pain but music. Many 
of our officers were shot down at the first discharge, while bullets 
continued to pour among their ranks. As the Indians rushed from 
their hiding places some confusion became manifest among the 
volunteers as they saw several officers fall. Recovering however, 
they rushed to the charge, each man performing his duty as though 
his own life were to be the sacrifice if they failed. The Indians were 
several times driven back, but as often rallied and fought with 
unabated courage. In this way the fight continued several 
hours with murderous effect. The enemy at last gave away and 
were hotly pursued to their camp on Lake Okeechobee, after 
which this sanguinary conflict took its name. The battle of Okee- 
chobee closed the war, — some violence followed, but further im- 
portant transactions were unnecessary to resubjugate the hostile 
tribes. The Americans lost in the action twenty-six killed and 
one hundred and twelve wounded, among whom were several valu- 
able officers, who had given evidences of high military promise 



890 Z A CHARY TAYLOR. 

and future distinction. Taylor received the highest encomiums 
for his skill and dauntless courage in the action. The government 
extended to him, through the War department, appropriate thanks 
for his gallantry and coolness, and soon after rewarded him by 
promotion to the rank of "brigadier general for distinguished 
services in the battle of Okeechobee, in Florida." After this pro- 
motion he succeeded General Jessup in the command of the forces 
in Florida, and devoted himself with efficient energy to the pro- 
tection of the inhabitants against the Indians, and to keeping them 
entirely overawed. 

He held this post till 1840, and performed his duties every way 
satisfactory to the government. Being succeeded in the southern 
command by General Armistead, Taylor was placed at the head 
of the troops in the south-west, and established his head-quarters 
at Fort Jessup, in Arkansas. In 1841 he took possession of Fort 
Gibson, which he continued to occupy for a period of five years. 
He, in the meantime, bought property in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, 
and removed his family from Kentucky to that place, which re- 
mained his residence for many years. 

He remained in but partially active service till the annexation 
of Texas, when, as before stated, he was ordered to that State 
with an army of occupation. Soon as the annexation resolutions 
were acquiesced in by Texas, Taylor was ordered to advance to 
the Sabine, at some point on the Gulf favorable to the protection of 
the new State. For this expedition he was furnished with two regi- 
ments of infantry and seyen companies of dragoons and artillery. 
His immediate instructions were to take possession of the entire 
portion of Texas claimed by the people of that State, in the man- 
ner his own judgment should dictate, but to refrain from striking 
a blow unless compelled to. Taylor accordingly proceeded to 
the western frontier and took up his position at Corpus Christi, 
near the mouth of the Nueces, — the disputed territory being between 
that river and the Ilio Grande. He remained at Corpus Christi 
about six months, when agreeably to instructions he moved for- 
ward with his army toward the Rio Grande. Just before reaching 
Point Isabel he was met by a deputation of Mexicans from Mata- 
moras, bearing a protest against his occupancy of the country. 
Point Isabel was seen at the same time in flames, and justly feel- 
ing that it was an act of overt hostility on the part of the Mexi- 
cans, he dismissed the deputation, and telling them he would give 



ZACHAKY TAYLOR. 891 

an answer from the Rio Grande, he hastened to subdue the fire at 
Point Isabel, designing to establish an army depot there. Most 
of the buildings were preserved, while the captain, by whose order 
the place was fired, escaped merited punishment. 

Kemaining at Point Isabel for some time the army proceeded to 
the E.io Grande, and threw up a fort opposite Matamoras, to 
which they gave the name of Fort Brown. The Mexicans also 
constructed fortifications on the other side, resolved to dispute all 
attempts against the town. On the 10th of April, 1846, the first 
blood was shed, and by Mexican hands. Colonel Cross of the 
army, for exercise rode out that morning unattended, beyond the 
lines. He was murdered by the enemy, — his remains were subse- 
quently buried with due military honors. The Mexican forces 
rapidly increased upon the Rio Grande, and were under the com- 
mand of General Ampudia. On the 12th of April, that general 
wrote the following note to the American commander : 

" By explicit and definite orders of my government, which neither 
can well nor should receive new outrages, I require you in all form, 
and at latest, in the peremptory term of twenty-four hours, to break 
up your camp and retire to the other bank of the Neuces river, while 
our governments are regulating the pending question in relation 
to Texas. If you insist on remaining upon the soil of the depart- 
ment Tamaulipas, it will clearly result that arms, and arms alone, 
must decide the question ; and in that case I advise you that we 
accept the war to which wath so much injustice on your part you 
provoke us ; and that on our part this war shall be conducted 
conformably to the principles of the most civilized nations ; that 
is to say, that the law of nations and of war shall be the guide' 
of my operations ; trusting that on your part the same shall be' 
observed." To the above Taylor replied as follows : 

"The instructions under which I am acting will not permit me 
to retrograde from the position I now occupy. In view of the 
relations between our respective governments, and the individual 
sufiering which may result, I regret the alternative which you ofler, 
but at the same time wish it understood that I shall by no means 
avoid such alternative, leaving the responsibilities with those who 
rashly commenced hostilities. In conclusion, you will permit me 
CO give the assurance, on my part, that the laws and customs of 
war among civilized nations shall be carefully observed." Hos- 
tilities now fairly commenced. Arista succeeded Ampudia in the 
60 



892 ZACHARY TAYLOR. 

command of the Mexican army, whose strength was much in- 
creased. Taylor continued strengtheniug his position, deter- 
mined to maintain it at all hazards. He also blockaded the river, 
thus cutting off supplies from Matamoras. When this was known 
to the Mexican General, he made preparations to attack the fort 
with vigor and in full force. Taylor, believing from all indi- 
cations that the Mexicans would aim to get possession of Point 
Isabel, and then come upon his rear, and knowing that to be an 
important point hastened thither, leaving Fort Brown in as good 
a condition of defense as circumstances would allow. Mistaking 
this retrograde movement, designed to protect the army stores, for 
a retreat, the Mexican general resolved on pursuit, and dispatched 
a large body of men across the Rio Grande for that purpose. 
Having secured the safety of his stores at Point Isabel, Taylor 
now hastened back to Fort Brown, besieged in the meantime by 
the enemy, who had erected a fort in the rear of it. On the 8th of 
May he met the pursuing Mexicans, drawn up for battle on a 
prairie in the vicinity of Palo Alto. Both sides prepared for 
action, which commenced at two o'clock P M. on the part of the 
Americans, who were resolved to force the enemy's position. The 
Mexican cannon were planted immediately in front, their cavalry 
stationed on the left. As the order to advance was given, the 
artillery of the enemy opened upon the Americans with a series 
of terrific discharges. They were responded to by the light 
artillery of Major Ringgold in front, and Duncan's battery on the 
left. The attack, sustained for the most part by artillery, lasted 
some five hours, when, unable longer to withstand the destructive 
and well directed fire of the battery, the Mexicans were swept 
from the field. Taylor's force in the engagement numbered 
about twenty-three hundred men. That of the Mexicans was 
estimated at six thousand. Their loss in the action was two 
hundred killed and four hundred wounded. The Americans lost 
nine killed and forty wounded, — among the former was the gallant 
and accomplished Major Ringgold.* Remaining on the ground 
during the night, Taylor proceeded next day toward Matamoras. 
At a ravine known as Resaca de la Palma, he found the Mexicans 
prepared to dispute his progress. They were strongly posted, 
having their artillery so arranged as to bear directly upon the 



* Mansfield. 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. 893 

advancing columns. As the Americans approached, the Mexican 
artillery, managed principally by General La Vega, opened upon 
them a tremendous fire which was returned by Ridgely's battery 
with telling efiect. After the action had continued for some time 
in this way, Taylor determined to silence the guns of La Yega 
by a bold stroke. This duty was assigned to Captain May of the 
dragoons. That officer at the head of his troop immediately 
dashed ahead over all opposition upon the guns. He ordered La 
Vega to surrender. Finding resistance vain, and astounded at 
an exploit, the daring of which he had never before seen equalled, 
the Mexican general obeyed. The enemy's guns were efiectually 
silenced, and La Vega taken prisoner. This was one of the most 
daring feats of the whole war, and decided the day. The Mexi- 
cans gave way on all sides and fled to the Rio Grande, hotly pur- 
sued by our troops till they passed that river. The Mexican force 
in the engagement was estimated at six thousand, while that of 
the Americans did not reach one-third that number. The Ameri- 
can loss was thirty-nine killed and eighty-three wounded. The 
loss of the enemy in these two actions, killed, wounded and miss- 
ing was about one thousand. " Our victory," said Taylor in his 
dispatch, "has been decisive. A small force has overcome 
ipamense odds of the best troops Mexico can furnish, — veteran 
regiments perfectly equipped and appointed. Eight pieces of 
artillery, several colors, and a large amount of baggage and public 
property have fallen into our hands. The causes of the victory are 
doubtless to be found in the superior quality of the officers and 
men." Taylor in these actions exhibited the highest courage, 
coolness, and military judgment, exposing himself, regardless of 
danger, to the most imminent peril. The Mexican army was 
completely shattered. Their general. Arista, ingloriously fled 
and made his way alone into the interior. 

Fort Brown, which in the meantime, had been left in com- 
mand of Major Brown and Captains Mansfield and Hawkins, was 
severely bombarded by the Mexicans from the fort erected in the 
rear. The attack commenced on the morning of the 5th of Maj^, 
and was continued for several days with vigor. The heroic 
defenders of the fort were at one time almost reduced to extremi- 
ties, being closely besieged and very short of supplies. The 
victories of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma, and the return 
of the Americans on the 10th gave joyful relief, and left the 



894 ZACHARY TAYLOR. 

Americans in undisputed possession of the Rio Grande as a basis 
of future operations. News of the movements taking place on 
the Rio Grande flew rapidly to the United States and created the 
most intense interest. Congress immediately authorized the 
appropriation of ten million of dollars, and the raising of fifty 
thousand volunteers for the purpose of prosecuting the war to a 
speedy and victorious conclusion. Largely over the number 
required were soon reported to the executives of the various 
States ready for marching orders. 

Taylor, after the victories just noted, resolved to attack Mata- 
moras. Commodore Conner's squadron in the Gulf was expected 
to participate. For the purpose of conferring with that officer, 
Taylor, leaving his army in the command of General Twiggs, 
hastened to Point Isabel. At that place he met a reinforcement 
just arrived from Louisiana. These were placed in the command 
of Colonel Wilson, and proceeded across the Rio Grande, taking 
possession of Brazos, it being the first capture made beyond the 
river. Taylor returned to headquarters and prepared for an 
immediate attack upon Matamoras. While this was being done, 
Arista, who had returned to the city, proposed an armistice, with a 
Tiew to the settlement of existent difficulties between the two 
governments. Judging this to be a mere pretext to gain time 
Taylor refused compliance. Arista partially succeeded in remov- 
ing his military stores, when with the remnant of his army he 
retreated toward Monterey. Taylor now crossed the Rio Grande 
and took undisputed possession of Matamoras. The enemy was 
pursued by Lieutenant-Colonel Garland and his cavalry a distance 
of sixty miles, when the pursuing party satisfied of the futility 
of farther efibrts returned to the city. 

Arrangements were soon made for a formal invasion of the 
country. Much delay was occasioned, and operations greatly 
retarded by the inefficient facilities of transportation. In June 
Taylor was regularly commissioned as Major-General. During 
the summer, operations were successful in various quarters. Vera 
Cruz was blockaded, and Reynosa, Revilla, Mier, and Camargo 
captured. The latter point, near two hundred miles above the 
mouth of the Rio Grande, was selected as the general depot where 
supplies and various divisions of reinforcemnts were to be con- 
centrated. By autumn the forces under his command, Taylor 
thought, justified an advance into the interior. On the 20th of 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. §95 

August, therefore, General Worth with his division commenced 
the march, and was a few days after followed by Taylok in person ; 
their design being against the city of Monterey, the capitol of 
New Leon, and one of the most important places in northern 
Mexico. The forces of Worth and Taylor effected a junction the 
latter part of August at Murin, and were oi'ganized under the 
commander-in-chief. Taylor encamped the 19th of September 
at Walnut Springs, only a league distant from the city. Monterey 
was defended by ten thousand men under the command of General 
Ampudia, one of the most inefficient officers that ever drew a 
lance. The city possessed strong natural defenses, which had been 
augmented by the Mexicans. After cautious and careful recon- 
noissances of the city, Tayloe, notwithstanding the disparity of 
numbers, determined to take the place by storm. This was no 
small undertaking. Defended on all sides by strong fortresses, 
whence frowned mounted cannon upon the invaders, she pre- 
sented a formidable appearance. The streets of the city, too, 
were narrow and well defended by cannon, and the soldiers provided 
with every means of defense. General Worth, on the 20th of 
September encamped near the city just beyond the range of the 
Mexican guns, and on the ensuing day began the attack. On the 
23d the entire army was engaged in the assault, and a fierce 
struggle ensued in the streets. The enemy gave way gradually, 
retreating from street to street, until their strong works were 
abandoned. Tayloe placed his troops in these, resolved to confer 
with General Worth in regard to a combined assault. The city, 
however, was spared the consequences of being stormed. On the 
24th, General Ampudia notified the American general of his 
willingness to evacuate the town if permitted to do so with 
their baggage and munitions without molestation. Taylor, not 
wishing to weaken his forces, or subject the inhabitants to further 
injury, wisely acceded to the proposition. The Mexicans the 
next day left the city, and General Worth was made its temporary 
governor. The American loss in and around Monterey amounted 
to a hundred and twenty killed, and three hundred and sixty-eight 
wounded, — that of the enemy was greatly over that number. On 
the 12th of November Tayloe, having established his headquarters 
at Monterey, sent Worth and his division to Saltillo, and directed 
General Wool, instead of continuing his route to Chihuahua, to 
lead his forces, over two thousand strong, to Parras. These order? 



g96 ZACHARY TAYLOR. 

were obeyed, aud Generals Worth and Wool effected a junction of 
their troops at Saltillo early in December. Taylor soon after 
joined them at that point, resolved to hold Saltillo, as being a 
place of considerable political and military importance. 

The Mexicans were concentrating all available forces at San 
Luis Potosi, a city situated about three hundred miles from Saltillo 
Taylor gave a clear statement of the obstacles in the way of an 
advance upon that place, and proposed an immediate movement 
against Tarapico. This plan was not carried out. That place 
was, however, taken by Commodore Perry during the mouth of 
November, aud a garrison detached from Taylor's army to 
take possession of it. Taylor had returned to Monterey ; learn- 
ing while on his way from that place to Victoria, that Santa 
Anna, who had been recalled from exile and placed at the head 
of the Mexican armies at San Luis Potosi, meditated an attack upon 
Worth's command at Saltillo, and afterward that of General Wool 
at Parras, he hastened back with a view of concentrating his forces 
to meet the enemy. Activity and watchfulness now characterized 
the movements of the American general. Quitman was ordered 
with his volunteers to Victoria to join the troops of General 
Patterson. Generals Butler and Wool moved with their respect- 
ive troops from Parras and Monterey to reinforce Worth at 
Saltillo, while Taylor in person, accompanied by Twiggs, pro- 
ceeded in the direction of Victoria, of which General Quitman 
took unopposed possession on the 29th of December. On the 4th 
of January, 184:7, Generals Taylor and Twiggs entered the place 
and joined to their command the troops of Patterson and Quitman, 
which increased the forces in the town to over five thousand men. 

The American Congress, in the meantime, resolved to com- 
mence operations against Vera Cruz, and thence push forward to 
the city of Mexico. General Winfield Scott was appointed com- 
mander-in-chief of the army, and made immediate efforts to insure 
the success of his southern campaign. His first step was to draw 
off from Taylor nearly all the regulars whom he had so long and 
bravely commanded and led to so many brilliant victories. 
Generals Worth, Quitman, Patterson, and Twiggs, with their 
several commands, in obedience to the orders of Scott, departed 
for Vera Cruz, leaving Taylor with but five thousand men, of 
whom but five hundred were regulars, to continue operations 
against Santa Anna. Taylor, on parting with his faithful old 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. 897 

regulars, issued an order " extending his heartfelt wishes for their 
continued success and happiness, confident that their achieve- 
ments on another theater would redound to the credit of their coun- 
try and its arms." Being reinforced till his command reached 
between six and seven thousand men, Taylor, in January 1847, 
took up his headquarters at Monterey, where he learned the 
capture by the Mexicans of Cassius M. Clay and Majors Gaines 
and Borland at Encarnacion. Santa Anna, meanwhile, had been 
elected provisional President of Mexico, and collected at San Luis 
Potosi an army of twenty-one thousand men, and was preparing 
to drive Taylok across the Rio Grande. In early February 
his army was put in motion against the Americans at Saltillo. 
Tiie Mexicans were well equipped, and led by their old general, 
confident of victory. After a rapid march they reached Encar- 
nacion on the 21st, and the next day pushed forward against 
Saltillo. 

Every inducement surrounded the Mexican general to leave no 
effort untried to obtain a decisive victory. If he could beat 
Taylor in an important battle, one by one, he could retake all the 
captured posts, drive him out of the country, infuse ardor into the 
army, and establish unlimited ascendency over the minds of the 
people. If himself beaten, the Americans would be in undisputed 
possession of the northern division of Mexico, his own army broken 
to pieces, and all hope and confidence destroyed. Everything, 
indeed, hinged upon the fate of a single battle, and the newly 
created President was fully nerved up to the crisis. 

Taylor, on learning the vast preparation and approach of the 
enemy, with skill and celerity concentrated his forces, and took 
up his position about three leagues from Saltillo at a mountain 
pass called Buena Yista, where he determined to await and give 
battle. The position was well selected. It was a narrow pass 
between two ranges of mountains through which lay the Saltillo 
and San Luis Potosi road. The mountains were cut with gullies 
by heavy rains to which the country is subjected, between which 
were plateaus of sufiicient surface to afford foot-hold for small 
bodies of soldiers and maneuvering detachments. Parallel with 
the road to the west was a deep ditch, piercing it from the western 
range of mountains. Taylor stationed his left wing on a large 
plateau east of the road commanding the mountain side, his- 
right wing rested on the opposite mountain side upon the plateaus- 



g98 ZACHARY TAYLOR. 

protected by the ditch, while the light artillery was stationed in 
the road commandiDg the center of the pass. 

On the morning of the 22d of February, a body of Americans 
stationed at Agna Nueva came rushing to Bnena Yista, announcing 
the approach of the Mexicans, who were moving rapidly forward 
from Encarnacion. The position of the American army was 
extremely critical. Santa Anna had a force five times their 
number, well equipped and elated with hopes of victory. Taylor 
had but few regulars, — his force, greatly inferior in numbers as it 
was, being mostly volunteers unaccustomed to the field, — yet he 
prepared to meet the enemy with boldness and fortitude, Tayloe 
possessed an extraordinary amount of firmness and determination. 
When he was preparing to return from Point Isabel to Fort Brown, 
in 1846, just previous to the battles of Palo Alto and Resaca de 
la Palma, he said: " I shall march this day with the main body of 
the army to open a communication with Major Brown, and to 
throw forward supplies of ordnance and provision. If the enemy 
ojppose 7ny march^ in lohatever force I shall fight him.'''' 

He was now at Buena Vista, and though the enemy was march- 
ing forward with overwhelming numbers, he resolved to fight him 
"in whatever force." Santa Anna soon came up and at eleven 
o'clock informed Taylor that he was " surrounded by twenty 
thousand men," and ordered him to surrender. In reply to this 
information and order, Taylor characteristically said: '-''Tell 
Santa An7ia to come and talce w^," which the latter immedi- 
ately prepared to do. The judicious selection of his position 
now became apparent. It was a species of Thermopylse pass, 
where numerical superiority was deprived of many advantages. 
The mountain sides prevented successful cavalry deploys, in 
which a great part of the enemy's strength consisted, while the 
narrowness of the pass rendered inefiicient a large portion of 
the infantry and artillery. The Mexicans began the attack against 
the left wing stationed on the plateau east of the road, by en- 
deavoring to turn their flank, — these maneuvers resulted in 
nothing more than light skirmishing. Expecting a complete 
victory, by order of the Mexican general, fifteen hundred cavalry 
led by Minon gained the rear of Taylor's army, to prevent his 
retreat. Night set in, and the Americans rested on their arms, 
ready to give their enemy a fierce welcome on the morrow \ 
Taylor went to Saltillo to bring forward all the troops at that' 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. 899 

place ; he arrived at Buena Vista just after the action began on 
the morning of the 23d. The attack was made in the same 
manner as it was the day before against the left wing on the 
plateau. The gallant left sustained its position manfully, hurling 
back a vastly superior force with their well directed iires. Early 
in the morning a dense body of Mexicans marched steadily forward 
against the American center. They soon encountered the artillery, 
directed by Captain Washington, and were driven back with 
severe loss. Uniting a large number of cavalry and infantry 
under cover of the ridges, the Mexicans again directed a combined 
and desperate attack upon the left. O'Brian's artillery poured 
against the advancing infantry a heavy and destructive fire, but 
could not check their progress, and it was soon perceived that they 
were rapidly outflanking the left wing with the obvious intent of 
gaining the rear. Affairs were in this most critical condition 
when Taylor arrived on the ground from Saltillo. Captains Bragg 
and Sherman with their artillery were quickly ordered to the sup- 
port of the receding left, and bodies of cavalry formed for the 
same purpose. The Mexicans made desperate efforts against 
these, but were forced to fall back. A portion of the Mexican army 
had meantime gained the rear, but being disjoined from the main 
body, reaped no advantages by the movement ; they rather, indeed, 
embarrassed themselves while endeavoring to regain the regular 
ranks. At this junction Santa Anna sent Taylok a message, 
asking what he wanted. Wool was sent to the Mexican general 
with an order for his troops to cease their fire. This not being 
obeyed Wool returned to his post. 

After various evolutions and repulses, the Mexicans again became 
united, and strong efforts were made to drive the Americans from the 
field. Minon secured a high position on the Saltillo road, and had 
several light encounters with Taylor's reserves. He also tried to 
charge the artillery but was driven back in confusion and did not 
again participate in the action. Santa Anna's reserves now made 
a vigorous attack upon the Illinois and Kentucky volunteers, com- 
posing a portion of the infantry. They came on in vastly superior 
numbers and overwhelmed everything before them. O'Brian's 
infantry was routed and his field pieces, so gallantly served, cap- 
tured by the advancing Mexicans, At this critical moment and 
turning point of the battle, the heroic Bragg came forward 
with his artillery from his noble defense of the left. A body of 



900 ZACHARY TAYLOR. 

inftuitry was quickly formed, aud he was ordered iu front of the 
flushed Mexicans. Though at the imminent peril of losing not 
only his guns but his life the order was promptly obeyed. His 
battery was formed not a minute too soon, — the enemy were 
within a few yards of his guns when a shower of canister checked 
them on the spot, while repeated discharges cut them down 
with fearful slaughter. Bragg won imperishable laurels. With- 
out flinching or giving way an inch, his battery thundered death 
against the enemy, who repulsed, would return in dense bodies to 
the very muzzles of his pieces, when they would recoil with 
thinned ranks ; at length they were forced to retire wuth heavy 
loss. The Kentucky troops in their ardor advancing too far 
ahead of the main body, were turned back and hotly pursued 
by the enemy, who followed them along the ravine, until re- 
pulsed by a raking fire from Washington's artillery. Protected 
by the Indiana and Mississippi troops, a portion of the artillery 
took position on the plateau which was gallantly defended. 
Colonels Ilenrj' Clay, jr., aud McKee of Kentucky, and Hardin 
of Illinois fell while leading forward their commands ; Colonel 
Yell, of Arkansas, and Adjutant Vaughan, of Kentucky, were 
killed in the earlier part of the action. 

The repulse of the Mexicans by Braggs' battery, and suc- 
cessful defense of the plateau terminated gloriously the battle of 
Buena Yista, the result of which was the subjugation of northern 
Mexico. Night again hovered over the field, and put an and to 
the conflict. The wounded were conveyed to Saltillo and carefully 
provided for. Expecting a renewal of the contest on the 2-Ath, the 
troops rested on their arms, and for the most part without fires. 
Reinforcements came in, both of infantry and cavalry, and every 
preparation was made for a renewal of the action. When the morn- 
ing dawned however upon the field of battle, it was perceived that 
the enemy had retreated to Agua Nueva, whither, in his present 
exhausted condition, Taylor did not deem it advisable to pursue, 
satisfied with the dispersion of an army numbering five times his 
own, and the maintenance of his position. 

A satisfactory exchange of prisoners was agreed upon between 
the two commanders. Taylor buried the dead, and with charac- 
teristic magnanimity, attended with solicitude to the wants of the 
Mexican wounded, having them conveyed to Saltillo where medical 
aid was procured. The Americans lost in this sanguinary battle 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. 901 

two hundred and sixty-seven killed, four hundred and fifty-six 
wounded and twenty-three missing, — the Mexicans lost in all over 
fifteen hundred. 

Santa Anna evacuated Agua Nueva on the 26th, and in a dis- 
tressed condition directed his march to San Luis Potosi ; on the 
next day General Tayloe and his army were encamped at Agua 
Nueva, the remaining Mexican soldiers retreating at his approach, 
leaving many of the dead unburied and the wounded uncared for. 
The Mexican army continued to decrease by sickness and desertion, 
Santa Anna leaving along the route of his retreat, dead, sick, and 
dying soldiers, — some crowded into houses, and others lying on 
the road side. 

This, in many respects, was one of the most extraordinary 
battles fought in modern times. Men versed in military matters 
concluded that at one time the Americans were virtually beaten, 
but owing to their inexperience in the field the volunteers 
were ignorant of the fact, and fought on till victory crowned 
their eiforts. 

At Buena Vista Taylor reached the acme of his military fame. 
Cut oflf from the aid of his regulars, with that bold and indomi- 
table courage he had always exhibited, he was determined to 
maintain his position at every hazard. News of his glorious 
victory, the importance of which, Mansfield justly says in his 
well written history of the Mexican war, can not be exaggerated, 
was welcomed in the United States with pride and gratification. 
Thomas L. Crittenden, aid to Taylor, being dispatched to Wash- 
ington city with the ofiicial account of the battle, and an escort of 
two hundred and sixty men under Major Giddings, was attacked 
at Ceralvo by the Mexicans, over four times their number, com- 
manded by General Urrea. The escort fought bravely, and after 
a sharp encounter forced the Mexicans to give way, and proceeded 
on their route. Tayxor, after active pursuit of Urrea, returned 
to his old camp at Walnut Springs, in the vicinity of Monterey, 
and established his headquarters. 

The capture of Vera Cruz by General Scott, and his subsequent 
victories at Cerro Gordo, Cherubusco, Chapultepec, and Molino 
del Rey, resulting in the conclusion of the Mexican war, Taylor, 
after several months of comparative leisure asked and obtained 
leave to revisit his home at Baton Rouge, Louisiana. Having 
reached the highest position among the heroes of his country, 



902 Z A CHARY TAYLOR. 

he now wished to retire to his home aud enjoy with his family, 
from whom he had been so long absent, the dear reward of merit 
and duty. Leaving the army under General Wool he returned to 
the United States, through the country which his own arms had 
conquered, passing Camargo, Matamoras, and Point Isabel on his 
route. He left the latter point in November, and arrived at New 
Orleans the first of the ensuing month, where, aside from that 
holiest of joys, a reunion with his family, he was greeted with 
firing of cannon, and the plaudits of his countrymen. Among 
other testimonials of highest appreciation, he was presented with 
an elegant sword, appropriated by the Legislature of Louisiana. 
It was presented by Governor Johnson, who made suitable and 
eloquent remarks op the occasion, to which Taylok replied with 
deep feeling and emotion. Thence to Baton Rouge his journey 
was a grand ovation of the people, who were eager to extend 
grateful homage to the brave veteran who had so heroically vindi- 
cated the national flag, and maintained unsullied tiie national 
honor. 

He reached Baton Rouge with an earnest desire to close his life 
at his home uninterrupted by public cares. In this he was doomed 
to disappointment. Though the measure of his military glory 
was complete, a double honor awaited him. His extraordinary 
achievements in carrying the American arms under the most 
untoward circumstances, through an enemy's country, and bring- 
ing back our banners with victory perched upon them, had taken 
a deep hold upon the mind of the people, and identified him 
with those upon whom they felt too many honors could not be con- 
ferred. Before his return from Mexico many of the States had 
signified their preference for him as chief magistrate of tlie United 
States. He had mingled during life to a very limited extent in 
politics, and to say that this preference was based upon other than 
military fame, or that civic capacity instead of availability Avas the 
precursor of it, would most certainly be a departure from the facts 
in the case. Though discarding party ties, his political proclivities 
were known to be Whig, and in the canvass after his nomination 
he received almost the unanimous support of that party. Mortified 
beyond measure at the defeat of their candidate and favorite 
champion in 1844, the Whig party unwilling to risk that great 
champion again, and knowing the potent influence his military 
exploits would have in the canvass, early singled out Taylor as 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. 903 

the successor of James K. Polk. lie was interrogated on behalf 
of a large number of friends and pledged supporters, by Captain J. 
S. Allison in regard to his political views. He replied as follows : 

"Baton Rouge, April 22d, 1848. 

Dear Sir : — 

I have consented to the use of my name as a candidate for the 
presidency, I have frankly avowed my own distrust of my fitness 
for this high station ; but having, at the solicitation of many of ray 
countrymen, taken my position as a candidate, I do not feel at 
liberty to surrender that position until ray friends manifest a wish 
that I should retire from it. I will then most gladly do so. I 
have no private purposes to accomplish, no party projects to build 
up, no enemies to punish, — nothing to serve but my country. 

I confess, while I have great cardinal principles which will 
regulate my political life, I am not sufficiently familiar with all 
the minute details of political legislation to give solemn pledges 
to exert myself to carry out this or defeat that measure. I have 
no concealment. I hold no opinion which I would not readily 
proclaim to my assembled countrymen ; but crude impressions 
upon matters of policy, which ma^^ be right to-day and wrong to- 
morrow, are perhaps not the best test of fitness for office. One 
who can not be trusted without pledges, can not be confided in 
merely on account of them. 

I will proceed, however, now to respond to your inquiries : 

1. I reiterate what I have so often said: I am a Whig. If 
elected, I would not be the mere president of a party. I would 
endeavor to act independent of domination. I should feel bound 
to administer the government untrammelled by party schemes. 

2. The Veto Power. The power given by the Constitution to 
the executive to interpose his veto, is a high conservative power; 
but, in ray opinion, should never be exercised except in cases of 
clear violation of the Constitution, or raanifest haste and want of 
consideration by Congress. Indeed, I have thought that for raany 
years past the known opinions and wishes of the executive have 
exercised undue and injurious influence upon the legislative depart- 
ment of the government ; and for this cause I have thought our 
system was in danger of undergoing a great change from its true 
theory. The personal opinions of the individual who may happen 
to occupy the executive chair, ought not to control the action of 



904 ZACIIARY TAYLOR. 

Congress upon questions of domestic policy; nor ought his objec- 
tions to be interposed where questions of constitutional power have 
been settled by the various departments of government, and acqui- 
esced in by the people, 

3. Upon the subject of the tariff, the currency, the improve- 
ment of our highways, rivers, lakes, and harbors, the will of the 
people, as expressed through their representatives in Congress, 
ought to be respected and carried out by the executive. 

4. The Mexican War. I sincerely rejoice at the prospect of 
peace. My life has been devoted to arms, yet I look upon war at 
all times and under all circumstances as a national calamity, to be 
avoided if compatible with the national honor. The principles of 
our government, as well as its true policy, are opposed to the sub- 
jugation of other nations and the dismemberment of other coun- 
tries by conquest. In the language of the great Washington, 
'Why should we quit our own to stand on foreign ground?' In 
the Mexican war our national honor has been vindicated ; and in 
dictating terms of peace, we may well afford to be forbearing and 
even magnanimous to a fallen foe. 

These are my opinions upon the subjects referred to by you, and 
any reports or publications, written or verbal, from any source, 
differing in any essential particular from what is here written, are 
unauthorized and untrue. 

I do not know that I shall again write upon the subject of 

national politics. I shall engage in no schemes, no combinations, 

no intrigues. If the American people have not confidence in me, 

they ought not to give me their suffrages. If they do not, you 

know me well enough to believe me, when I declare I shall be 

content. I am too old a soldier to murmur against such high 

authority. v m ^ 

•^ Z. Iaylor.-' 

With these asseverations before them, the Whig national con- 
vention met at Philadelphia in June 18-48, and after four ballotings 
nominated Zachary Taylor for President, and Millard Fillmore for 
Yice-presldent. Notwithstanding Taylor's repeated assertions that 
if elected he would administer the government without reference 
to party, the Democrats, true to their characteristics as a party, 
withheld their support. The canvass was conducted on party 
grounds, resulting in the election of Taylor and Fillmore by 
large popular and electoral majorities. Being elected President 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. 905 

of the United States, he started for Washington city on the 2-ith 
of January, 1849, which, after receiving along his route highest 
marks of appreciation from the people, he reached the 23d of the 
ensuing month. He was escorted into the city amidst firing of 
cannon, rockets, processions and military displays. 

Taylor was inaugurated on the 5th of March, 1819, and selected 
his Cabinet as follows : 

Secretary of State, John M. Clayton ; 

Secretary of the Treasury, William M. Meredith ; 

Secretd,ry of War, George W. Crawford ; 

Secretary of the Navy, William B. Preston ; 

Secretary of the Interior, Thomas Ewing;* 

Post-Master General, Jacob Collamer ; 

Attorney-General, Reverdy Johnson. 
The leading feature of his one year and four month's adminis- 
tration of the government, was the great slavery agitation, aris- 
ing from our territorial acquisitions by the treaty with Mexico. 
New States were demanding admission into the Union, and 
the desire to apply the Wilmot Proviso as a condition, caused 
bitterest animosities from the very commencement of his official 
term. From the introduction of the California territorial bill before 
Taylor came into office, sectional excitements ran high. The 
organization of the first session of Congress under his adminis- 
tration, showed clearly that it would be a stormy one. So strong 
were party feelings, and so deep the interest felt in regard to the 
new territories, that sixty-three ballotings were had, and near a 
month consumed in the election of a speaker. The sixty-third 
ballot, on the 22d of December, 1819, resulted in the choice of 
Ilowell Cobb, of Georgia. On the 24th of the same month the 
President sent in his message, expressing an ardent desire, that 
peaceful relations abroad and fraternal feelings at home might be 
maintained. 

That session of Congress was the longest ever held since the 
organization of the government, extending from December 3d, 
1849, to September 30th, 1850, a period of three hundred and 
two days. During the sectional hostilities incident to its deliber- 
ations, the President, with patriotism and firmness, did his utmost 
to secure the safety and harmony of the Union. 

« This department was created during Polk's administration. 



906 ZACHARY TAYLOR. 

Considered as a represeutative of our military men, we do not 
pm-pose following Taylor through the exciting scenes of this Con- 
gress. The events of his administration have been mentioned in 
connection with other characters, where it is presumed they more 
properly belong. Before the close of the session Taylor was 
summoned to another sphere. Early in July, 1850, he was 
attacked with bilious fever, of which he died on the 9th at the 
President's House, in the 66th year of his age. His prominent 
traits were sound judgment, strict integrity, and a coolness and 
courage nothing could waver. He was of medium hight, rather 
corpulent, had a high forehead, quick and restless eye, and an even 
temper. He was, in manners and dress, extremely plain and 
unostentatious. His death filled the nation with regret, — his name 
will live while a star adorns the American fiag. 

This brings us to the close of our work, and we, at least, for 
the present lay aside the pen. Whether the reader follow us to 
the end, — whether he be instructed or entertained we know not ; 
but would say to him, he can not study too closely nor emulate 
with too much zeal the lives of Illustrious Men of America. 







6652 

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